













„_ _ v-6^ 



.Hq 



1 . O > 















r< ^^o^ 







A 









<> * O „ ' ^ 

9vr 









'^o 




























■•: "W" 




'/^ 



COLLECTIONS 



OF THB 



Hhobc-lslanb i|t0toncal Sactctij, 



VOLUME V. 



-"h 



PROVIDENCE: 

KNOWLES AND VOSE, PRINTERS. 
1843. 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

RHODE-ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

ELECTED JULY 19tH, 1842. 

JOHN HOWLAND, President; 

JOB DURFEE, First Vice-President; 

ROMEO ELTON, Second Vice-President ; 

JOHN P. KNOWLES, Secretary; 

GEORGE BAKER, Treasurer; 

GEORGE BAKER, Cabinet Keeper of the Northern District ; 

BENJAMIN B. HOWLAND, Cabinet Keeper of the Southern 



District. 



TRUSTEES. 

ALBERT G. GREENE, 
JOHN CARTER BROWN, 
WILLIAM G. GODDARD, 
JOHN PITMAN, 
EDWARD B. HALL, 
JOSEPH MAURAN, 
ELISHA R. POTTER, 
BARZILLAI CRANSTON, 
THOMAS B. FENNER, 
JOHN P. KNOWLES, 
GEORGE A. BRAYTON, 
AMHERST EVERETT. 

COMMITTEE 'OF^ PUBLICATION. 

Elected Jby the'/Trustees, April ith, 1843. 

ALBERT G. GREENE, 
JOHN HOWLAND, 
ROMEO ELTON. 



CIRCULAR. 

The Society would call the attention of members and correspondents, 
to the following subjects : 

1. Topographical Sketches of towns and villages, including an ac- 
count of their soil, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, natural curi- 
osities and statistics. 

2. Sketches of the history of the settlement and rise of such towns 
and villages ; and of the introduction and progress of commerce, manu- 
factures, and the arts, in them. 

3. Biographical Notices of original settlers, revolutionary patriots, and 
other distinguished men who have resided in this State. 

4. Original letters and documents, and papers illustrating any of these 
subjects ; particularly those which shew the private habits, manners or 
pursuits of our ancestors, or are connected with the general history of 
this State. 

5. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, books, pam- 
phlets, almanacs and newspapers, printed in this State ; and manuscripts, 
especially those written by persons born or residing in this State. 

6. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabited any part of 
this State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the whites, 
their general character and peculiar customs and manners, their wars 
and treaties, and their original grants to our ancestors. 

7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islands, bays, and other re- 
markable places within this State, and the traditional import of those 
names. 

8. Besides these, the Society will receive donations of any other books 
pamphlets, manuscripts and printed documents. 



PREFACE. 

The Rhode-Island Historical Society had long 
been desirous that a History of Providence should 
be prepared by one of their number, as soon as the 
requisite materials could be gathered. They were 
therefore gratified by knowing that the task had 
been undertaken by one of their earliest associates, 
upon whose care and fidelity, reliance could be 
placed. 

The Society most cheerfully bear testimony to 
the industry which Judge Staples has devoted to 
the work ; and present this volume to the citizens 
of Rhode-Island, as a faithful record of the charac- 
ters and deeds of their fathers ; and to the Ameri- 
can people, as a valuable addition to that body of 
local annals upon which the future historians of our 
country must principally depend for materials for 
their more elaborate and extended works. 

ALBERT G. GREENE, ) ^ ... . 
JOHN HOWLAND, V ^^™^^^ «/ 
ROMEO ELTON, ^fumicaiion. 

Providence, June, 1843. 



A N N A L 8 



OF 



THE TOWN OF PROVIDEKCE. 



FROM ITS 



FIRST SETTLEMENT, 



TO THE 



ORGANIZATION OF THE CITY GOVERNMENT, 



IN JUNE, 1S32. 



BY WILLIAM R. STAPLES. 



PROVIDENCE: 

PRFNTEI) r. Y KNOWLES AND VOSE. 

1843. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1843, by 

William R. Staples, 
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Rhode-Island. 



PREFACE. 

The only historical publications relating to Rhode-Islaud, 
which have emanated from Rhode-Island men, are, Simplicity's 
Defence against Seven-Headed Policy, Callender's Century Ser- 
mon, Hopkins' History of Providence, Potter's Early History of 
Narragansett, Pitman's Centennial Discourse, and Bull's Sketches 
of the History of the State. 

The first of these, is the production of Samuel Gorton, one of 
the first settlers of Warwick. It was originally published by 
him in London, in 1646. It has since been re-published, as the 
second volume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island Historical 
Society. It contains a narration of some events which trans- 
pired in Warwick, during a few of the first years after its set- 
tlement. 

Callender's Sermon, is a historical discourse which was de- 
livered by John Callender, pastor of the first Baptist church in 
Newport, in 1738, at the close of the first century of the exist- 
ence of the English settlements on the island of Rhode-Island. 
It embraces a brief history of those settlements, together with 
the events of general interest which had occurred in other parts 
of the colony. No publication of the kind deserves higher 
praise for impartiality, candor, and research. An edition of this 
work was published in 1838, with extensive notes by Professor 
Elton. Valuable as the original work is, the notes of Mr. Elton 
have added much of value and interest to it ; but the historical 
events are not brought down, beyond the time of its delivery. 

Hopkins' History of Providence first appeared in the Provi- 
dence Gazette, in 1762. It has since been re-published in the 
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The au- 
thor was Stephen Hopkins, who for several years, sustained the 
office of Governor of the Colony of Rhode-Island. It contains 
the history of the Town of Providence, from its settlement down 
to 1645. It is entitled to confidence, for its general correctness. 



IV PREFACE. 

Potter's Early History of Narragansett, makes the third vol- 
ume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island Historical Society. 
This is a very valuable work, compiled with great care, from 
authentic sources. It relates, almost exclusively, to that part 
of the State known as the Narragansett country. 

In 1636, Judge Pitman delivered an address to the citizens 
of Providence, on the completion of the second century since 
the settlement of the Town. This was immediately printed. It 
is a fine historical discourse, but it does not pretend to be a His- 
tory. 

Bull's Sketches of the History of the State, were published in 
the Rhode-Island Republican, at Newport. The author was 
Henry Bull, now deceased, well known throughout the State at 
least, as a gentleman of great industry and historical research. — 
These sketches contain the greater part of the public documents 
which relate to the State in the infancy of the various settlements 
within it. The inferences and remarks of Mr. Bull, and his 
views in relation to his subject, are well worthy of attention. 

Historical discourses have more recently, been delivered before 
several religious societies in the state. These generally relate to 
the societies before which they were delivered, and are very valua- 
ble as containing minute details in their histories. i\mong 
the most interesting of these, may be named, Ross' Discourse be- 
fore the first Baptist church in Newport; Hall's, before the first 
Congregational Society, and Hague's before the first Baptist 
Society, in Providence. 

Most of the States in the Union, and most of the large cities and 
towns, have produced their local historians. With the excep- 
tions before mentioned, neither the State of Rhode-Island, nor 
any of the municipal corporations within it, have, as yet, any 
printed account of their rise and progress, unless the incidental 
notices which they have received from the historians of other 
states, may be considered as such. These notices are short and 
unsatisfactory. The town, state, or nation that borrows a his- 
torian from its neighbors, must expect to have its virtues forgot- 
ten and its vices magnified. 

The ensuing work does not assume to be a History of Provi- 
dence. The object of the author has been to collect facts for " 
the future historian, and to classify and arrange them, chrono- 



PREFACE. V 

logically, with only so many of his own remarks, as were 
necessary to connect them together and make them understood. 
In his attempt, he is aware that he has sometimes embodied 
facts and documents, intimately connected with, and forming a 
part of, the history of the State. Without doing this, he deem- 
ed it impossible, in some instances, to give a fair view of the 
acts of the Town ; while, in others, the proceedings of the State 
appeared to be founded upon and to have been the natural ef- 
fects of, the doings of the Town. Besides this, in early times, 
the dividing line between the state, or rather the colony, and the 
town history was, by no means, so distinctly defined as now. 
For these reasons, he hopes his readers will pardon him, if he 
has trespassed upon the future historian of the State. Others 
may suppose that some of the facts collected are quite too mi- 
nute and trifling. The object of the author being as before 
expressed, he believed himself less liable to censure for matters 
inserted, than for matters omitted. His aim throughout, has 
been, to omit no circumstance which might serve to illustrate 
the growth of the Town, or the changes which have taken place 
in the habits, the business, and the pursuits of the inhabitants. 

Many of the materials for this work were obtained from the 
office of the Secretary of State, and from the City Clerk's office. 
The General Assembly of the State and the City Council, 
upon the author's application, gave him leave to take their early 
records and files from the offices where by law they are depos- 
ited, and to make extracts and copies from them, at pleasure. 
The like permission was given him by the Historical Society of 
the State. He availed himself of this privilege, and the records 
and files of both State and City have been sedulously examined. 
The permission given him by the Society, opened to him their 
historical treasures, included in which, are the results of the 
antiquarian life of the late Theodore Foster, and many of the 
collections of the late venerable Moses Brown. While he thus 
acknowledges his obligations to the State, to the City, and to the 
Historical Society, he is not unmindful of the kindness of the 
keepers of those offices, nor of the numerous individuals who 
have likewise aided him in his labors. The early historians of 
Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New-England, as 
well as the works relating to Rhode-Island first alluded to, have 
1 



VI PREFACE. 

also been exaiuiucd. The author, aL tirst, resolved to append 
notes of reference to the authorities upon which he has relied, 
and to the places in which the originals of the published docu- 
ments may be found. This course, on second thought, he 
abandoned, because it seemed calculated to prove the extent of 
his researches, rather than to aid the reader ; and besides, the 
nature of the documents copied, will, in most instances, deter- 
mine the place where the originals are deposited. 

No alterations have been made in the documents published, 
excepting only in their orthography, which has been changed to 
that in general use at the present time. If such change deprives 
them of one innate mark of authenticity, it also renders 
them more easily read and understood. The orthography of 
Indian names of persons and places has been strictly preserved 
in the documents published. In the text, the author has used, 
what he believed to be, the common orthography of such names. 
It is by no means pleasing to see the same name, in the course 
of two or three pages, spelt in as many different ways; yet, as 
such diversity prevailed with our ancestors, who learned the lan- 
guage only by the ear, it has been preserved, with the wish that 
it may iiid the curious philologist in his researches. 

Where any fact is referred to, the date of it is given in new 
style so far as relates to the year and the month. Bearing in 
mind, that, according to old style, March was the first month of 
the year, many supposed errors in the following work will dis- 
appear. If absolute exactness is desirable, in the date of any 
event occurring in or previous to 1752, the reader will add 
eleven days to the date given. 

The author avows a decided preference for facts over words, 
and for things over names. His labors have been among the 
first, and his researches have been after them. The materials here 
published were principally found where a like disregard for 
terms and language prevails. These circumstances may have 
induced in him an unwarranted carelessness in style and expres- 
sion. If, however, he shall succeed in exciting a taste for things 
of old time, and in arousing attention to the facts which make 
up the liibtory of Providence, his object will be accomplished. 



CONTENTS. 

Chapter I. — General History, from the first settlement in 1636, to 
the reception of the first Charter to the Colony, in 1644. 

Chapter II. — General History, from the arrival of the Colony 

Charter, in 1644, to the adoption of the second Colony 

Charter, in 1663. 
Chapter III. — General History, from the adoption of the Colony 

Charter of 1666, until 1763. 
Chapter IV. — General History, from the Peace of 1763, to the 

Peace of 1783. 
Chapter V. — General History, from the Peace of 1783, to adoption 

of the Constitution of the United States, by the State 

of Rhode-Island, in 1790. 
Chapter VI. — General History, from 1790, to the City Charter. 

Chapter VII. — Ecclesiastical History. 

Chapter VIII. — Education. 

Chapter IX. — Newspapers and Periodical Publications. 

Chapter X. — Purchases of the Natives and Divisions of the Town, 

Chapter XI. — Miscellaneous. 

Appendix. — Ecclesiastical History, from 1832 to 1842. 

Newspapers and Periodical Publications commenced 
since 1832. 

List of persons who have been Representatives to the 
General Assembly, Town Clerks, Town Treasurers, 
Members of the Town Council, Collectors of the 
Port, and Fourth of July Orators, in Providence. 



ANNALS or PROVIDENCE. 



CHAPTER FIRST. 

GENERAL HISTORY. 

FROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1636, TO THE RECEPTION OF THE 
FIRST CHARTER TO THE COLONY, IN 1644. 

The first permanent European settlement within 
the present limits of New-England, was made at 
Plymouth, in the year 1620. The colonists were 
Enghshmen by birth, and of that denomination of 
Christians since called Doctrinal Puritans. Their 
former pastor, the Rev. John Robinson, is styled by 
Neale, "the father of the Independents." He and his 
congregation had been compelled, some years before, 
to remove to Holland, on account of their noncon- 
formity to the rites and ceremonies of the English 
established church. There, they enjoyed their pe- 
culiar reUgious opinions in peace ; but the language 
and customs of the country continually reminded 
them, that they were in a land of strangers. This, 
connected with the reflection, that their descendants 
would be aliens and, perhaps, enemies to the land of 
their birth, induced them to seek a permanent refuge 
from English persecution in some remote part of the 
English possessions in America. Next to the desire 
of worshipping God according to the dictates of 
2 



10 GENERAL HISTORY. 

their own consciences, was the wish to transmit to 
their descendants the privileges of Enghsh subjects. 
The spirit of colonization pervaded, rit that time, a 
large proportion of their fellow subjects, and render- 
ed it easy for them to make arrangements with one 
of the large companies established by king James for 
the settlement of America, for permission to settle 
within the limits assigned them. Such an arrange- 
ment they did conclude with the Virginia Company. 
They also obtained from king James an intimation, 
that there they should not be molested for their non- 
conformity. Allured by the hope of enjoying their 
relioious opinions, under the sanction and protection 
of their natural prince, they undertook a second pil- 
grimage, and embarked for the wilderness of Amer- 
ica. As it happened, however, their arrangement 
with the Virginia Company, and their assurance from 
king James, availed them nothing. They landed 
far to the Northward of the hmits of the Virginia 
Company, and within the bounds of the Grand Plym- 
outh patent, on the inhospitable shores of Cape 
Cod, and in the midst of an inclement winter. 

The second permanent settlement was made on the 
borders of Massachusetts Bay. These colonists also 
were EnoJish Puritans. Before they embarked from 
England, they obtained a patent for their lands from 
the proprietors of the Grand Plymouth patent, and a 
charter of incorporation from the king. 

Neither of these colonies deemed it important to 
obtain from the Indians a title to the soil, before 
they commenced their plantations. They rehed, in 
the first instance, either upon their own actual pos- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 11 

session, or on a grant from the king, as sufficient to 
confer a title to the soil they occupied. They, with 
all christian governments of their day, assumed the 
right to determine the religious belief of the individu- 
als who composed the colony, or who should afterward 
join them. Without stopping to reflect, how they, 
individually, had suffered in their native country 
from the exercise of this same power, and how inef- 
ficient all attempts to regulate religious faith by legal 
enactments had always proved upon conscientious 
men, they followed on, in the beaten track. The 
religious standards adopted by these colonies essen- 
tially differed from each other. That of Plymouth 
approximated nearest to the Brownists. They dis- 
claimed communion with the church of England, 
as well as with the church of Rome. The first set- 
tlers of Massachusetts were more liberal in their 
views. They professed not to separate from the 
church of England, but only from the errors of that 
church. At their departure from England, they 
sought the prayers of" mother church." 

Both colonies soon had occasion to use the stand- 
ards they had established. In each, there were some 
individuals whose creeds exceeded or fell short of le- 
gal measure. Toward these the same power was 
exerted, though in a less rigorous manner, which 
had driven the colonists across the Atlantic. The 
assumption of such a power by any government, will 
soon find, if in fact it does not create, opportunities 
for its exercise. 

On the fifth day of February, 1631, Roger Wil- 
liams arrived in Boston. He had taken orders in the 



12 GENERAL HISTORY. 

established church in England, but had subsequently 
become a noncontormist and a rigid separatist, froni 
that church. This change in his religious opinions, 
induced his removal to this country. The Governor 
and Assistants of the colony on Massachusetts Bay, 
soon ascertained that his opinions did not conform to 
their established standard. The church at Salem in- 
vited him to become their Teacher, in the place of Mr. 
Higginson, then lately deceased ; Mr. Skelton being 
their Pastor. In April, the Court of Assistants wrote 
to Mr. Endicott, one of the leading men of the Sa- 
lem Church, that " they marvelled that they would 
choose" Mr. Williams, " without advising with the 
Council ; and withal desiring them that they would 
forbear to proceed, till they had conferred about it." 
They stated as a reason for this interference with the 
acknowledged rights of the Salom church, as an in- 
dependent church, that " Mr. Williams had refused 
to join with the congregation at Boston, because 
they would not make a public declaration of their 
repentance for having communion with the churches 
of England while they tarried there ; and besides had 
declared his opinion, that the magistrate might not 
punish a breach of the Sabbath, nor any other of- 
fence that was a breach of the first table." Whether 
the first allegation was true, or whether accompanied 
with any explanation or exceptions, or whether it 
was an inference of the court from other declarations 
and opinions of Mr. Williams, cannot be ascertained 
from any of his writings. The court undoubtedly 
believed the statement to be correct. The second 
allegation— by which it was intended, that the civil 



GENERAL HISTORY. 13 

magistrate, as such, had no right to punish for any vi- 
olation of duties toward God — was true, in its utmost 
extent. Mr. Williams has the honor of being the 
first, in modern times, to protest against the interfer- 
ence of the civil power with the rights of conscience. 
While he claimed the privilege of forming his own 
opinions on religious subjects, he claimed also the 
same right for all others, however they might differ 
from him. Notwithstanding this difficulty, Mr. Wil- 
liams was admitted a freeman in May following. 
He remained in Salem until into summer, when he 
removed to Plymouth, where he was received as the 
assistant of Mr. Ralph Smith, the Pastor of the Plym- 
outh church. His connexion with that church con- 
tinued about two years, when it was dissolved at his 
own instance. He then returned to Salem. About 
the time of his return, the ministers of Massachusetts 
estabhshed regular meetings, once a fortnight, at 
each others houses, for mutual aid and advice. Mr. 
Skelton and Mr. Williams opposed these meetings, 
as tending to endanger the independence of church- 
es, and to introduce into them the Presbyterian form 
of government. This opposition gave ofience to 
the ministers. In December of the same year, 
(1633) the Governor and Assistants had under con- 
sideration, a treatise that Mr. Wilhams had sent to 
them, the design of which was to show that no char- 
ter or patent from the king of England, could con- 
fer on the colonists, any right to the lands they oc- 
cupied, as against the Indians. It was not written 
for pubUcation, but only for the satisfaction of the 
Governor of Plymouth, and with the design, probably, 



14 GENERAL HISTORY. 

of inducing the colonists to purchase a title from the 
Indians. This treatise gave offence to the magis- 
trates of Massachusetts. At the next court, howev- 
er, Mr. Williams "gave satisfaction of his intention 
and loyalty," "so it was left and nothing done in it." 
That he never abandoned these opinions, but always 
acted consistently with them, after transactions will 
fully prove. 

Mr. Skelton died in August, 1634, and Mr. Wil- 
hams soon after became pastor of the Salem church. 

The Governor and Assistants of Massachusetts, 
at a meeting on the 27th day of November, 1634, 
directed a summons to be sent to Mr. Williams to 
appear at the next court " for teaching pubhcly 
against the King's patent, and our great sin in 
claiming rightthereby to this country, &c., and for 
usual terming the churches of England, anti-christ- 
ian." In April following he was again sent for by 
the court, for teaching "publicly that a magistrate 
ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate 
man." In July Mr. Williams appeared before the 
General Court. He was there charged, in addition 
to what has been already stated, with holding that " a 
man ought not to pray with unregenerate persons" 
or " give thanks after the sacrament or after meat." 
These opinions of Mr. Williams being adjudged by 
the Court to be " erroneous and very dangerous," 
both he and the church which had called him to of- 
fice, were notified "to make satisfaction before the 
next General Court, or to expect sentence." The 
inhabitants of Salem preferred a petition to this 
court " for some land in Marblehead neck which 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



16 



they did challege as belonging to their town." The 
court refused to grant tliis petition, " because they 
had chosen Mr. WiUiams their teacher, while he stood 
under question of authority." This refusal pro- 
duced a great excitement in Salem, and the church 
there, following the example of the other churches in 
Mr. Williams' case, wrote " to the other churches to 
admonish the magistrates of this, as a heinous sin, 
and likewise the deputies." It should be borne in 
mind that none but members of churches could be 
magistrates, or even freemen, at this time. It is 
probable that the other churches, not feeling so deep- 
ly as did the Salem church the effect of this refusal, 
neglected to comply with this request; for on the 
16th day of August, Mr. Williams being confined by 
sickness, wrote to his church, that he would not 
communicate with the other churches, nor with his 
own, unless they united with him in refusing com- 
munion with the rest. In the following October Mr. 
Wilhams was convented before the General Court, 
and charged with the two letters, the one from his 
church to the other churches, and the other from 
him to his own church. He justified both of them, 
and after an ineffectual attempt to convince him of 
his errors, on the third day of November, the follow- 
ing sentence was passed against him. 
, "Whereas Mr. Roger WiUiams, one of the elders 
of the church of Salem, hath broached and divulged 
divers new and dangerous opinions, against the au- 
thority of the magistrates, as also written letters of 
defamation, both of the magistrates and churches 
there, and that before any conviction, and yet main- 



16 GENERAL HISTORY 

taineth the same without retraction ; it is, therefore, 
ordered, that the said Mr. Wilhams shall depart out 
of this jurisdiction within six weeks now next ensu- 
ino-, which if he neglect to perform, it shall be lawful 
for the Governor and two of the magistrates to send 
him to some place out of this jurisdiction, not to re- 
turn any more without license from the court." 
Subsequently he obtained permission to remain in 
Salem until Spring, on condition that he would not 
attempt to draw others to his opinions. On the 1 1th 
of January, 1636, the Governor and Assistants sent 
for him "to come presently to Boston to be shipped, 
&c." they having determined that he had disregarded 
their injunction "not to go about to draw others to 
his opinions," and " did use to entertain company in 
his house, and to preach to them even of such points 
as he had been censured for ;" and it was agreed to 
send him into England by a ship then ready to de- 
part. The reason was, because "he had drawn 
above twenty persons to his opinions, and they were 
intending to erect a plantation about the Narragan- 
sett Bay, from whence the infection would easily 
spread into these churches." He returned an an- 
swer to this summons that " he could not come with- 
out hazard to his hfe, &c." Upon this a pinnace was 
sent to apprehend him and put him on board a ship, 
then lying at Nantasket, bound for England. When 
the messengers arrived at Salem, Mr. Williams had 
been gone three days. It is highly probable he was 
informed by some friend of the intention of the Gov- 
ernor and Assistants to send for him. 

The preceding facts and dates are derived princi- 
pally from Gov. Winthrop's Journal, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 17 

From Salem he went to Seekonk, and procuring 
a grant of land from Massasoit, at Manton's neck on 
the Seekonk river, " began to build and plant there." 
Here he received a letter from Governor Winslow, 
of Plymouth, stating, that he w^as within the bounds 
of the Plymouth patent, that they, of Plymouth, "were 
loath to displease the Bay," and advising him to cross 
that river, where he would be beyond any English 
claim. This advice was soon followed, and in the 
latter part of the Spring, or in the beginning of the 
Summer of 1636, he landed, for the first time, with 
intent to commence a settlement, within the limits 
of Providence. It is impossible to fix the exact date 
of this event. That it was after planting time, may 
be inferred from a remark in a letter of his, in which 
he says his removal occasioned him " the loss of a 
harvest that year." That it was before the 26th day 
of July is certain from the fact, that the Governor of 
Massachusetts, on that day, received a letter from 
Mr. Williams at Providence, informing him of the 
murder of one of their inhabitants, (Mr. Oldham,) 
by the Pequods. 

At the first settlement of Plymouth, the Narragan- 
setts were, undoubtedly, the most numerous and 
powerful of any of the tribes in New England. The 
pestilence which, a few years before, had almost 
depopulated some parts of the country, had not af- 
fected them. Their principal town was in the south- 
western part of the State of Rhode-Island. All the 
tribes on the western side of Narragansett Bay were 
their tributaries. Ousamequin or Massasoiet, Sa- 
chem of the Wampanoags, on the eastern side of the 
3 



18 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Bay, acknowledged to Mr. Williams, "that he and 
his tribe had submitted themselves to the Narragan- 
setts.'- " The Sachems of Shawmut and Neponsit," 
says Morton's Memorial, " acknowledged a degree 
of subjection to Massasoiet." At the landing of the 
Pilgrims at Plymouth, Conanicus and Miantonomi, 
uncle and nephew, were chief Sachems of the Nar- 
ragansetts. 

The Pequods on the west and the Wampanoags 
on the east, were the hereditary enemies of the 
Narraganselts. During the prevalence of the pes- 
tilence l>efore alluded to, the Narragansetts secured 
an ascendency over the latter. The Wampanoags 
lost their independence and became the unwilling 
tributaries of the Narragansetts. Massasoiet anxiously 
sought an opportunity to free himself and tribe from 
this yoke. These passages in Indian history in a 
a great measure account for the readiness with which 
he and his tributaries around Massachusetts Bay sub- 
mitted themselves to the handful of enfeebled whites 
settled at Plymouth. 

The Pequods were a far more warlike nation than 
the Naragansetts under Conanicus and Miantonomi. 
They nearly or quite equalled the Narragansetts in 
numbers. Their sachem, Sassacus, was a great 
warrior, and he had infused his own warlike spirit 
into his subjects. They had extended their con- 
quests every way, and it was with difficulty that the 
Narragansetts withstood them. Sassacus saw with 
pleasure the power of the Narragansetts weakened 
by the defection of the Wampanoags. But, as a 
wise and politic prince, he saw in that defection, his 



tlENERAL HISTORY. 19 

own ruin, and that of all of the tribes around him. 
He proposed, therefore, to the Narragansetts, to 
hmj the hatchet of their private difficulties, and to 
unite, and drive the white man into the ocean. The 
Narragansetts had become a.verse to war. They 
had engaged in agriculture to a considerable extent. 
They made a great part of the peag which circula- 
ted as money among the tribes, and they excelled their 
neighbors in the manufacture of pottery. Under 
Tashtassuck, the ancestor of Conanicus and Mian- 
tonomi, they had attained their power and extended 
their conquests, while under the latter sachems, they 
were making rapid progress in the arts of peace, and 
approximating a state of semi-civilization. They 
must have lost their warhke enterprise. Unless it 
had been so, they would never have so tamely borne 
the defection of Massasoiet. The handful of ar- 
rows tied with the snake skin, the declaration of 
war, which they sent on that occasion, to the English 
at Plymouth, would have been followed with a war 
of extermination against the whites. The difference 
in numbers would have ensured them the victory. 
Instead, however, of following up this declaration of 
war with actual hostilities, they seem to have con- 
tented themselves with refusing all intercourse with 
the strangers. Mr. Wilhams describes them as be- 
ing exceedingly shy of the whites, and refusing to 
sell them land. It was in vain that Sassacus pointed 
to the settlements of the whites which were spring- 
ing up, as if by magic, around them. In vain he 
told them, that the stranger had lighted his fires 
along the whole coast, and upon the bank of every 



20 GENERAL HISTORY. 

navigable stream — in vain he pointed to the smoke 
of the Avhite man's cabin, as it rose in every direc- 
tion around them. He attempted, in vain, to rouse 
anew the vvarhke spirit of the Narragansetts, and to 
induce them to make common cause with him 
against the intruder. 

While negotiations of this character were passing 
between the Narragansett and Pequod sachems^ 
Mr. Williams approached the wigwams of the Nar- 
ragansetts. During his residence at Plymouth and 
Salem, he had become acquainted with their sa- 
chems. The character of rehgious teacher, which 
he bore, ensured him from the savages some tokens 
of respect. And it may well be believed, that even 
before this period, he had devoted some portion of his 
time to their service. He had gained their confi- 
dence to such a degree, that when he sought from 
them a refuge and a shelter, it was not only readily 
granted, but he was able to frustrate the designs of 
the Pequods. 

Whether Mr. Williams was accompanied by any 
persons in his flight from Salem is unknown. Mr, 
Cotton, in his "Reply to Mr. Williams his Exam- 
mation, &c." page 8, says that some of Mr. Wil- 
liams' friends " went to the place appointed by 
himself, beforehand, to make provision of housing 
and other necessaries for him against his coming." 
This may be so, but it seems hardly possible that it 
should be, as he could not have anticipated the sum- 
mons from the Governor and Assistants, which caused 
his flight. Among those who joined him while at 
Seekonk, were, William Harris, John Smith, (miller,) 



GENERAL HISTORY. 21 

Joshua Verin, Thomas Angell, and Francis Wickes. 
These, with Mr. Wilhams, composed the first settlers 
of Providence. The number is ascertained from a 
letter from Joshua Verin to the town, which will be 
given hereafter, and the names are gathered from 
the same source, and from a plea made by Mr. Wil- 
liams before certain commissioners of the King, in 
1677. Tradition says that they first landed on " the 
Slate rock," on the bank of the Seekonk river, near 
the residence of his Excellency Governor Fenner, 
and that, as they approached the shore, they were 
saluted with "What cheer, netop," by an Indian from 
the hill. That there is some foundation for the tra- 
dition appears from the fact, that a tract of land 
adjoining this rock, has ever since borne the name 
of " What cheer." Under this name, it was assigned 
to Mr, Wilhams in the first division of lands among 
the settlers. It has also been handed down by tra- 
dition, that Mr. Williams and his companions, after 
exchanging salutations with the Indian, pursued their 
voyage, around Fox Point and up Providence river, 
to a point a little south of St. John's Church. A fine 
spring of water there, which has ever since borne 
the name of Williams' Spring, is supposed to indi- 
cate the place of their first settlement. 

This small company was soon increased by new 
emigrations, both from Plymouth and Massachusetts. 
It is impossible to ascertain the precise date of the 
arrival of any of them. The records, as may be sup- 
posed, were very scanty at first, and these have be- 
come mutilated and illegible in many places. The 
date of the first entry is "16th day 4 month" (June.) 



22 GENERAL HISTORi'. 

The year, if ever inserted, is now illegible. There 
are two entries under this date, one imposing a fine 
for not attending at the iiour appointed for town- 
meetings, the other providing for the monthly 
choice of a town treasurer. From the latter it would 
seem, that they held meetings, monthly. The next 
record is under date of 13th of 6 mo. (August.) It 
contains an order, altering a previous law, not re- 
corded, (which required every person to be pro- 
pounded one month before he could be received into 
the town,) so that upon urgent necessity, a special 
meeting could be called, and a person received after 
standing propounded for three or four days. The 
next proceedings recorded are under date of 3d of 
10 mo. (December.) A fine was imposed at this 
meeting on every person absent from any town- 
meeting, and it made it the duty of him "who keeps 
the books in that month, to observe and take notice 
who is wanting, and present his name to the town.'' 
From this it would seem that a clerk was chosen at 
every meeting. The only officer whose election is 
recorded is Thomas Olney, town treasurer. This 
was under date of August 13. These comprise all 
the entries made on the first page of the town re- 
cords. The next page begins with "Orders and 
agreements, the 2d year of the Plantation," without 
any date of day, month or year. In the entry under 
this date, it appears that William Carpenter, Bene- 
dict Arnold, William Reynolds, Thomas Angell, Mrs. 
Alice Daniels, (afterwards the wife of John Greene, 
Senior,) Mary Sweet, and Edward Cope, had each 
received a grant of land from the Town, about that 



GENERAL HISTORY. 23 

time, as they were required to pay a certain sum, not 
legible in the records, "in consideration of ground 
at present granted unto them." Similar grants had, 
before this, been made to Robert Cole, Francis Wes- 
ton, and Richard Waterman. This appears from 
the second order, under the same date, imposing a 
penalty on each of them "for damage in case they 
do not improve their grounds." All future comers, 
by the third order, were required to pay a certain 
sum, not legible, "upon the grant of a like portion 
of ground." Every person was prohibited from sell- 
ing "his field or his lot granted in our liberties to 
any person but to an inhabitant, without consent of 
the town." From an entry under date of 28th of 
12 mo. (February,) it appears that William Field 
was then at Providence. Under date of the 10th 
of 4 month, (June,) is an order confirming certain 
grants of land to John Greene, Thomas James, Eze- 
kiel Holyman, John Throckmorton, William Arnold, 
and Stukely Westcott. On the 2 1 st of the preceding 
month, the following vote was passed : "Joshua Ver- 
in, for breach of covenant in restraining liberty of 
conscience, shall be withheld the liberty of voting, 
till he declare the contrary." We are indebted to 
Governor Winthrop for an account of the manner in 
which Verin "restrained the liberty of conscience," 
and for the circumstances attending his trial and dis- 
franchisement. After recounting the trouble that a 
Mrs. Ohver had given the ministers and magistrates 
of Massachusetts, by her contumacious heresy, he 
adds: "At Providence, also, the devil was not idle. 
For whereas at their first coming thither, Mr. Wil- 



24 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Hams and the rest did make an order, that no man 
should be molested for his conscience, now men's 
wives, and children, and servants, claimed liberty 
to go to all religious meetings, though never so 
often, or though private, upon the week days ; and 
because one Verin refused to let his wife go to Mr. 
Williams' so oft as she was called for, they required 
to have him censured. But there stood up one Ar- 
nold, a witty man, of their company, and withstood 
it, telling them that when he consented to that order, 
he never intended it should extend to the breach of 
any ordinance of God, such as the subjection of 
wives to their husbands, &c., and gave divers solid 
reasons against it. Then one Greene, he replied, 
that, if they should restrain their wives, &c., all the 
women in the country would cry out of them, &c. 
Arnold answered him thus : Did you pretend to 
leave the Massachusetts, because you would not of- 
fend God to please men, and would you now break 
an ordinance and commandment of God to please 
women ? Some were of opinion that if Verin would 
not suffer his wife to have her liberty, the church 
should dispose of her to some other man, who would 
use her better. Arnold told them, that it was not 
the woman's desire to go so oft from home, but only 
Mr. Williams' and others. In conclusion, when they 
would have censured Verin, Arnold told them that it 
was against their own order, for Verin did that he 
did, out of conscience, and their order was that no 
man should be censured for his conscience." Prob- 
ably Gov. Winthrop learned the story from Verin 



GENERAL HISTORY. 25 

himself, for he left Providence soon after this occur- 
rence and removed to Salem. 

Little further can be collected about Verin. The 
following letter from him to the town is inserted as 
containing more information relative to the early 
proceedings of the settlers, than in relation to him- 
self. 

" Gentlemen, and countrymen of the Town of Providence. 
This is to certify you, that I look upon my purchase of the town 
of Providence to be my lawful right. In my travel, I have en- 
quired and do find it is recoverable according to law, for my 
coming away could not disinherit me. Some of you cannot but 
recollect, that we six which came first should have the first con- 
venience, as it was put in practice, first, by our house lots, and 
second, by the meadows on Wonasquatucket river ; and then, 
those that were admitted by us into the purchase to have the 
next which were about, but it is contrary to law, reason, and 
equity, for to dispose of my part, without my consent. There- 
fore, deal not worse with me than we dealt with the Indians, for 
we made conscience of purchasing of it of them, and hazarded 
our lives. Therefore we need not, nor any one of us ought, to 
be denied of our purchase. So, hoping you will take it into 
your serious consideration, and to give me reasonable satisiaction, 
I rest 

Yours in the way of right and equity, 

JOSHUA VERIN. 

From Salem, the 21st Nov. 1650. 

This to be delivered to the deputies of the town of Providence, 
to be presented to the whole town." 

This letter was laid before the town at their quar- 
ter-meeting, April 27, 1651, and the clerk was di- 
rected to answer it, which he did as follows : 

Sir — The Town of Providence having received, read, and 
considered yours dated the 21st November, 1650, have ordered 



26 GENERAL HISTORY. 

me to signify unto you, that if you shall come unto court, and 
prove your right, they will do you justice. Per me. 

GRE. DEXTER, Town Clerk. 

It has been before observed, that Mr. Wilhams 
both at Pylmouth and Salem, contended that the In- 
dians were the sole owners of the soil they occupied, 
and that a patent or grant from the king of En- 
gland could convey no title in them to any one. The 
promulgation of these sentiments formed one of the 
principal charges against him, and contributed not a 
little, to his final banishment from Massachusetts. 
That they were the honest convictions of his own 
mind is evinced by the fact that he reduced them to 
practice. When he " began to build and plant" at 
Seekonk, he obtained a grant of land from Massa- 
soit. That a similar grant of Providence was ob- 
tained at or before the settlement there, appears from 
the following deed. 

" At Nanhiggansick the 24th of the first month commonly 
called March, in the second year of our plantation or planting 
at Mooshausick or Providence. Memorandum, that we Cau- 
naunicus and Meauntunomi, the two chief sachems of Nanhig- 
gansick, having two years since sold unto Roger Williams, the 
lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers, called Mooshau- 
sick and Wanasquatucket do now by these presents, establish 
and confirm the bounds of those lands, from the river and fields 
at Pawtucket, the great hill of Neotaconkonitt on the north 
west, and the town of Mashapauge on the west. As also in 
consideration of the many kindnesses and services he hath con- 
tinually done for us, both with our friends of Massachusetts, as 
also at Quinickicutt and Apaum or Plymouth, we do freely give 
unto him all that land from those rivers, reaching to Pawtuxet 



GENERAL HISTORY. 27 

river, as also the grass and meadows upon the said Pawtuxet 
river. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands. 

The mark of | Caunaunicus. 



■/"°tV 



The mark of 



Meauntunomi. 



In tlie presence of 
The mark of ><3 Seatash. 
The mark of * Assotemewit. 

1639 Memorandum 3. mo. 9th day. This was all again con- 
firmed by Miantonomi, he acknowledged this his act and hand, 
up the streams of Pawtucket and Pawtuxet without limits, we 
might have for our use of cattle. Witness hereof 

ROGER WILLIAMS. 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

This is the earUest conveyance, in the records of 
Providence. The body of the deed is in the hand 
writing of Mr. WiOiams, the clause signed by him is 
in the hand writing of Thomas James. It is proba- 
ble that the prior conveyance referred to in this deed, 
was a verbal one. This is a confirmation of the 
precedent grant, or rather a declaration of the bounds 
of the lands conveyed by it. It contains no words 
of transfer or sale of the "lands and meadows upon 
the two fresh rivers Mooshausick and Wanasqua- 
tucket." It would seem also that it was the inten- 
tion of the sachems to enlarge the bounds of their 
previous grant, for the deed, in technical language 
conveys " all the lands from those rivers, reaching to 
Pawtuxet river." But upon the whole, the instru- 
ment is so inartificially drawn, purporting to transfer 
only a life estate by its terms, when undoubtedly the 



28 GENERAL HISTORY. 

fee was intended to be conveyed, as to render it 
very doubtful whether Mr. Wilhams ever pursued 
the study of the law, as his biographer asserts, under 
the strictly technical Sir Edward Coke. By this 
deed, and the previous conveyance, be it what it 
may, the title to the land, vested in Mr. Williams 
alone. The consideration, such as it was, passed 
from him alone. In a letter from him to the town 
a long time afterward, speaking of Providence and 
Pawtuxet he says, " they were mine own as truly as 
any man's coat upon his back." This was after- 
wards denied by some of the proprietors as will sub- 
sequently appear. It was not however Mr. Williams' 
object to retain the whole purchase to himself, or to 
make his com_panions in exile in any way dependant 
on him. His son Daniel, in a letter to the town da- 
ted August 24, 1710, says, "if a covetous man had 
that opportunity as he had, most of this town would 
have been his tenants." It was contended after- 
wards by some of the inhabitants that the original 
purchase was made by Mr. Williams as the agent of 
the whole company, and that they refunded to him 
their proportion of the original cost. This he de- 
nied in the strongest terms. Soon after the pur- 
chase he executed the following deed to his compan- 
ions. He subsequently executed two other deeds, 
which will be given hereafter. Why this is called 
his " Initial deed," will be very apparent on its pe- 
rusal. 

" Menioranduin, That I, R. W. having formerly purchased 
of Cauoiiicus and Miautoiioini, this our situation or plantation 
of New Providence, viz. the two fresh rivers Wonas. and Moosh, 



GENERAL HISTORY. ^y 

and the grounds and meadows thereupon, in consideration of 
^30 received from the inhabitants of said place, do freely and 
fully, pass, grant and make over equal right and povi'er of enjoy- 
ing and disposing the same grounds and lands unto my loving 
friends and neighbors S W. W A. T J. R C. J G. J T. W H. 
W C. T O. F W. R W. and E. H. and such others as the 
major part of us shall admit into the same fellowship of vote with 
us. As also, I do freely, make and pass over equal right and 
power of enjoying and disposing the said land and ground reach- 
ing from the aforesaid rivers unto the great river Pawtuxet, with 
the grass and meadow thereupon, which was so lately given and 
granted by the two aforesaid sachems to me. Witness my hand. 

R. W. 

There is no date to the only copy of this deed 
now in existence. Informal as it appears, it was the 
only evidence the town had, that Mr. Wilhams had 
parted with any portion of the lands conveyed to him 
by the Sachems. That they scarcely deemed a con- 
veyance necessary is evinced by the carelessness 
witli which this was kept. The probability is, that 
the original deed from the Sachems was deposit- 
ed with and kept by the clerk of the Town, and 
the possession of that was esteemed equivalent to a 
conveyance, or if it were not, impHcit confidence 
was reposed in Mr. Wilhams that he would execute 
the requisite deeds on request. 

On the sixth day of December, 1661, a commit- 
tee appointed at a previous meeting to wait on Mr. 
Williams and procure from him a deed of the first 
purchase, made a report, and on the thirteenth of the 
same month, another committee was appointed to 
procure the signature of Mrs. Williams to the deed. 
It is presumed that the following deed was execu- 
ted in pursuance of these requests. 



30 GENERAL HISTORY. 

" Be it known unto all men by these presents, that I Roger 
Williams, of the Town of Providence, in the Narraganset Bay, 
in New-England, having in the year 1634 and in the year 1635 
had several treaties with Conanicusse and Miantonome, the chief 
Sachems of the Narragansetts, and in the end purchased of 
them the lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers called 
Mooshassick and Wanasquatucket, the two Sachems having by 
a deed under their hands two years after the sale thereof estab- 
lished and confirmed the bounds of these lands from the river 
and fields ofPawtuckqut and the great hill of Neotaconconitt on 
the north-west, and the town of Mashapauge on the west, not- 
withstanding I had the frequent promise of Miantenomi my kind 
friend, that it should not be land that I should want about these 
bounds mentioned, provided that I satisfied the Indians there in- 
habiting, I having made covenant of peaceable neighborhood 
with all the Sachems and natives round about us ; and having in 
a sense of God's merciful providence unto me in my distress, 
called the place. Providence. I designed it might be for a shel- 
ter for persons distressed for conscience, I then considering the 
condition of divers of my distressed countrymen, I communica- 
ted my said purchase to my loving friends John Throckmorton, 
William Arnold, William Harris, Stukely Westcott, John 
Greene, sen., Thomas Olney, sen., Richard Waterman and others 
who then desired to take shelter here with me, and in succession 
unto so many others as we should receive into the fellowship 
and society of enjoying and disposing of the said purchase ; and 
besides the first that were admitted, our town records declare 
that afterwards we received Chad Brown, William Field, Thom- 
as Harris, sen., William Wickenden, Robert Williams, Gregory 
Dexter and others, as our town book declares ; and whereas, by 
God's merciful assistance, I was the procurer of the purchase, 
not by monies nor payment, the natives being so shy and jealous, 
that monies could not do it, but by that language, acquaintance, 
and favor with the natives and other advantages which it pleased 
God to give me, and also bore the charges and venture of all the 
gratuities which I gave to the great Sachems, and other Sa- 
chems and natives round about us, and lay engaged for a loving 
and peaceable neighborhood with them to my great charge and 



GENERAL HISTORY. 31 

travel, it was, therefore, thought by some loving friends, that I 
should receive some loving consideration and gratuity, and it 
was agreed between us, that every person that should be admit- 
ted into the fellowship of enjoying lands and disposino- of the 
purchase, should pay thirty shillings into the public stock, and 
first about =£30 should be paid unto myself by thirty shillino-s a 
person, as they were admitted ; this sum I received in love to 
my friends, and with respect to a town and place of succor for 
the distressed as aforesaid. I do acknowledge the said sum and 
payment as full satisfaction. And whereas in the year 1637, so 
called, I delivered the deed subscribed by the two aforesaid 
chief Sachems, so much thereof as concerneth the aforemention- 
ed lands from myself and my heirs unto the whole number of 
purchasers, with all and every pov/er, right and title therein, re- 
serving only unto myself one single share equal unto any of the 
rest of that number, I now again in a more formal way, under 
my hand and seal, confirm my former resignation of that deed of 
the lands aforesaid and bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my 
administrators and assigns never to molest any of the said persons 
already received or hereafter to be received into the society of 
purchasers as aforesaid, but they, their heirs, executors, admin- 
istrators and assigns, shall at all times quietly and peaceably 
enjoy the premises and every part thereof; and I do further, by 
these presents, bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my admin- 
istrators and assigns, never to lay claim nor cause any claim to 
be laid, to any of the lands aforementioned, or unto any part or 
parcel thereof, more than unto mine own single share, by virtue 
or pretence of any former bargain, sale or mortgage whatsoever 
or jointures, thirds or entails made by me the said Roo-er Wil- 
liams or of any other person either, for, by, through or under me. 
In witness thereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 20th 
day of December in the present year 1661. 

ROGER WILLIAMS. [L S.] 

Signed, sealed and delivered, in presence of us. 
Thomas Smith, 
Joseph Carpenter. 

I Mary Williams wife unto Roger Williams do assent unto 



32 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the premises. Witnes.s my hand this 20th day of December, in 
the present year 1601. 

The mark of M W MARY WILLIAMS. 
Acknowledged and subscribed before me. 

WILLIAM FIELD, Assistant." 

The treaties in 1634 and 1635 referred to in this 
deed, probably gave rise to the suggestion made by 
Governor Winthrop before quoted, of the intention 
of Mr. Wilhams and his adherents to make a settle- 
ment on Narragansett Bay. It was in conferences 
held with the Narragansetts while he resided at Plym- 
outh and Salem that he acquired that knowledge of 
their language and that influence in their councils, 
wliich enabled him to overcome their shyness and 
jealousy of the whites. It appears from this deed 
that the grantees in it never paid any part of the 
£30 which he received, nor does it contain any ex- 
pression which would suggest the idea that he acted 
in the purchase as their agent. The acceptance of 
this deed and the enrollment of it by the town in 
their records, is in some degree an acknowledgement 
of the truth of the recitals contained in it, and the 
part which he subsequently acted by appointment of 
the town in procuring other deeds of cession and 
confirmation from the natives, prove that the town 
reposed full confidence in his integrity and upright- 
ness. With respect to the dates referred to in this 
deed, they are probably incorrect. His deed from 
the Sachems, bears date the 24th of the first month, 
in the second year of the plantation, corresponding 
with the 24th day of March, or last day of the year 
1637. There is no date to his " initial" deed, but it 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



33 



was executed the 8th clay of October, 1638. This 
deed was lost long before 1661, and the date 1637 
might be intended to refer to the date of the Sa- 
chems' deed. Some of the grantees in the " Ini- 
tial" deed did not leave Massachusetts till 1638. 

The town accepted the deed of 1661, and had it 
entered on their records. This, with the evidence 
then in existence of the contents of the initial deed, 
constituted the whole title of the town till 1666. In 
that year, for some reason not apparent, Mr. Wilhams 
executed the following instrument, which is also re- 
corded. 

" Providence, 8 of 8th month, 1638, so called. 

Memorandum, that I, Roger Williams, having formerly pur- 
chased of Conanicus and Miantonomi, this our situation or plan- 
tation of New Providence, viz : the two fresh rivers V/onasqua- 
tucket and Moosehasick and the grounds and meadows thereupon, 
in consideration of thirty pounds, received from the inhabitants 
of the said place, do freely and fully pass, grant and make over 
equal right and power of enjoying and disposing the same ground 
and lands unto my loving friends and neighbors, Stukcly West- 
cott, William Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, John 
Greene, John Throckmorton, William Harris, William Carpen- 
ter, Thomas Olney, Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Eze- 
kiel Holyman and such others as the major part of us shall ad- 
mit unto the same fellowship of vote with us. As also I do 
freely make and pass over equal right and power of enjoying 
and disposing the lands and grounds reaching from the aforesaid 
rivers unto the great river Pawtuxet and the grass and meadows 
thereupon, which was so lately granted by the aforesaid Sa- 
chems to me. 

Witness my hand, Providence 22, 10 mo. 1666, so called. 

ROGER WILLIAMS. 

This paper and writing given by me about twenty-eight years 
since, and differs not a tittle, only so is dated as near as we could 

5 



34 GENERAL HISTORY 

fTuess about the time and the names of the men written in the 
straight of time and haste are here explained by me. 

ROGER WILLIAMS. 
In presence of us, 

John Browne, 

John Sayles, 

Thomas Harris, Assistant." 

After accepting the initial deed, on the 7th of Oc- 
tober 1638, the then thirteen proprietors deemed it 
expedient to make a division in their purchase, and 
subject the different parts to different rules of subse- 
quent subdivision. The two parts are known in the 
records as the " grand purchase of Providence," and 
" the Pawtuxet purchase." Great dissentions and 
difficulties grew out of this division. 

With respect to the first divisions of land in " the 
grand purchase of Providence," little can be gathered 
from the records. Frequent reference is there made to 
the " home lots" and the " six acre" lots of the pur- 
chasers. It has sometimes been supposed that these 
terms referred to the same lots. There is in the 
files of the city clerk's office a small paper book 
which completely refutes this idea. The title of the 
book is " A revised hst (saving corrections with ad- 
dition) of lands and meadows as they were originally 
lotted from the beginning of the plantation of Provi- 
dence in the Narragansett Bay in New-England, 
unto the (then) inhabitants of the said plantation un- 
til anno 16 — ." First in order are the "home lots," 
" beginning at the Mile-end cove." 

This cove disappeared many years since. It was 
at the south end of the town between Fox Point and 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



35 



Wickendeii street. " The home lots" all bounded 
on "the Town Street" on the west, and what is now 
Hope street on the east. The Town Street in mod- 
ern times has become South and North Main-streets. 
The book afore referred to gives the location of fif- 
ty-four of these home lots, as follows : 



Robert Williams, 
Christopher Unthank, 
William Hawkins, 
Robert West, 
Hugh Bevvit, 
John Lippit, 
Matthew Weston, 
Edward Hart, 
Thomas Hopkins, 
Widow Sayer, 
Widow Tiler, 
Nicholas Power, 

A highway, 
William Wickenden, 
William Man, 
William Burrows, 
Adam Goodwin, 
Thomas Harris, 
Joshua Winsor, 
John Field, 
William Field, 
Richard Scott, 
George Rickard, 
John Warner, 
Chad Brown, 
Daniel Abbott, 
William Reynolds, 



Stukely Westcott, 
Ezekiel Holyman, 
Richard Waterman, 
Francis Weston, 
Thomas Angell, 
Thomas Olney, 
Robert Cole, 
A highway, 
William Carpenter, 
John Sweet, 
Alice Daniels, 
William Harris, 
John Throckmorton, 
Roger Williams, 
Joshua Verin, 
Widow Reeve, 
John Smith, 
John Greene, Sen. 
Thomas James, 
William Arnold, 
Francis Wickes, 
Benedict Arnold, 
John Greene, Jun. 
Edward Manton, 
Thomas Painter, 
Mathew Waller, 
Gregory Dexter. 



The highway between the lots of Nicholas Power 
and William Wickenden, is now known as Power- 



36 GENERAL HISTORY 

street, and that between Robert Cole's and William 
Carpenter's lots, is now called Meeting-street. The 
dividing hnes between all these lots, run east and 
west, and many of them may be traced by the walls 
and fences now standing. Several of these lots have 
never been transferred by deed. 

The northwesterly corner of the Roger Williams 
lot, is now occupied by the stone house at the cor- 
ner of North Main-street and Rowland's Alley. The 
spring was on the opposite side of the street. A 
pump is now set in it. The tide then flowed al- 
most up to the spring, and the street passed along on 
the shore. By referring to the foregoing list of 
home lots, a tolerably correct conclusion can be 
formed as to the order in which the first inhabitants 
arrived here. The first twelve are found on either 
hand of their leader. Within their extremes are lots 
which we,re set off" to the persons under age and the 
lone women who accompanied them. Those who 
succeeded them and were admitted inhabitants had 
their lots set off* to them upon the one or the other 
extreme, thus extending the line as their strength in- 
creased. 

In addition to the home lots each individual had a 
" six acre lot" assigned him. 

Seven of these lots are located between Mile-end 
cove and the one set off" to Mr. Williams. His lot 
adjoined "What cheer," and is the last to the north 
on Seekonk river. Other " six acre lots " were 
located in other parts of the purchase, as "on the 
North side of the Wanasquatucket," and " by the 
west river." There can be no mistake as to the 



GENERAL HISTORY. 37 

location of Mr. Williams' six acre lot. The entry in 
this list is " six acres of Roger Williams with What 
cheer;" and in a deed that he made of What cheer 
and his six acre lot to James Elis, Jan. 29, 1667, 
he recites that in disposing of his purchase unto 
the "Township or commonality," he reserved to 
himself " the two Indian fields, called ' What cheer 
and Saxefrax Hill,' " and that the town afterwards 
" laid out unto me the aforesaid field, called What 
cheer, and adjoined my six acre lot unto it." In 
1718 the proprietors of the purchase made another 
division of home or house lots. They divided the 
lands on the southerly and easterly side of Weybosset 
street, on the west side of North Main street north of 
Canal market, and on the south side of Olney street, 
into one hundred and one house lots, being one for 
each proprietor, which were drawn for by the propri- 
etors or their assigns. The land on the west side of 
Main street north of Mile-end cove, was subsequent- 
ly platted and divided into warehouse lots, and in 
most cases sold by the proprietors to the owners 
of the house lots opposite them. With respect to 
the other lands in the propriety, it was generally 
disposed of by vote to particular persons, or a divis- 
ion of certain number of acres made to each pur- 
chase right, the location of which was left to the in- 
dividuals interested, to be surveyed by the proprie- 
tors' . surveyor, allowed by the proprietors or their 
committee and recorded by the clerk. The returns, 
as they are called, of the surveyors, constitute the 
first link in the chain of the title of almost every 
estate in the county of Providence. The record of 



38 GENERAL HISTORY. 

these returns and of subsequent conveyances were 
made by the clerk chosen by the towju, until 1718, 
after which the proprietors met by themselves and 
chose their own officers. 

During the first years of the colony, it is not pro- 
bable, that any of the powers of the community were 
exercised by or delegated to, any portion of its mem- 
bers. The original purchasers, with " such as they 
received into the same fellowship of vote" with them, 
met in town meeting, monthly, and there transacted 
all the business pertaining to their little common- 
wealth. It is matter of regret that their records from 
month to month have not been preserved. It would 
be interesting to peruse the proceedings of a colony 
of civilized men, commencing a political existence 
with the principles of perfect equality, and to mark 
the growth and increase of difficulties which gradu- 
ally and necessarily led them to the abandonment of 
their pure democracy, to the delegation of part of 
their powers, and to the institution of a representa- 
tive government. They must have adopted some 
general rules for their government at a very early 
period. This is fairly to be inferred from the fol- 
lowing agreement entered into by "the second com- 
ers." It is copied from the first book of the records 
of the town. It is there without date. When the 
early records of the town were copied, the transcri- 
ber added to his copy the date of August 20, 1637, 
from the inside of the cover of the same book. 
This date evidently refers to another matter which 
follows it, and is in a diflferent hand writing from 
the agreement itself. The precise time when any 



GENERAL HISTORY. 39 

of these signers removed to Providence cannot be 
ascertained. Richard Scott, who is the first, left 
Massachusetts before March 1638. Two of the 
others, Thomas Angell and Francis Wickes, came 
with Mr. Wilhams. The tradition is, that they were 
then minors, and that that was the reason they were 
not named in Mr. Williams' deed They probably 
signed this agreement as soon as they became of 
age. 

" We whose names are hereunder, desirous to inhabit in the 
town of Providence, do promise to subject ourselves in active or 
passive obedience, to all such orders or agreements as shall be 
made for public good of the body, in an orderly way, by the 
major assent of the present inhabitants, masters of families, in- 
corporated together into a town-fellowship, and such others 
whom they shall admit unto them, only in civil things. 

Richard Scott, Thomas -|- Angell, 

William -[- Reynolds, Thomas -{- Harris, 
John -f- Field, Francis -j- Wickes, 

Chad Brown, Benedict Arnold, 

John Warner, Joshua Winsor, 

George Rickard, William Wickenden." 

Edward Cope, 

It is worthy of remark, that the signers of this in- 
strument, submit " only in civil things." That there 
existed some kind of an agreement between the first 
settlers "masters of famihes" is apparent from the 
terms of these articles. They are referred to as a 
town, as " incorporated together into a town fellow- 
ship." And, it is equally certain that the first agree- 
ment, whether in writing or not, provided for obe- 
dience " in civil things only," otherwise this would 
not have been so guarded. The testimony of Gov- 



40 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ernor Winthrop is in point here, as before quoted in 
relation to Verin's case. He says, " at their first 
coming thither, Mr. Wilhams and the rest did make 
an order that no man should be molested for his 
conscience." Here then was estabhshed a christian 
community based upon the great principles of per- 
fect religious hberty, as contended for by Mr. Wil- 
liams both at Salem and at Plymouth. 

The first delegation of power, the first remove 
they made from pure democracy, was in 1640. The 
colonists had undoubtedly experienced the difficul- 
ties attendant on this form of civil government. 
They found it not only onerous to individuals, but 
wanting in that energy necessary to preserve the 
peace and ensure the prosperity of a growing com- 
munity. The change adopted is found embodied 
in the following report. 

Providence the 27th day of the 5th mo. in the year, so called, 
1640. We Robert Cole, Chad Brown, William Harris and 
John Warner, being freely chosen by the consent of our loving 
friends and neighbors, the inhabitants of this town of Providence, 
having many differences amongst us, they being freely willing 
and also bound themselves to stand to our arbitration in all dif- 
fjgrences amongst us, to rest contented in our determination, 
being so betrusted, we have seriously and carefully endeavored 
to weigh and consider all these differences, being desirous to 
bring them to unity and peace, although our abilities are far 
short in the due examination of such weighty matters, yet so far 
as we can conceive in laying all things together, we have gone 
the fairest and equallest way to produce our peace. 

1. Agreed. We have with one consent agreed, that in the 
parting those particular properties which some of our friends 
and neighbors have in Pawtuxet, from the general common of our 
town of Providence, to run upon a straight line from a fresh 
spring, being in the gully at the head of the cove running by 



GENERAL HISTORY. 41 

that point of land called Saxefrax, into the town of Mashapaug, 
to an oak tree standing near unto the cornfield, being at this 
time the nearest cornfield unto Pawtuxet, the oak tree having four 
marks with an axe, till some other land-mark be set for a certain 
bound. Also, we agree, that if any meadow ground lying and 
joining to that meadow that borders upon the river of Pawtuxet, 
come within the aforesaid line, which will not come within a 
straight line from long cove to the marked tree, then, for that 
meadow to belong to Pawtuxet, and so beyond the town of Mash- 
apaug from the oak tree between the two fresh rivers Pawtuxet 
and Wanasquatucket, of an even distance. 

2. Agreed. We have with one consent agreed, that for the 
disposing those lands that shall be disposed, belonging to this 
town of Providence, to be in the whole inhabitants by the choice 
of five men for general disposal, to be betrusted with disposal of 
lands and also of the town's stock and all general things, and not 
to receive in any in six days, as townsmen, but first to give the 
inhabitants notice, to consider if any have just cause to show 
against the receiving of him, as you can apprehend, and to re- 
ceive none but such as subscribe to this our determination. Al- 
so we agree, that if any of our neighbors do apprehend himself 
wronged by these or any of these five disposers, that at the gen- 
eral town meeting he may have a trial. 

Also, we agree for the town to choose beside the other five 
men, one to keep record of all things belonging to the town and 
lying in common. 

We garee, as formerly hath been the liberties of the town, so 
still to hold forth, liberty of conscience. 

3. Agreed, that after many considerations and consultations 
of our own state and also of states abroad in way of government, 
we apprehend no way so suitable to our condition, as govern- 
ment by way of arbitration. But if men agree themselves by 
arbitration, no state, we know of, disallows of that, neither do 
we. But if men refuse that which is but common humanity be- 
tween man and man, then to compel such unreasonable persons 
to a reasonable way, we agree, that, the five disposers shall have 
power to compel him either to choose two men himself, or if he 



42 GENERAL HISTORY, 

refuse for them to choose two men, to arbitrate his cause, and if 
these four men chosen by each party, do end the cause, then to 
see their determination performed and the faultive to pay the 
arbitrators for their time spent in it. But if these four men 
do not end it, then for the five disposers to choose three men 
to put an end to it. And for the certainty hereof, we agree 
the major part of the five disposers to choose the three men, and 
the major part of the three men to end the cause, having power 
from the five disposers, by a note under their hand to perform it, 
and the faultive not agreeing in the first, to pay the charge of 
the hist and for the arbitrators to follow no employment until the 
cause be ended, without consent of the whole that have to do 
with the cause. Instance. In the first arbitration, the offender 
may offer reasonable terms of peace, and the offended may exact 
upon him, and refuse and trouble men beyond reasonable satis- 
faction, so for the last arbitrators to judge where the fault was, 
in not agreeing in the first, to pay the charge in the last, 

4. Agreed, that if any person damnify any man either in goods 
or o-ood name, and the person offended follow not the cause upon 
the offender, that if any person give notice to the five disposers, 
they shall call the party delinquent to answer by arbitration. 

Instance. Thus, if any person abuse another in person or 
goods, may be for peace's sake, a man will, for the present, put it 
up, and it may so be, resolve to revenge ; therefore, for the peace 
of the state, the disposers are to look to it in the first place. 

5. Agreed for all the whole inhabitants to combine ourselves 
to assist any man in the pursuit of any party delinquent, with all 
our best endeavors to attach him ; but if any man raise a hub- 
bub, and there be no just cause, then for the party that raised 
the hubbub to satisfy men for their time lost in it. 

6. Aorreed, that if any man have a difference with any of the 
five disposers, which cannot be deferred till general meeting of 
the town, he may have the clerk call the town together, at his 
occasioned time, for a trial. 

Instance, it may be a man may be to depart the land, or to a 
far part of the land, or his estate may lie upon a speedy trial or 
the like case may fall out. 

7. Agreed, that the town by five men shall give every man a 



GENERAL HISTORY. 43 

deed of all his lands lying within the bounds of the plantation lu 
hold it by for after ages. 

8. Agreed, that the five disposers shall, from the date hereof, 
meet every month day upon general things and at the quarter 
day to yield to a new choice and give up their old accounts. 

9. Agreed, that the clerk shall call the five disposers together 
at the month day and the general town together every quarter, 
to meet upon general occasions, from the date hereof. 

10. Agreed, that the clerk is to receive for every cause that 
comes to the town for a trial 4d, for making each deed 12d and 
to give up the book to the town at the year's end and yield to a 
new choice. 

11. Agreed, that all acts of disposal on both sides to stand, 
since the difference. 

12. Agreed, that every man who hath not paid in his purchase 
money for his plantation shall make up his 10s. to be 30s. equal 
with the first purchasers, and for all that are received as towns- 
men hereafter to pay the like sum of money to the town stock. 

These being those things we have generally concluded on for 
our peace, we desiring our loving friends to receive as our ab- 
solute determination, laying ourselves down as subject to it. 
Witness our hands. 

Chad Brown, John Warner, 

Robert Cole, John Field, 

William Harris, William Arnold, 

John Throckmorton, William Field, 

Stukely Westcott, Edward Cope, 

Benedict Arnold, Edward -j- Manton, 

William Carpenter, William Man, 

Richard Scott, Nicholas Power, 

Thomas Harris, William -j- Reynolds, 

Francis -f- Wickes, Thomas Olney, 

Thomas --j- Angell, Richard Waterman, 

Adam -j- Goodwin, William Wickenden, 

William -f- Burrows, Edward Hart, 

Roger Williams, Hugh Bewit, 

Robert West, Thomas -j- Hopkins, 

Joshua Winsor, Joan Tiler, 

Robert Williams, Jane -\- Sears, 

Matthew Waller, Christopher Unthank, 

Gregory Dexter, William -f Hawkins- 
John -f- Lippitt, 



14 GENERAL HISTORY. 

The foregoing is copied from a copy in the files 
of the city clerk's office, dated March 28, 1662. It 
is certified by Thomas Olney, town clerk, to be a 
true copy "as it standeth upon record in our town 
book." The records in their present mutilated state, 
do not contain this document or any reference to the 
appointment or report of the committee by whom it 
was drawn up. A copy of it may be found in Haz- 
ard's Historical Collections, there said to be taken 
from the Suffolk records. The signers' names are 
there omitted. Nor are the names of all the first set- 
tlers and received purchasers, appended to Olney's 
copy, and whether they were or were not to the orig- 
inal, cannot be ascertained, as tliat original is not in 
existence. So far as can be traced from the records, 
it went into immediate operation, and constituted the 
Town Government for several years. From a pe- 
rusal of this document, it is quite evident, that there 
existed in this little community, a great distrust and 
jealousy of delegated power. Experience had forced 
them to have recourse to it, and they endeavored to 
provide against its abuse, by the frequency both of 
the general meetings of the whole body, and of the 
elections of their officers. Though but a small re- 
move from the perfect democracy of their first or- 
ganized government, still it forms an epoch in the 
history of the Town. It marks the growth of the 
colony, and an increase of population that required 
a more energetic and less onerous form of govern- 
ment than was sufficient for an infant colony, while 
the change shows the same love of equality and lib- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



46 



€rty, and the same regard to the rights of individuals 
as was manifested in the former. 

The new system, by its weakness and lack of ener- 
gy, gave rise to difficulties, which, to some of the in- 
habitants seemed inherent and insurmountable. The 
great liberty which all enjoyed was abused by some 
to hcentiousness. From the denial of the right of 
government to interfere in matters of conscience, 
some claimed the right to do with impunity whatso- 
ever, they said, conscience dictated. Others were 
at the time accused of denying all power in magis- 
trates. Persons in the neighboring colonies who 
had adopted such opinions as these, could ill brook 
the restraints there imposed on them by laws. They 
would seek and did seek a refuge in Providence, and 
here they found, that although there was no law-re- 
ligion, there was still law, though weak and ineffi- 
cient. Any attempt to enforce it was attended with 
danger even to the existence of the plantation itself. 
Influenced by fear of utter destruction to the settle- 
ment, on the 17th November 1641 thirteen of the 
colonists wrote a letter to the Government of Mas- 
sachusetts, praying them " of gentle courtesy and for 
the preservation of humanity and mankind" to con- 
sider their condition and to lend them " a neighbor- 
like helping hand," to enforce the execution of an 
award made by "eight men, orderly chosen," against 
one of the inhabitants, in a civil matter. The wri- 
ters were informed by the Government of Massachu- 
setts that " except they did submit themselves to 
some jurisdiction, either Plymouth or ours, we had no 
calling or warrant to interpose in their contentions." 



46 GENERAL HISTORY. 

The letter and the reply to it may be found in the 
Second Volume of the collections of the Rhode-Isl- 
and Historical Society. How such a subjection 
could have extended the jurisdiction of that corpora- 
tion beyond the bounds set in their charter, it is dif- 
ficult to conceive, and it is not easy to imagine how 
any of the inhabitants of Providence, could accede 
to the terms proposed. Yet within a year, William 
Arnold, William Carpenter, Robert Cole, and Bene- 
dict Arnold, subjected themselves and lands to the 
jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The three first named, 
were among the original purchasers of Providence. 
The fourth, Benedict Arnold, was son of Wilham 
Arnold. They all at this time resided at Pawtuxet. 
William Arnold was appointed " to keep the peace." 
The reasons assigned by Governor Winthrop for as- 
suming jurisdiction over these persons and lands, so 
far beyond their charter limits, were "partly to res- 
cue these men from violence, and partly to draw in 
the rest in those parts, either under ourselves or Ply- 
mouth," 

Whatever were the motives of these persons in 
preferring their petition to Massachusetts, or of 
Massachusetts in granting it and assuming jurisdic- 
tion over them, the effects were highly injurious to 
Providence. The new subjects of Massachusetts 
being bound to obey the laws of that colony, held 
themselves discharged, of course, from every obliga- 
tion of obedience to the laws of the community in 
which they dwelt. The pecuhar circumstances in 
which they had placed themselves, would produce 
difficulties and dissentions between them and their 



GENERAL HISTOrI 47 

neighbors ; and these, again, would be aggravated 
by the conflicting jurisdiction of the colonies. If 
the new subjects of Massachusetts were bound to 
obey the laws of that colony, they were entitled to 
protection from that colony. This could be afford- 
ed only in the courts and apcording to the laws of 
that colony. The consequence would be, that some 
of the colonists at Providence might be compelled to 
appear in those courts, although banished from their 
jurisdiction. That such was the case appears from 
the following letter. 

" Massachusetts, to our neighbors of Providence. 
Whereas William Arnold of Pawtuxet, and Robert Cole and 
others, have lately put themselves and their families, lands and 
estates, under the protection and government of this jurisdiction, 
and have since complained to us that you have since (upon pre- 
tence of a late purchase from the Indians) gone about to deprive 
them of their lawful interest confirmed by four years' possession, 
and otherwise to molest them ; we thought good, therefore, to 
write to you on their behalf to give you notice, that they and 
their lands, &c. being under our jurisdiction, we are to main- 
tain them in their lawful rights. If, therefore, you have any 
just title to any thing you possess, you may proceed against 
them in our court, where you shall have equal justice ; but if 
you shall proceed to any violence, you must not blame us, if we 
shall take alike course to right them. 

JOHN WINTHROP Governor. 

THOMAS DUDLEY, 

RI. BELLINGHAM, 

INCR. NEWELL. 
The 28 of the 8 mo. 164-2. " 

That the writers of this letter, were not sincere in 
supposing that their neighbors of Providence would 
have equal justice in their courts, is not to be pre- 



f 

48 GENERAL HISTORY 

sumed. The settlers at Providence ought to be ex- 
cused, if they preferred their own course of arbitra- 
tion, to the courts that had before, sentenced them 
to severe punishments for errors in judgment and 
heretical opinions. Samuel Gorton supposed that 
this letter referred to himself and those who had 
adopted his rehgious opinions. To avoid the con- 
sequences of it, and at the same time to free the in- 
habitants of Providence from further vexation on 
their account, they in January, 1643, purchased a 
tract of land of the Indians, lying to the south of 
Pawtuxet, where they commenced the settlement of 
Shawomet, in the town of Warwick. Their troubles 
did not end with their removal. They were driven 
from their new homes and compelled to appear in 
the courts of Massachusetts, and there answer to 
new allegations. Mr. Gorton has told his own story 
in a narrative pubHshed by him in 1645, and since 
repubhshed by the Rhode-Island Historical Society. 

Those who subjected themselves to Massachusetts 
remained under that government till 1658, (except 
Benedict Arnold, who removed to Newport,) when, 
on tlieir own petition, they were dismissed and re- 
united to Providence. Such a state of things was 
highly inauspicious to the welfare of any community, 
and much more so, to one just starting into exist- 
ence. The wonder is, that the settlement had not 
been entirely broken up, or that the majority had 
not taken refuge under the protecting hand of Mas- 
sachusetts, and united the colony with that govern- 
ment. 

Soon after the banishment of Mr. Williams from 



(.'ENERAL HISTORY. AS 

Massachusetts other sectaries arose to disturb the 
peace of the churches. The synod which convened 
in August 1637, found eighty-two erroneous opin- 
ions held in that colony. They banished the Rev. 
John Wheelwright, and Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, the 
principal leaders of the schismatics, and subsequent- 
ly disarmed a large number of persons holding 
heterodox opinions. A part of these, with the aid 
and assistance of Mr. Williams, purchased the Island 
of Rhode-Island of the Narragansetts, and com- 
menced a settlement there in March 1638. The 
deed bears date the same day with the deed of Prov- 
idence. They entered into articles of association, 
which were signed at Providence on the 7th day of 
March 1638. Their first settlement was near the 
north end of the island, within the present town ol' 
Portsmouth. 

In May 1643, the colonies of Plymouth, Massa- 
chusetts, Hartford and New-Haven, formed a con- 
federacy for mutual protection and support. Two 
commissioners were annually appointed by each 
colony to meet and deliberate upon all matters of 
common interest. The immediate cause of the 
confederacy was the prospect, in 1642, of a general 
war with the Indian tribes. Neither of the colonies 
within the State of Rhode-Island, was invited to 
join this confederacy at its formation, and all subse- 
quent apphcations for admission into it were uniform- 
ly refused, except upon the condition that they would 
subject themselves either to Plymouth or Massachu- 
setts. This condition was, of course, rejected. The 
leading men in each of the colonics of Providence, 
7 



50 (;i::\i:nAL hisi'ohy. 

llliode-Islaiid and Shawoniet, were obnoxious to the 
laws of Plymouth and Massachusetts, on account of 
their religious creeds. Had such a subjection been 
acceded to, the great object of these settlements 
must have been abandoned. The religious standard 
of orthodoxy, must have been re-estabhshed over 
them, and the rights of conscience, surrendered. 
Neither of these colonies was willing to secure im- 
munity from present danger by such a sacrifice. 
Their situation was consequently very precarious. 
In case of a war with the Indians, they had no 
means of obtaining necessary munitions, except from 
the other colonies, or from the Dutch at New- York ^ 
none of which might be willing to supply them. 
Besides this, each of these colonies was still in its 
infancy, and the population small. They were en- 
tirely independent of each other. They had nothing 
to unite them but the sense of common danger and 
the recollection of common sufferings, in the same 
cause ; and above all, neither of them had any au- 
thority from the mother country to justify their pro- 
ceedings as a corporation. The whole force of their 
several governments rested in the consent of the 
individuals who composed each colony. Urged by 
these, as well as other reasons, the colony at Rhode- 
Island, in September 1642, resolved to send an agent 
to England, to procure a charter of incorporation. 
That the colony at Providence came to the same 
resolution seems proved by the fact, that Mr. Wil- 
liams was selected for the agent, and that the char- 
ter, when obtained, embraced as well Providence as 
tlie towns on the island, under the name of " The 



cu:nkral history. 51 

incorporation of Providence Plantations, in tlic Nar- 
ragansctt Bay, in New-England." There is nothing 
in the records of Providence relative to this appoint- 
ment, but it must be recollected, that the records 
were much mutilated and defaced at the time the 
town was burnt by the Indians, in 1676. Owing to 
this circumstance, there are no records of the pro- 
ceedings of Providence, until 1650, except such as 
are hereinbefore copied or referred to. Mr. Wil- 
hams embarked from New- York for England in 
June or July 1643, in pursuance of this appointment. 
The year 1643, is marked with one of the most 
atrocious of all the cruel and unjustifiable deeds which 
constitute Indian history. Miantonomi, one of the 
chief sachems of the Narragansetts, was taken pris- 
oner by Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, in a bat- 
tle between the two tribes. Uncas doubted whether 
he should take his life, and finally delivered the illus- 
trious captive into the hands of the English at Hart- 
ford. The matter was laid before the commission- 
ers of the United Colonies at Boston. After due 
consideration, they resolved, unanimously, that "it 
would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had 
we sufficient ground for us to put him to death." In 
this dilemma they consulted "five of the most judic- 
ious elders" who gave it as their opinion, that he de- 
served to die. This resolved all the doubts of the 
commissioners and they then agreed that the com- 
missioners from Hartford, on their return, should in- 
form Uncas of their determination, " that Miantono 
mi should be delivered to him again, and he should 
put him to death, so soon as he came within his own 



52 GENEUAL IJISTOIIY. 

jurisdiction, and that two English should go along 
with him to see the execution, and if any Indians 
should invade him for it, we would send men to de- 
fend him : if Uncas should refuse to do it, then Mi- 
antonomi should be sent in a pinnace to Boston, there 
to be kept until further consideration." What a 
comment on the proceedings of the commissioners 
is the last clause of the above extract, implying as it 
does, a doubt whether Uncas, an uncultivated savage, 
protected by all the power of the United Colonies, 
would execute the sentence pronounced by his 
Christian allies. Uncas was a fit instrument for such 
a purpose. He resumed the custody of Miantono- 
mi, carried him to Sachem plain, and there, in cold 
blood, murdered him, in the presence of the English 
deputed by the commissioners to be witnesses of the 
execution. In justification of this deed, several rea- 
sons are given by Governor Winthrop. The first 
was that "there was a general conspiracy among 
the Indians to cut off all the English, and that Mian- 
tonomi was the head and contriver of it." If duly 
convicted of this, the English should have punished 
him, as the crime was against them and them alone. 
The advice of the elders would not have been neces- 
sary to convince them of their right and duty to do 
so. If the whole evidence against him rested in the 
bare suspicion of the English that he meditated such 
a conspiracy, the commissionersjudged right that "it 
would not be safe to set him at liberty" nor should 
the advice of all the elders in New-England have 
convinced them, that they had sufficient ground to 
put him to death. Again, it was urged, that he kill- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 53 

ed the Pequod who shot at Uncas, instead of sending 
him to Uncas as he promised, and tliat he beat an 
Indian belonging to Pomham, who had subjected 
liimself to Massachusetts, and then bade him com- 
plain to Massachusetts. The first of these reasons 
concerned Uncas, and not the English, and all of 
them taken together are quite insufficient to justify 
the proceedings of the commissioners. The remain- 
ing reason given by Governor Winthrop was, that 
Miantonomi " was of a proud and turbulent spirit, 
and would never be at rest." He was a sovereign 
prince over a powerful nation. His government 
extended over a wide extent of territory. When the 
English received the Wampanoags under their pro- 
tection, and broke the feudal ties that bound the sa- 
chems of Pawtuxet to him as their liege lord, Mian- 
tosiomi bore the insult and the injury in silence. 
Tlie blood of an Englishman had never stained the 
weapons of the Narragansetts. Their covenants of 
peace and amity were fulfilled to the letter. They 
joined the English in their war with the Pequods, and 
aided in the extermination of that race. They could 
calmly recount the instances in which the English 
had failed to perform their engagements with them. 
Herein there was not either pride or turbulence, 
injurious to the whites. Within the limits of his own 
kingdom, Miantonomi neither sought for nor follow- 
ed the advice or dictation of the magistrates or min- 
isters of any English colony. He dispensed his royal 
bounty with a munificent hand, to those who sought 
shelter and protection from him. He received with- 
in his dominions those that were banished from the 



54 flKNERAL HISTORY. 

Enolis-li colonies, without stopping to inquire intc) 
their rehgious creeds. The wanderer and the out- 
cast, though a christian, was comforted and cherished 
and reheved by this pagan savage. His open arms 
offered a shelter to Mr. Williams and the first settlers 
of Providence, when their brethren closed their hearts 
against them. To the first settlers of Rhode-Island, 
he sold the Eden of America, for their resting place 
from the storms of religious persecution. And last 
of all, when the arch heretic Samuel Gorton had no 
place left him where he could enjoy the mysticisms 
in which he veiled his rehgious behef, this kind 
hearted Sachem gave to him and his companions, 
Shawomet, for a home. Here is the evidence of 
his pride and turbulence, and " he would never be 
at rest" in performing such acts of kindness and be- 
nevolence. The armor that Gorton gave him, which 
he wore in his disastrous conflict with Uncas, might 
have saved his life from the weapons of his cruel 
foe. Might it not, also, have influenced the com- 
missioners and elders against him ? The descend- 
ants of the first settlers of Providence, Rhode-Island, 
and Warwick, should ever remember the obligations 
that their ancestors \vere under to Miantonomi. 
They should cherish his memory in their grateful 
recollections. When there was no eye to pity, and 
no power to save in the civihzed world, Miantonomi 
was their friend, their protector, their generous ben- 
efactor. And he who reads the lame apologies that 
his contemporaries offered, and the lamer excuses 
which later historians have conjured up, for requiring 
his life, tlie life of an ally, a prince bound to the En- 



GENEKAL HISTORY 55 

glish in a treaty oftensive and defensive, will be led 
to believe, that it was this friendship, this protection, 
this beneficence, that cost him his life. 

Before Mr. Williams arrived in England, a civil 
war was shaking the government of that kingdom to 
its centre. Each party had levied troops in the name 
of the King, for the support of the constitution. The 
king had been driven from London, and the Parlia- 
ment reigned lord of the ascendant there, though 
the final issue of this conflict was as yet doubtful. In 
November 1643, the parliament committed the care 
and government of the Colonies to certain members 
of their own body. The Earl of Warwick was ap- 
pointed Governor in chief and Lord High Admiral of 
the Colonies, and chairman of this committee. From 
thiscommittee Mr. Wilhams obtained a charter of civil 
incorporation, bearing date the 17th day of March 
1644. The towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and 
Newport, were united in this charter in a body cor- 
porate under the name of "The Incorporation of Pro- 
vidence Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in New- 
England." Full power was conferred on them " to 
rule themselves and such others as shall hereafter in- 
habit within any part of the said tract of land, by such 
a form of civil government, as by voluntary consent of 
all or the greatest part of them shall be found most ser- 
vicable in their estates and condition ; and, to that end, 
to make and ordain such civil laws and constitutions, 
and to inflict such punishments upon transgressors, 
and for execution thereof so to place and displace 
oflicers of justice as they or the greatest part of them 
shall by free consent agree unto. Provided, neverthe- 



50 UENKRAL HISTORY. 

less, that the said laws, constitutions and punishments 
for the civil government of the said plantations, be 
conformable to the laws of England, so far as the 
nature and constitution of that place will admit." 

The powers conferred by this charter, are exceed- 
ingly ample. No form of Government is prescribed, 
and the choice of every officer is left to the inhabi- 
tants. In strict conformity too with the leading prin- 
ple of the settlements, it refers only to civil gov- 
ernment. The inhabitants are empowered to make 
" civil laws" for their " civil government." The 
colonists had always contended that their right to 
perfect religious hberty did not result from human 
laws. They could not therefore have accepted a 
grant of this from any human power, as that would 
be acknowledging a right to withhold the grant and 
to control the exercise of religious freedom. 

Mr. Williams was bearer of this charter to Amer- 
ica. He arrived with it in Boston, September 17th, 
1644. A letter which he brought from some of the 
leading members of Parliament, to the Governor of 
Massachusetts, enabled him to land there unmolest- 
ed, notwithstanding the previous proceedings there 
against him. On his arrival on the banks of the 
Seekonk, he was met by the inhabitants of Prov- 
idence in fourteen canoes. It must be left to imagi- 
nation to portray the feelings elicited on that au- 
spicious occasion. Undoubtedly the mind of Mr. 
Williams reverted to the time when he first crossed 
the same river — with only five associates — in a sin- 
gle canoe — when every stroke of the paddle re- 
moved them further and further from every vestige 



GENERAL HISTORY 57 

of civilization. Before him, on that occasion, was a 
wide wilderness filled with savages, behind him his 
friends and countrymen, from whose fiery religious 
zeal he had been obHged to flee, with nothing to so- 
lace him but a quiet conscience, and a firm reliance 
on his God. As he recalled the succeedinfj events 
and met his friends assembled to hail his return, their 
eyes glistening with teai-s of joy, how his heart must 
have swelled with gratitude to that God who had 
thus rewarded his pious confidence. There were 
around him now his old, tried friends. Together they 
had bufleted misfortune, and borne the taunts of the 
neighboring colonies. By the charter which he now 
brought, they had become the equals of those colo- 
nies in rights and powers, though not in numbers or 
wealth. This was to them the assurance of a legal 
existence, dependent alone, on the mother country. 
It was also a guaranty for the protection of that 
mother country. No wonder then that their hearts 
beat high with joy and hope, and that the woods re- 
sounded with their loud acclamations. He who 
could remain unmoved under such circumstances 
must be far above or far below a man. 



8 



CHAPTER SECOND. 

GENERAL HISTORY. 

FROM THE ARRIVAL OF THE COLONY CHARTER, IN 3G44, TO THE 
ADOPTION OF THE SECOND COLONY CHARTER, IN 1663. 

Although the colony charter of 1644 arrived in 
this country in the autumn of the same year, the gov- 
ernment was not organized under it till May 1647. 
We are left to conjecture as to the causes of this de- 
lay. It embraced, it M^ill be recollected, the towns 
of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, by name. 
The previous entire independency of these towns 
may have presented some obstacles, and these may 
have been increased by local and personal jealousies. 
The charter prescribed no form of government ; nei- 
ther did it point out any way by which the inhabi- 
tants of the several towns should be called upon to 
meet and consider what form should be adopted. 
These might have produced some delay at first. Af- 
terward, in 1645, the General court of Massachusetts 
sent a letter to Mr. Wilhams informing him that they 
" had received lately out of England, a charter from 
the high court of Parliament, bearing date, 10 Dec. 
1643, whereby the Narragansett Bay and a certain 
tract of land, wherein Providence and the Island of 
Aquidney are included, which we thought fit to give 
you and our countrymen, in those parts, notice of. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



59. 



that you may forbear to exercise any jurisdiction 
therein, otherwise to appear at our next General 
Court" " to show by what right you claim any such 
jurisdiction." It is remarkable that the historians of 
Massachusetts are silent respecting this charter. 
The only known evidence of its existence, is the re- 
cords of that state. From a copy made from them, 
the foregoing extracts were made. Although Mas- 
sachusetts never exercised any jurisdiction under it, 
yet the assertion of a right to do so, would, in itself, 
be no small obstacle to the establishment of a settled 
government under the other charter. The colonists 
might also have hesitated to exercise any authority 
under a charter emanating from the Parhament. 
There is indubitable evidence that they were divided 
into parties, like the mother country, some taking part 
with the king, while others were in favor of the Parlia- 
ment. So long as it remained uncertain which par- 
ty would succeed in this contest, it would not be 
strange, that the inhabitants should not agree to act 
under the authority of those who in one event might 
be adjudged traitors. These may be some of the rea- 
sons why a charter government was not sooner or- 
ganized in the colony. 

This Unsettled state of public affairs, though it 
may have retarded, did not entirely stop, the growth 
of Providence. The utmost freedom in religious 
matters which existed here, must have attracted from 
the other colonies, those who were there in danger 
of civil penalties, for the heterodoxy of their opinions. 
This alone would have increased their numbers, con- 
siderably. Dr. Holmes, in his " American Annals," 



60 GENERAL HISTORY. 

States, that in 1645, tliere were in Providence one i 
hundred and one men capable of bearing arms. It 
is probable that the colony at Shavvomet or Warwick 
was included. If Providence contained one half of 
that number, it was a very great increase, consider- 
ing its situation and the circumstances under which 
it originated, and through which it had had to pass. 
Besides those who, in the words of the original 
^eed, were admitted to " equal fellowship of vote" 
with the first purchasers, other individuals were re- 
ceived as townsmen, having no interest in the lands, 
and some too, as twenty-five acre or quarter-right 
purchasers. The latter class in every division of 
land, received One quarter part as much as a full 
purchaser. The Avhole number of purchasers of 
both kinds never exceeded one hundred and one 
persons. They were admitted such, at various 
times and on various terms, but it cannot be ascer- 
tained when the last of that number was admitted. 
Some individuals were received as inhabitants on 
the conditions contained in the following agreement. 

" The 19th of 11 mo. 1G45. (January 19, 1G46.) 
We whose names are hereafter subscribed, having obtained 
a free grant of Twenty-five acres of land, apiece, with the right 
of commoning according to the said proportion of lands, from 
the free inhabitants of this town of Providence, do thankfully ac- 
cept of the same, and do hereby promise to yield 
[*Thc State of active or passive obedience to the authority of 

England.] , i « i- ^-, ,,.,,. 

[Kmg and Parliament*] established in this colo- 
ny, according to our charter, and to all such wholesome laws 
and order.s, that are or shall be made by the major consent of the 
Town of Providence, as also, not to claim any right to the pur- 
chase of the said plantations, uor any privilege of vote in town 



GENERAL HISTORY. 61 

'affairs, until we shall be received as freemen of the said town of 

Providence. 

John Brown, John -f- Clawson, 

Pardon Tillinghast, Thomas -}- Sucklin, 

John -|- Jones, Benjamin -f- Herendeen, 

Thomas -|- Clemencc, Edward Inman, 

William Fenner, Henry Reddock, 

George Sheppard, Samuel Bennett, 

Robert -|- Potter, Edward Smith, 

Robert Pyke, John Fenner, 

Mathurin Beliou, John Sayles, 

Thomas 4" Walwin, Stephen Northup, 
Lawrence -|- Wilkinson, Daniel Brov.n, 

Daniel -|- Comstock, Epenetus Olney, 

Benjamin -f- Smith, John Steere, 

John Smith, George Way. " 

The appearance of the signatures to the original 
document indicates that they were not made at the 
same time. The alteration in the agreement itself, as 
noted in the margin of it, was undoubtedly made after 
the establishment of the Commonwealth of England. 

In May 1647, the obstructions to the organization 
of the Government of the colony of Providence Plan- 
tations, under the charter, Were so far removed that 
a meeting of a committee from each of the towns of 
Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick, 
was agreed upon, to be holden at Portsmouth on 
the 18th of the month. A town meeting for the 
choice of the committee of Providence, took place 
on the 16th. The following instructions were given 
to their committee, by the town. 

" To our loving and well betrusted friends and neighbors, Gre- 
gory Dexter, William Wickenden, Thomas Olney, Robert Wil- 
liams, Richard Waterman, Roger Williams, William Field, John 
Green, John Smith, John Lippitt. 



62 GENERAL HISTORY. 

We, the greater part of the inhabitants of this plantation of 
Providence, having orderly chosen you, at our Town Meeting 
this l()th of the 3d mo. 1647, to appear for us, at the General 
Court of this colony, to be held at Portsmouth on Rhode-Island, 
upon the 18th of this instant month, desiring the Lord's Provi- 
dence for your safe arrival there ; we all voluntarily assenting, do 
hereby give you full power and authority as followeth : 

First, to act and vote for us respectively or otherwise, as if we 
ourselves were in person, for the settling of this General court 
for the present, and for the composing of it, into any figure for 
the future, as cause shall require. 

Secondly, to act and vote for us, as aforesaid, in the choice of 
all general officers, as need shall require. 

Thirdly, if the General Court shall consist of but ten men 
for each town, then you are to act accordingly for this town; 
and if the General Court shall be reduced into a fewer number, 
which, for divers considerations, may be for the best, then, we 
give you full power to choose from among yourselves, such a 
number of our loving neighbors as shall answer the same figure, 
unto whom, being orderly chosen by you, we do give you power 
to transfer this our commission, giving of them full power to act 
and vote for us the inhabitants of this plantation, in all general 
affairs, and for the settling of the island in peace and union, and 
for all matters that shall concern this particular town, desiring a 
careful respect unto these ensuing instructions. But if the 
Court shall consist of ten of each town, then our desires are that 
this our commission, with the ensuing instructions, may remain 
entire in your hands. 

First. That we may have a true copy of our charter assigned 
unto us by the General Court for the use of our plantation. 

Secondly. We do voluntarily, and are freely willing, to re- 
ceive and be governed by the laws of England, together with the 
way of administration of them, so far as the nature and constitu- 
tion of this place will admit, desiring, so far as may be, to hold 
a correspondency with the whole colony in that model that hath 
been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends of the Island, 
if the General Court shall complete and confirm the same, or any 



GENERAL HISTORY 



63 



other model as the General Court shall agree upon according 
to our charter. 

Thirdly. We desire to have full power and authority, to 
transact all our home affairs, to try all manner of causes or ca- 
ses, and to execute all manner of executions, entirely within our- 
selves, excepting such cases and executions as the colony shall 
be pleased to reserve to general trials and executions. 

Fourthly. We desire to have full power and authority to 
choose, ordain, authorise, and confirm, all our particular town 
officers, and also, that the said officers, shall be responsible un- 
to our particular town, and that there may be no intermixture 
of general and particular officers, but that all may know their 
bounds and limits. 

Fifthly. We desire to have an exact and orderly way open 
for appeals unto General Courts, that so, if any shall be justly 
grieved, at any sentence passed, or otherwise, he or they may 
make their lawful charge for relief there. 

Lastly. Whereas, it was hinted in that which our worthy 
friends [sent] unto us, that each town should have a charter of 
civil incorporation, apart, for the transaction of particular affairs, 
if the Court shall proceed so far as to agitate and order the same, 
then, we give you full power, on our behalf, to move and procure 
any thing beside these instructions, that in your wisdom you 
may conceive may tend unto the general peace or union of the 
colony and our own particular liberties and privileges, provided 
you do all, or the most of you unanimously agree therein, and 
always reserving our equal votes, and equal privileges in the 
general. 

Thus betrusting you with the premises, we commit you unto 
the protection and direction of the Almighty, wishing you a com- 
fortable voyage, a happy success, and a safe return unto us again. 
Your thankful friends and neighbors, 

ROGER WILLIAMS, Moderator. 

The allusions to the difficulties and dangers of a 
•' voyage" to Portsmouth, almost provoke a smile. 
Accustomed to the modern facilities of travel, it is 
not easy to conceive that they have not always ex- 



64 GENERAL HISTORY 

isted, or that such a journey ever involved either dif- 
ficulty or danger of sufficient magnitude to be named 
in town meeting. Probably this voyage was made 
in canoes, and the committee worked their passage 
at the paddles. Nearly twenty years after this, Mr. 
Willams went in his canoe to Newport, and by "row- 
ing all day," arrived at his journey's end towards 
midnight. 

Notwithstanding the appointment of this commit- 
tee, it is probable that the greater part of the inhab- 
itants of Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and War- 
wick attended this meeting. It was in truth a Gen- 
eral Assembly of the people. Mr. John Coggeshall 
of Newport was chosen moderator. After resolving 
that a major part of the colony was present, and that 
they therefore had power to act under the charter, 
they agreed to adopt the charter by subscribing an 
" engagement" to it. A grant of £100 was made 
to Mr. Williams for his services and expenses in pro- 
curing it, to be paid, £20 by Providence, £30 by 
Portsmouth, and £50 by Newport. They ap- 
pointed a General Assembly of the whole colony to 
be holden annually, " if wind and weather hinder not," 
on the Tuesday after the 15tli of May, at which the 
General Officers of the colony were to be chosen. 
There were, a President, one Assistant for each town, 
a General Recorder, a Public Treasurer, and a Gene- 
ral Sergeant ; afterwards a General Attorney and a 
General Solicitor, were added. Such of the colony 
as could not attend the General Assembly, had the 
right to send their votes for these officers, by some 
other persons ; hence the origin of the terms prox, 



GENERAL HISTORY . 



65 



and proxy votes, as applied to the present mode of 
voting for state officers in Rhode-Island. Each 
town had the nomination of one person for each of 
the offices of President, Recorder, Treasurer and 
Sergeant, and of two persons for each Assistant, from 
which the election was to be made. 

The President and Assistants, composed the Gen- 
eral Court of trials. They had jurisdiction over all 
aggravated offences, and in such matters as should 
be, by the town courts, referred to them as too weighty 
for themselves to determine, and also, of all disputes 
between different towns, or between citizens of differ- 
ent towns and strangers. They had two sessions in 
each year. Ail questions of fact, were determined 
by a jury of twelve men. The town courts had ex- 
clusive original jurisdiction over all causes between 
their own citizens. The President was Conservator 
of the Peace throughout the colony, and the Assist- 
ants, in their respective towns. All legislative pow- 
er was ultimately in the people, in General Assem- 
bly. Questions of general interest, and laws affect- 
ing the whole colony, were to be debated and deci- 
ded upon by the town where they originated and 
then sent to the other towns. The votes in relation 
to them were collected in each town and sent to the 
General Court, which was composed of six Commis- 
sioners from each town. If upon examining the votes 
returned, a majority of them were in favor of the law, 
the General Court were to declare it, and it stood 
for a law, till the next General Assembly. Such 
laws might also originate in the General Court. In 
this case, they were subsequently to be sent to each 
9 



66 GENERAL HISTORY. 

town, there to be debated in town meeting, after 
which, the votes were to be taken and returned to 
the General Recorder, to be counted in presence of 
the President. If a major part of the colony were 
in their favor, they stood for laws, till the next Gen- 
eral Assembly. Each town was directed to choose 
surveyors of highways, "to provide carefully for the 
relief of the poor, to maintain the impotent and to 
employ the able," to appoint an overseer, military 
officers, and a town council to consist of six persons. 
Each town had the power of licensing taverns, and 
alehouses, and the head officer, that is, the Assist- 
ant, took the recognizance of each hcensed person 
with two sureties to maintain good order. 

Before the meeting of this General Assembly, a 
body or code of laws had been drawn up and sent 
to the several towns, for examination. This was 
adopted, and it is presumed, was referred to in the 
instructions given to the committee of Providence, 
as "the model that hath been lately shown unto us 
by our worthy friends of the Island." It contains a 
general description of various crimes and offences, 
provides for the general administration of justice, 
for the collection of debts, publication and celebra- 
tion of marriages, support of the poor by the several 
towns, and for the probate of wills and the settlement 
of the estates of deceased persons. It is prefaced with 
an engagement to the charter to be signed by the 
inhabitants, after which it is declared "that the form 
of Government established in Providence Planta- 
tions is Democratical, that is to say, a government 
held by the free and voluntary consent of all or the 



GENERAL HISTORY 67 

greater part of the free inhabitants." The following 
are extracts from the bill of rights. " That no per- 
son in this colony shall be taken or imprisoned or 
deprived of his lands or liberties or be exiled or in 
any otherwise molested or destroyed but by the law- 
ful judgment of his peers or by some known law 
and according to the letter of it, ratified and con- 
firmed by the major part of the General Assembly, 
lawfully met and orderly managed." 

" No person shall, but at his great peril, presume 
to bear or execute any office, that is not lawfully 
called to it and confirmed in it ; nor, though he be 
lawfully called and confirmed, presume to do more 
or less than those that had power to call him, did 
authorize him to do." 

The code contains nothing touching religion, or 
matters of conscience, thus pursuing the same silent, 
yet most expressive legislation on the subject, which 
was commenced in the charter itself That part of 
the code relating to oflfences, ends with the follow- 
ing significant expressions. " These are the laws 
that concern all men, and these are the penalties for 
the transgression thereof, which, by common consent 
are ratified and established throughout the whole 
colony, and otherwise than thus what is herein for- 
bidden, all men may walk as their consciences per- 
suade them, every one in the fear of his GOD. 
And let the Saints of the Most High, walk in this 
colony, without molestation, in the name of Jehovah, 
their GOD, forever and ever." 

Such is the general outline of the government 
established under the charter. That the framers of 



68 GENERAL HISTORY. 

that government felt the necessity of carefully guard 
ing all delegated power, appears from all their pro- 
ceedings. It is also apparent, that the towns, ay 
such, parted with no more power than they deemed 
the exigency of the case required. They can 
scarcely be said, to have consented to any thing 
more than a confederation of independent gov- 
ernments. If they intended a complete consolida- 
tion of powers, their acts fall far short of it. He 
who carefully peruses the whole proceedings of the 
first General Assembly of the towns in this infant 
Colony of Providence Plantations, as he will find 
them recorded, will be struck with the resemblance 
there is, between those towns, after that assembly 
had closed its labors, and the several states now com- 
posing the United States of America, under the con- 
stitution. 

The organization of the colony government, did 
not put an end to the feuds and divisions that had 
previously disturbed the tranquillity and hindered the 
growth of Providence. Many were the expedients 
resorted to, to restore peace and union. The fol- 
lowing document is selected, as one of these expe- 
dients. 

" Considering that great mercy afforded unto us in this liber- 
ty to meet together, being denied to many of our countrymen 
m most parts, especially in our poor native country, deploring 
their distressed condition, in most sad and bloody calamities ; 
that ingratitude and disacknowledgment of favors received, are 
just causes for the deprivation of them; together with our home 
divisions and home conspiracies, the ruination of families, town 
and country ; moreover the many plots and present endeavors 
at home and abroad, not only to disturb our peace aiid liberties, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 69 

Itut utterly to root up both root and branch of this our being; 
that government holds forth through love, union and order, al- 
though by few in number and mean in condition, yet by expe- 
rience hath withstood and overcome mighty cpposcrs, and above 
all, the several and unexpected deliverances of this poor planta- 
tion, by that mighty Providence, who is able to deliver us, through 
love, union and order : 

Therefore, being sensible of these great and weighty premises, 
and now met together to consult about our peace and liberties, 
whereby our families and posterities may still enjoy these favors, 
and, that we may publicly declare unto all, the free discharge of 
our consciences and duties, whereby it may appear upon record, 
Ihat we are not wilfully opposite nor careless and senseless, and 
thereby the means of our own and others ruin and destruction ; 
and, especially, in testimony of our fidelity and cordial affection 
unto one another here present, that so there may be a current, 
peaceable and comfortable proceeding: We do faithfully and 
unanimously, by this our subscription, promise unto each other, 
•to keep unto these ensuing particulars. 

First. That the foundation in love, may appear among us, 
what causes of difference have heretofore been given, either by 
words or misbehavior, in public or private, concerning particu- 
lar or general affairs, by any of us here present, not to mention 
or repeat them in this assembly, but that love shall cover the 
multitude of them in the grave of oblivion. 

Secondly. That union may proceed from love, we promise 
to keep constant unto those several engagements made by us 
both unto our town and colony, and, that, to the uttermost ot 
our powers and abilities, to maintain our lawful rights and privi- 
leges, and to uphold the government of this plantation ; also, 
that love may appear in union, we desire to abandon all cause- 
less fears and jealousies of one another, self-seekings and striv- 
ings one against another, only aiming at the general and particu- 
lar peace and union of this town and colony. 

Lastly. For our more orderly proceeding in this Assembly, 
whereby peace and union may appear in order, if in our con- 
sultations, differences of judgments shall arise, then moderately 
in order througli argumentation to agitate the same, consid- 



70 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ering the cause, how far it may be hurtful or conducing unto 
our union, peace and liberties, and accordingly act, not after the 
will or person of any, but unto the justice or righteousness of the 
cause. Again, if in case such causes shall be presented, where- 
in such difficulties shall appear, that evident arguments cannot 
be given for present satisfaction, but that either town or colony 
or both shall suffer, then to take into our consideration, a speech 
of a beloved friend, Better to suffer an inconvenience than a mis- 
chief, better to suspend with a loss which may be inconvenient, 
than to be totally disunited and bereaved of all rights and liber- 
ties, which will be a mischief indeed. Moreover, that offences 
and disturbances may be prevented, that so the current of busi- 
ness may peaceably proceed in this Assembly, we do faithfully 
promise to carry ourselves in words and behavior, so moderately 
and orderly as the cause shall permit, and if in case any of us 
shall fly out in provoking scurrilous or exorbitant speeches or 
unsuitable behavior, that he or they, so doing, shall be publicly 
declared, branded, and noted upon record, to be a common 
violator and disturber of the union, peace and liberties of this 
plantation. Dated December, 1647. We do here subscribe, 
without partiality. Robert Williams, William Wickenden, 
Roger Williams, John Field, 
John Smith, Thomas -f- Hopkins, 

Hugh Bewett, William -|- Hawkins." 

No great good could, in general, result from such 
agreements. The signers did not need them, as a re- 
straint upon themselves, and those who were inclin- 
ed to disturb the public tranquillity could scarcely be 
expected to give the pledge contained in them. But 
more than all, every individual was left, as before, 
not only to decide on his own, but on every other 
person's acts, whether the same were according to 
the letter or spirit of them. They might therefore 
afford new causes of disputes and difficulties and en- 
danger the peace and union they were intended to 
preserve. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 71 

1648. — The General Assembly for Election, met 
this year in Providence. 

William Coddington, was elected President. 

Roger Williams, Assistant for Providence. 

William Baulstone, do. for Portsmouth. 

Jeremy Clark, do. for Newport. 

John Smith, do. for Warwick. 

Philip Sherman, General Recorder. 

Alexander Partridge, General Sergeant. 

Fmther provision was made relative to the Gene- 
ral Court of Commissioners. The Assembly requir- 
ed each town to choose " six men in whom the Gen- 
eral Court shall continue," and if any towns neglect- 
ed to choose, the General Court supplied the defi- 
ciency by electing commissioners. The first com- 
missioners were chosen by the inhabitants of each 
town then present in the General Assembly. Those 
from Providence were 

Thomas Olney, Hugh Bewett, 

Thomas Harris, Robert Williams, 

Wilham Wickenden, Gregory Dexter. 

The Assembly required each town to elect their 
town officers within ten days, and appointed a person 
in each town, except Providence, to call the town 
together, for that purpose. It is to be inferred that 
Providence had made their election, accordins to an 
order of the General Assembly passed the preceding 
year. The president elect was not present at this 
Assembly. Divers complaints had been made against 
him, the nature of which does not appear. The As- 
sistant from Newport was authorized to execute the 
duties of President, in case Mr. Coddington refused 



72 GEPiTERAL HISTORY, 

to accept the office or these charges were establish- 
ed. Mr. Coddington did not act as President, but 
from which of these causes, cannot be ascertained. 
In September following, Mr. Coddington and Mr. 
Partridge applied to the commissioners of the United 
Colonies for the admission of the Island of Rhode- 
Island into that confederacy. Their petition was 
refused, except upon the condition that they would 
subject themselves to Plymouth. Mr. Coddington 
inclined to accede to these terms, as did also the 
town of Portsmouth. The opposition of the other 
towns in the colony frustrated the design. Whether 
these proceedings on the part of Mr. Coddington 
produced the complaints made against him, or wheth- 
er a suspicion of such an intention on his part was 
the foundation of the complaints, is left to conjecture.. 

1649. — A special General Assembly was holden 
at Warwick, in March ; there is no record however 
of their proceedings. In a letter from Mr. Williams 
to Mr. John Winthrop, he refers to the proceedings 
of this court. It seems that he was not present, and 
that the colony elected him Deputy President, Mr. 
Coddington having sailed for England with his 
daughter, in January. The colony was thrown into 
great excitement, by the report of a discovery of a 
gold mine on the island. Mr. Williams sent some 
bags of the ore to Mr. Winthrop, and writes " it is 
certainly affirmed to be both gold and silver ore, up- 
on trial." The Assembly passed an act, taking pos- 
sission of the mine in the name of the State of En^- 
land, and issued a proclamation forbidding all persons 
to intermeddle with any of the ore. This was pub- 



GENERAL HISTORY 



73 



lished by William Dyre, appointed for that purpose, 
for want of a Herald at arms, and the arms of Eng- 
land, and of the Lord High Admiral, were set up at 
the mine. Fortunately, a more accurate exami- 
nation dissipated the golden dreams of the colonists 
by proving the report unfounded. At the same ses- 
sion the following charter was granted to the town of 
Providence. 

" Whereas, by virtue of a free and absolute charter of civil 
incorporation, granted to the free inhabitants of this colony of 
Providence, by the Right Honorable Robert, Earl of Warwick, 
Governor in chief with the rest of the Honorable Commoners, 
bearing date the 7th day of March Anno 1643, giving and grant- 
ing full power and authority unto the said inhabitants to govern 
themselves and such others as shall come among them, as also to 
make, constitute and ordain such laws, orders and constitutions, 
and to inflict such punishments and penalties as is conformable 
to the laws of England, so near as the nature and constitution of 
the place will admit, and which may best suit the estate and con- 
dition thereof, and whereas the said towns of Providence, Ports- 
mouth, Newport and Warwick are far remote each from other, 
whereby so often and free intercourse of help, in deciding of 
differences and trying of causes and the like, cannot easily and 
at all times be had and procured of that kind is requisite ; there- 
fore, upon the petition and humble request of the freemen of the 
Town of Providence, exhibited unto this present session of the 
General Assembly, wherein they desire freedom and liberty to 
incorporate themselves into a body politic, and we, the said As- 
sembly, having duly weighed and seriously considered the prem- 
ises, and being willing and ready to provide for the ease and lib- 
erty of the people, have thought fit, and by the authority afore- 
said, and by these presents, do give, grant and confirm unto the 
free inhabitants of the town of Providence, a free and absolute 
charter of civil incorporation and government to be known by 
the Incorporation of Providence Plantation in the Narragansett 
Bay, in New-England, together with full power and authority to 
10 



74 GENERAL HISTORY. 

o^vern and rule themselves, and such others as shall hereafter 
inhabit within any part of the said Plantation, by such a form of 
civil ffovernmeut, as by voluntary consent of all, or the greater 
part of them, shall be found most suitable unto their estate and 
condition ; and, to thatend,to make and ordain such civil orders 
and constitutions, to inflict such punishments upon transgressors, 
and for execution thereof, and of the common statute laws of 
the colony agreed unto, and the penalties and so many of them 
as are not annexed already unto the colony court of trials, so to 
place and displace officers of justice, as they or the greater part 
of them shall, by one consent, agree unto. Provided, neverthe- 
less, that the said laws, constitutions and punishments, for the 
civil government of the said plantation, be conformable to the 
laws of England, so far as the nature and constitution of the place 
will admit, yet, always reserving to the aforesaid General As- 
sembly power and authority so to dispose the general government 
of that plantation as it stands in reference to the rest of the plan- 
tations, as they shall conceive, from time to time, most condu- 
cing to the general good of the said plantations. And we the 
said Assembly, do further authorise the aforesaid inhabitants to 
elect and engage such aforesaid officers upon the first second 
day of June annually. And, moreover, we authorize the said 
inhabitants, for the better transacting of their public affairs, to 
make and use a public seal as the known seal of Providence 
Plantation, in the Narragansett Bay, in New-England, 

In testimony whereof, we the said General Assembly, have 
hereunto set our hands and seals the 14th of March, anno 1C48. 
JOHN WARNER, Clerk of the Assembly. 

This charter was intended to strengthen the mu- 
nicipal government of Providence. To have been 
more useful, it should have prescribed a form of gov- 
ernment to be adopted. There is no reference to 
this charter in the records of the town, neither a peti- 
tion for it, nor acceptance of it. There is a copy of it 
in the city clerk's office, engrossed on parchment, 
which is now almost illegible. A similar charter. 



GENERAL HISTORY T5 

bearing date the same day, was granted to War- 
wick ; and, it is presumed, Portsmouth and New- 
port had hke charters. 

The General Assembly for Election was holden 
at Warwick. 

John Smith, of Warwick, was elected President. 

Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence. 

John Sandford, do, for Portsmouth. 

John Clark, do. for Newport. 

Samuel Gorton, do. for Warwick. 

Philip Sherman, General Recorder. 

John Clark, General Treasurer. 

The names of the Commissioners cannot be as- 
certained, as they are not entered in the record of 
their proceedings. Each town was required to 
build a prison within nine months. The town mag- 
istrates of the town in which the General Court of 
trials sat, were declared members of that court. 
The submission of the inhabitants of Pawtaxet to 
the Government of Massachusetts, having been 
brought before this Assembly, a letter was sent them 
in relation to it. The sale of wines and spirituous 
liquors to the natives was prohibited, under severe 
penalties. 

1650. — The General Assembly for Election was 
holden this year at Newport. Some difficulty ex- 
isted in relation to the election, as among the first 
acts passed, is one declaring that the election shall 
" stand notwithstanding obstructions." In addition 
to the officers heretofore chosen, they, at this time, 
elected an Attorney General and a Solicitor General. 
The officers chosen were. 



76 GENERAL HISTORY 

Nicholas Easton, President. 

William Field, Assistant for Providence. 

John Porter, do. for Portsmouth. 

John Clark, do. for Newport. 

John Wickes, do. for Warwick. 

Philip Sherman, General Recorder. 

Richard Knight, General Sergeant. 

John Clark, General Treasurer. 

William Dyre, General Attorney. 

Hugh Bewett, General Solicitor. 

The commissioners appointed for Providence^ 
were 

Richard Waterman, Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Hopkins, Thomas Harris, 

Hugh Bewett, Gregory Dexter. 

The names are not entered in the record of their 
proceedings. In many instances after this time, 
where the names are entered in the record, they 
are not the same with the persons elected by the 
town. This is accounted for by an act passed this 
session, " that in case the committee shall fall short 
of six from each town, that then, they that appear 
from each town shall have liberty to choose and 
make up the number." And the whole body also 
declared, " that if upon complaint and due trial of 
any member of the General Assembly, he is not 
found a fit member, that the Assembly have power 
to suspend him and to choose another in his room." 
In this last act, the Court of Commissioners assume 
the title of General Assembly, which before had been 
applied only to a General Assembly of all the free 
inhabitants of the colony. Each town was required 



GENERAL HISTORY. 77 

to have their guns prepared, and to keep a magazine 
of arms and ammunition. Providence was required 
to have in its magazine, one barrel of powder, five 
hundred pounds of lead, six pikes and six muskets 
fit for use — Portsmouth, double the quantity of pow- 
der, lead and pikes, and eighteen muskets — Newport 
three barrels of powder, one thousand pounds of 
lead, twelve pikes and twenty-four muskets, and 
Warwick the same as Providence. The regulation 
of the militia was left to each town. It seems that 
the towns had not comphed with the order made by 
the General Assembly in May 1647, for the payment 
of Mr. Williams, as a new one was made at this time, 
requiring the towns to make up and pay their seve- 
ral proportions within twenty days. 

In May the Town passed an ordinance requiring 
births to be recorded. This was no better observed 
in early times, than the State law on the same sub- 
ject, is at present. Mr. Backus states, that a citation 
was sent from Massachusetts, to some of the inhabi- 
tants of Providence, to appear and answer in their 
courts to some new complaints of William Arnold 
and William Carpenter. The citation bore date 
June 20. This explains an entry in the town rec- 
ords, of the appointment of Thomas Olney, Robert 
Williams and William Wickenden, "to be joined in 
commission with three chosen out of each town, viz : 
Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick, to give answer 
to the State of Massachusetts, about these summons 
that are sent into the colony, and also order all oth- 
er necessary occasions depending on that business." 
This committee was summoned by the President of 



78 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the colony to meet at Portsmouth on the 20th of Ju- 
ly. One would suppose, that this would have been 
sufficient cause for calling a special court of com- 
missioners. What was done by this committee, no 
where appears. 

The oldest rate-bill extant, bears date the first of 
September of this year. The gross amount assessed 
was £56,5. The largest sum assessed on any indi- 
vidual was £5, on Benedict Arnold. The sum of 
£3,6,8, was assessed on Wilham Field, Richard Scott, 
William Harris, William Arnold and Wilham Car- 
penter. Roger Wilhams was assessed £1,13,4. — 
Among these, it will be seen, were some who had 
subjected themselves and lands to Massachusetts. 
Perhaps the town took their subjection into the ac- 
count to increase their taxes. 

A General court of commissioners was holden on 
the 26th day of October. The commissioners of 
Providence were 

Thomas Angell, Thomas Roberts, 

James Ashton, William Field, 

Nicholas Power, Hugh Bewett. 

There appears in their proceedings no special ob- 
ject for the meeting. By this court it was " ordered 
that the Representatives court, shall always consist 
of six discreet, able men, chosen out of each town, for 
the transacting of the affairs of the commonwealth." 
They were empowered to pass laws, which were to 
be sent to each town within six days, there to be 
considered and canvassed within three days. Those 
persons who disapproved of the proposed laws were 
to send their votes to the General Recorder within 



GENERAL HISTORY. 79 

ten days, and unless it appeared that a majority of the 
freemen of the colony disapproved them, they re- 
mamedin force as enacted by the Representatives. 
This was a great improvement on the laws of 1647. 
At a town meeting on the 9th of November, it was 
ordered that for the future all persons received shall 
pay for their home share one shilling per acre, and 
sixpence per acre for the rest, not exceeding twLnty- 
five acres. 

1651.— In February 1651, Mr, Williams, wrote to 
the town of Providence requesting "payment of the 
money due unto me, about the charter." It appears 
from this letter, that neither of the towns had paid 
the sums assessed for that purpose. In the same 
letter he also refers to a proposition that had been 
rnade to him, to be engaged in the erection of Iron 
Works, m the town, toward which he wrote that he 
had promised his help '' when the matter was ripe " 
At a town meeting in May following an order was 
parsed for paying "the £5 due to Roger Wilhams, 
out of the first money coming into the town stock '' 
There is no record of the election of any Commis- 
sioners for the General Assembly, in the town records. 
Nor IS there any record of any General Assembly, 
for election. It would seem that no election of col- 
ony officers took place. This was probably owin^ 
to the distracted state of the colony, and perhaps the 

object of Mr. Coddington's visit to England had trans- 
pired. 

This year is the first record of any choice of town 
officers. The date of the election is lost, but from 
Its place m the record, it was probably on the day 



80 GENERAL HISTORY. 

prescribed in the Town charter. The officers were 
Gregory Dexter, Town Clerk. 
Robert Wilhams, } rp^ y^ 
Thomas Olney, \ T^""" Deputies. 

Thomas Harris, Wilham Wickenden, and Richard 
Waterman, to be added to the Assistant and two 
Deputies, to make up the Town Council ; Hugh 
Bewett, Town Sergeant ; Thomas Harris, Treasurer. 
It was also voted that Thomas Harris, Wilham Wick- 
enden and Richard Waterman " shall join in course 
with the three chief officers, in cases difficult dur- 
ing the year ensuing." " The three chief offi- 
cers," were probably, the Assistant and the two town 
deputies. The respective duties of these officers, 
where not implied in their titles, can be gathered 
only from other parts of the records. The " Town 
Deputies" it is supposed, composed the Town Court. 
They also had the power of laying out land to indi- 
vidual proprietors or purchasers. The Assistant, it 
will be recollected, was a colony officer, one of the 
judges of the General Court of trials. There being 
no choice of colony officers this year, was probably 
the reason why Thomas Harris, William Wickenden 
and Richard Waterman were appointed to join with 
the three chief officers in the execution of certain 
duties within the town, which duties, by the colony 
law, devolved on the General Court of trials. 

Mr. Coddington returned to this country, some- 
time in the summer of this year, bringing with him 
a commission, signed by John Bradshaw, constitut- 
ing him Governor of the Islands of Rhode-Island and 
Conanicutt during his life. This event completed 



GENERAL HISTORY. 81 

the destruction of the colony government under the 
charter, and one would suppose that this would have 
entirely broken up the towns of Providence and War- 
wick, or driven them for protection under the Gov- 
ernment of Plymouth or Massachusetts. But the 
leading men in these towns were not dismayed or 
disheartened. These settlements having been com- 
menced under most discouraging circumstances, 
and having been obhged to sustain themselves against 
the traitorous designs of some of their own citizens 
and the open hostility of the neighboring colonies, 
were not now to be relinquished, though other diffi- 
culties, apparently insurmountable, were thrown in 
their way. A General Assembly of the two towns 
was called in October, at which 

Samuel Gorton was chosen President. 

William Field, Assistant for Providence. 

A court of commissioners was appointed to be hol- 
den in November, " to consult and determine on 
what may make for the public good of the colony." 
The commissioners from Providence were 

Robert Williams, William Wickenden, 
Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney, 

Hugh Bewett, Gregory Dexter. 

They passed the following resolution : 

" Whereas, it is evident and apparent, that Mr. Nicholas Eas- 
ton being formerly chosen President of the province of Providence 
Plantations, hath of late deserted his office, and he, together with 
the two towns upon Rhode-Island, viz. Portsmouth and Newport, 
have declined and fallen off from that established order of civil 
government and incorporation amongst us, by means of a com- 
mission presented upon the said island by Mr. William Codding- 
11 



82 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ton, We, the rest of the towns of the said jurisdiction, are there- 
upon constrained to declare ourselves, that we do profess our- 
selves unanimously to stand embodied and incorporated as be- 
fore, by virtue of our charter granted unto us by that Honorable 
State of Old' England, and, thereby do, according to our legal 
and settled order, choose and appoint our officers, institute laws, 
according to the constitution of the place and capacity of our 
present condition, prosecuting, acting and executing all matters 
and causes for the doing of justice, preservation of our peace, 
and maintaining of all civil rights between man and man, accord- 
ing to the honorable authority and true intent of our aforesaid 
charter granted unto us. 

The towns of Providence and Warwick appointed 
Mr. Williams their agent to go to England and so- 
licit a confirmation of their charter privileges. In 
the mean time, Plymouth and Massachusetts renew- 
ed their dispute before the commissioners of the Uni- 
ted Colonies about Warwick. In September, Plym- 
outh was advised to take possession of that plantation 
by force, unless the inhabitants would willingly submit 
themselves to their jurisdiction. This undoubtedly 
hastened the appointment of an agent to England. 
The proceedings of Mr. Coddington were not ap- 
proved by all the inhabitants of the islands over 
which he was appointed Governor. Forty-one of 
tlie inhabitants of Portsmouth, and sixty-five of the 
inhabitants of Newport, joined in requesting Dr. John 
Clark, of Newport, to proceed to England as their 
agent, and solicit a repeal of his commission. Mr. 
Williams and Mr. Clark sailed together from Boston, 
in November. The objects of their respective mis- 
sions were different. Mr. Clark was the sole agent 
of the island towns, to procure a repeal of Mr. Cod- 
dington's commission. Mr. Wilhams was the sole 



GENERj^L HISTORY 83 

agent of Providence and Warwick, to procure a 
new charter for these two towns. It seems to have 
been admitted that the commission of Mr. Codding- 
ton had, in effect, vacated the previous charter. 
The following extract of a letter from William Ar- 
nold, to the governor of Massachusetts, will show the 
distracted state of things at that time in the towns on 
the main. 

From Pawtuxet, this 1st day of the 7th month, 1651. 
Much Honored. — I thought it my duty to give intelligence 
unto the much honored court, of that which I now understand is 
now working here in these parts ; so that if it be the will of God, 
an evil may be prevented, before it come to too great a head, viz. 
Whereas Mr. Coddington has gotten a charter of Rhode-Island 
and Conanicut Island to himself, he has thereby broken the force 
of their charter that went under the name of Providence, be- 
cause, he has gotten away the greater part of the colony. — 
Now this company of the Gortonists, that lived at Shawomet, 
and that company of Providence, are gathering of <£200 to send 
Mr. Roger Williams unto the Parliament, to get them a charter 
of these parts; they of Shawomet have given .£100 already, and 
there be some men of Providence that have given £10 and £20 
a man to help it forward with speed." 

1652. — On the arrival of these agents in England, 
they presented a joint petition to the Council of 
State, on the 8th of April, by whom it was referred 
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. On the 8th 
of September, Mr. Williams wrote to Mr. Gregory 
Dexter, at Providence, of his partial success in the 
objects of his mission. " It is God's mercy, his very 
great mercy, that we have obtained this interim en- 
couragement from the Council of State, that you 
may cheerfully go on in the name of a Colony until 



84 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the controversy is determined. The determination 
of it, Sir, I fear, will be a work of time, for our ad- 
versaries threaten to make a last appeal to Parlia- 
ment, in case we get the day before the Council." 
Subsequently the Council issued an order, vacating 
the commission of Mr. Coddington and directing the 
towns to unite again under the charter. This was 
brought to Rhode-Island by Mr. William Dyre. The 
controversy alluded to by Mr. Williams undoubtedly 
related to the conflicting claims then set up to some 
parts of the Plantations incorporated under the char- 
ter. This was of much longer continuance than 
even Mr. WilHams supposed it would be. 

The General Assembly of the two main land towns 
was holden at Warwick. 

John Smith, was chosen President, 
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence, 
Samuel Gorton, " for Warwick, 
John Greene, Junior, General Recorder, 
Randall Holden, Treasurer. 
The commissioners from Providence were 
Robert Wilhams, Wilham Wickenden, 

Gregory Dexter, Thomas Harris, 

Richard Waterman, Hugh Bewett. 
At a town meeting holden in July, a letter was 
sent to Warwick, proposing a meeting of Commis- 
sioners to prepare " letters of encouragement" in an- 
swer to the "divers loving letters from our agent, 
Mr. Roger Williams, wherein his careful proceedings 
are manifest." The answer from Warwick is cop- 
ied at length. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 85 

" Neighbors and friends of the town of Providence. Our 
town having received a letter from your town, dated the 27th of 
this instant, and having taken into serious consideration the mo- 
tions therein contained, have thereupon accordingly ordered, 
that four commissioners, being now chosen by them, shall meet 
your commissioners at the place and time where Warwick As- 
sistant, supplying the place of President, shall appoint : Further- 
more, our town have ordered, that, in case you do the like, that 
their commissioners with yours, may have liberty, as they shall 
see cause, to treat, either by word or writing, with the Island, 
namely Portsmouth and Newport, to see, if there may be an 
unanimous agreement for the four towns to send over together 
as desiring the former charter to be renewed, which unanimous 
agreement may be a means to remove some obstacles ; for, first, 
it may take off a tie upon Mr. Williams, our agent's mind, who, 
at present, cannot so freely sue for the whole : secondly, it 
may be the means to take off some potent men in the Parliament 
that may obstruct ; as also, thirdly, we may the better bring in 
the Narragansett Bay, which Coweset men so strive for, which, 
if granted them, will be very prejudicial to us, being we can 
neither have free egress nor regress by sea. Thus in haste, de- 
siring your welfare, we cease further to trouble you. 

By the Town, JOHN GREENE, Jun., Scribe. 

Dated at Warwick, the 29th of July, '52. 

Agreeably lo the proposals in these letters, a 
meeting was called by the Deputy President on the 
2d of August, but there is no record of its proceed- 
ings. 

A court of Commissioners met at Providence on 
the 28th of October. The Commissioners from 
Providence were 

Robert Williams, Thomas Hopkins, 
Richard Waterman, James Ashton, 
Gregory Dexter, Thomas Harris. 
A letter of thanks was sent to Mr. Williams, for 



86 GENERAL HISTORY 

his care and diligence in their affairs, and intimating 
that if the charter should be renewed by his means, 
"that it might tend much to the weighing of men's 
minds and subjecting of persons who have been re- 
fractory, to yield themselves over as unto a settled 
government, if it might be the pleasure of that hon- 
orable state, to invest, appoint and empower your- 
self to come over as Governor of this colony, for the 
space of one year, and so the government to be 
honorably put upon this place, which might seem to 
add weight forever hereafter in the constant and 
successive derivation of the same." The intimation 
is a high compHment to Mr. Williams. We cannot 
but rejoice, however, that for any cause, the pro- 
position was not acceded to, as it might have been 
drawn in precedent, and taken from the colony the 
choice of its chief officer. 

A special court of Commissioners convened on 
the 20th of December. The Commissioners from 
Providence were 

Thomas Angell, Gregory Dexter, 

Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett, 

Wilham Wickenden, James Ashton. 
The object of this session was the trial of Hugh 
Bewett, who was accused by the President and As- 
sistant of Warwick, of " Treason, against the pow- 
er and authority of the State of England." The 
trial occupied four days and resulted in the acquittal 
of the prisoner. The General court of trials had 
found him guilty and this reversal of their judgment 
by the Court of Commissioners gave rise to further 
divisions in this distracted colony. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 87 

At the election of Town officers in June 
Gregory Dexter was chosen Town clerk. 
Robert Wilhams, } rr^ t-» 
Thomas Harris, I T°«'" Deputies. 

Thomas Harris, Treasurer. 

Richard Waterman, Arthur Fenner, and John 
Field to make up a Town council. By an account 
on file in the city clerk's office, it appears that Hugh 
Bewett had been town Treasurer from 1649 to 1652. 
Among his disbursements on account of the Town, 
are the following. 

Paid to Owcapocamine, the Sachem of Coweset for 
his and all Indians' rights of land at Neotocon- 
conett, £15 

Paid to Mr. Roger Williams, 18 

Paid more to his wife since he went to En- 
gland, 5 

Paid mending the bridge, highways beyond 
the bridge, mile-end cove, fence at Dickens 
and the pound these several years, 3 

The whole amount of the disbursements was 
£74 1 . What bridge was so early erected, must be 
matter of conjecture. Probably it was a bridge over 
West river, so called, which is within the present 
hmits of the town of North-Providence. In Janua- 
ry of this year, in other proceedings of the town, 
reference is had to the new bridge on West river. 
When the bridge at Weybosset was first erected is 
very doubtful, probably not till some years after this. 
In early times there was a fording place across the 
main river at low water, near Steeple-street. 

1653. — The letters of the Council of State recall- 
ing Mr. Coddington's commission arrived in this 



88 GENERAL HISTORY. 

country early in this year. On the 18th February, 
Mr. Dyre, the bearer of them, addressed a letter to 
the free inhabitants of the town of Providence, in- 
forming them that " upon Tuesday come sevennight, 
at Portsmouth, on Rhode-Island, at Mr. Baulstone's 
house, I shall be there ready to attend the communi- 
cation of the trust committed to my care, unto all 
such free inhabitants as shall there make their per- 
sonal appearance." A letter of similar import was 
sent to Warwick, of an earlier date, for at a town 
Meeting in Providence on the 20th of February ref- 
erence is had to a letter from Warwick, dated the 
15th containing a communication made to them by 
Mr. Dyre. In answer to the letter from Warwick 
the town of Providence appointed commissioners to 
meet commissioners from that town. They met on 
the 25th. The commissioners from Providence were 

Thomas Angell, Gregory Dexter, 

Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett, 

WiUiam Wickenden, Thomas Harris. 

A reply was drawn up to a letter received from 
some individuals of the island, evidently relating to 
a reunion of the colony, and two commissioners from 
each town were deputed to consult with the au- 
thors of it generally as to the welfare of the colony, 
and to call a special meeting of all the commission- 
ers to receive the report of their proceedings. They 
did not succeed in the objects of their mission. 

The following extracts from a letter sent by the 
town of Providence to Mr. Williams, elucidate some 
of the transactions of these times. 



GENERAL HISTORY 89 

" Mr. Dyre's presence and behavior here, hath occasioned 
much disturbance amongst us, for Mr, Dyre, coming first to Rhode- 
Island and showing tlie superscription of the state's letter, to 
Baulstone, Sandford, Porter and Jeffries, they wrote to us to ap- 
point time and place to meet them of the Island, to receive and 
order about the state's letter ; but we apprehending that ourselves 
properly, who have sent you our agent, then did bear the name 
of Providence Plantations, we had much dispute with Mr. 
Dyre, who was then present in our meeting, about the matter : 
for Mr. Coddington, having a charter for Rhode-Island, we, 
upon the main only, remained the colony of Providence Planta- 
tions, and so, by order of a court of commissioners, sent your- 
self as our particular agent for the renewing of the grand Char- 
ter unto us, without any desire to evade or oppose Mr. Codding- 
ton's commission for governing Rhode-Island ; but wherein Mr. 
Clark went to England from the Island, was and is to us un- 
known, we having, as we ever had, only respect to yourself as 
our agent, although Dyre was pleased peremptorily to affirm, 
that you had joined with Mr. Clark, on whose shoulders and 
credit, together with himself, namely Dyre, the weight of our 
affairs was chiefly supported, and, therefore, the state's letters 
and orders, were by him left at Rhode-Island, for, it appeared to 
him the island was the major part of the colony, and, in that re- 
spect, more eminently interested in those letters and orders, 
where they are detained, even until this day, we having with no 
small difficulty and industry, obtained as yet, only copies of 
them under the town clerk's hand, of Newport. Indeed in our 
meeting, our agitations were many and somewhat fiery, for that, 
Dyre, together with Mr. Smith of Warwick, who was then pres- 
ent and president, William Field and Mr. Robert Williams, strove 
to persuade us upon the main, so to account ourselves as being 
in disorder, a confused rout, or as he acknowledged the Island 
was, and that all officers, places, orders of courts, law, and cases 
depending were all to be accounted null, and that we must all 
come to a popular meeting, as scattered stones, to lay a new 
foundation of government for the colony of Providence Planta- 
tions. 

" But we being still in the same order you left us, as also ob- 

12 



90 GENERAL HISTORY. 

servintr two great evils, such a course would bring upon us, first 
the hazard of involving all in the disorder and bloodshed which 
had been committed on Rhode-Island, since their separation from 
us ; secondly, the evading and frustating of justice in divers 
vveio-hty causes, then orderly depending in our court." 

" But Dyre perceiving that we were not willing so to be per- 
suaded, but finding ourselves in order and according to the di- 
rections in your letter, resolved to act as a colony in order, and 
so addressed ourselves by commissioners to meet with the Island 
about reuniting them unto us, whereupon this Dyre took upon 
himself the power of the whole colony, and sent forth manda- 
muses, commanding all the free inhabitants to meet him at Mr. 
Baulstone's house," &/C. &c. 

On the first of March, probably the day named in 
Mr.Dyre's letter to Providence, there was an assembly 
of the colony, so called, holden at Portsmouth. Here 
the orders and letters from England were read and 
a vote passed, that the officers, who were in place 
when Mr. Coddington's charter obstructed, should 
act in their several offices until the next election, 
which was directed to be on the day formerly ap- 
pointed. This assembly sent a letter to Providence 
containing distinct propositions for a reunion, and 
for the government of the colony till the next elec- 
tion. An answer was returned by Providence and 
Warwick, that they were willing to meet by Com- 
missioners to advise and order about general affairs. 
They did not assent to the propositions from the is- 
land, nor was any meeting of Commissioners holden 
as they proposed ; and the two towns on the main, 
and the two island towns, held separate Assemblies 
for General Election on the 1 7th day of May follow- 
ing. The Assembly of the main land towns, met at 
Providence. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



91 



Gregory Dexter was elected President, 
John Sayles, Assistant for Providence, 
Stukely Westcott, " for Warwick, 
John Greene, jun. Recorder, Hugh Bewett, Gen- 
eral Sergeant and John Sayles, Treasurer. 

The same persons attended as Commissioners 
from Providence, as met in February preceding. A 
letter was sent to Portsmouth and Newport advising 
them of their proceedings, and alledging as a reason 
for the course they had taken, that they had received 
no answer to their previous letter. In accordance 
with the orders of the Council of State, to arm and 
defend themselves against the Dutch or enemies of 
the Commonwealth of England, and to act offensively 
against them so far as they could consistently with 
their own safety, they resolve, that no provisions shall 
be transported from the colony for the supply of the 
Dutch. Each Plantation was authorized to take 
such course as they should deem necessary for their 
own security, but no person was permitted to act of- 
fensively against the Dutch without the order and 
direction from a General Court of Commissioners. 

The Assembly of the island towns was holden at 
Newport. 

John Sanford was elected President, 
Nicholas Easton, Assistant for Newport, 
Richard Burden, " " Portsmouth, 

William Lytherland, General Recorder, Richard 
Knight, General Sergeant, John Coggeshall, Treas- 
urer, and John Easton, General Attorney. This As- 
sembly continued in session two days. On the rec- 
ord of the second day's meeting is the following entry, 



92 GENERAL HISTORY. 

" Providence and Warwick men come in." After 
this, Thomas Olney was elected General Assistant 
for Providence, and Randall Holden, for Warwick. 
In regard to warlike proceedings against the Dutch, 
this Assembly acted with much more decision and 
energy than the one at Providence. They agreed 
to assist the English on Long-Island, to lend them 
arms and to allow them to enlist twenty volunteers. 
They erected an Admiralty Court for the trial of 
prize causes and granted commissions to three per- 
sons to cruise against the Dutch or any enemies of 
the commonwealth of England. 

Although it appears by the record that " Provi- 
dence and Warwick men came in," and probably 
joined in the election of general officers for these 
towns, only a part, and that a minority of each of 
those towns, was present. The difficulties still ex- 
isted. The two towns adhered to the general offi- 
cers that they had chosen. The steps taken by the 
Assembly of the island in regard to the Dutch, fur- 
nished fresh matter for disputes, or rather served as 
a pretence for the continuance of those previously 
commenced. It is a singular circumstance that the 
island towns, considering their more exposed situa- 
tion, should have been so much more ready to in- 
volve themselves in a war with the Dutch, than were 
the main land towns. Neither the one nor the other 
could have long supported themselves against a for- 
eign enemy, and they could hope for no assistance 
from the neighboring English colonies. In fact the 
united colonics did no more than they were obliged 
to do, to keep up appearances with the government 



GENERAL HISTORY. 93 

at home. They evidently preferred a prosperous 
neutrahty, to the dangers and uncertainties of war. 

The main land towns held a general court of com- 
missioners at Providence, on the third day of June. 
The commissioners of Providence were, 

Gregory Dexter, William Wickenden, 
John Sayles, Thomas Angell, 

Arthur Fenner, James Ashton. 

They ordered that such of the inhabitants of the 
colony as owned the commissions which had been 
granted by the General Assembly of the island towns 
against the Dutch, should be disfranchised, and not 
allowed to act in the government till they gave sat- 
isfaction to the towns there represented. They is- 
sued a remonstrance against the proceedings of that 
Assembly, which as it contains their account of these 
proceedings is here inserted. 

" A brief remonstrance of the two towns of Providence Plan- 
tations, at present the colony of Providence Plantations. 

Whereas it pleased the honored council of State, to grant unto 
Mr. William Coddington, a commission to be Governor of Rhode- 
Island, whereby the towns of Portsmouth and Newport were dis- 
jointed from the colony of Providence Plantations, whereupon, 
we, the two towns of Providence and Warwick, having informa- 
tion thereof, assembled together and declared ourselves unani- 
mously to stand embodied and incorporated as before by virtue 
of our charter, and immediately prepared to send our agent un- 
to England for confirmation of our charter unto us, as more at 
large appeareth in the order made at Providence ; and whereas 
about the IGih of the 12th month '52, William Dyre brought un- 
to us, the two towns of Providence and Warwick, a letter sub- 
scribed by John Sanford, William Baulstone, John Porter and 
William Jeffries, of Rhode-Island, intimating that the said Wil- 
liam Dyrc had brought letters and orders for our directions, sent 
from the nuich honored, the council of slate, and that they would 



94 GENERAL HISTORY. 

(rive US a meeting to hear the said letters at the time of our ap- 
pointment, whereupon we the said two towns respectively 
chose six commissioners and gave them full power and au- 
thority to give answer to the said letters and also to act for us, as 
if we were present, according unto the directions of the said 
council, whether it were for re-uniting of the said two towns of 
Portsmouth and Newport unto us, or otherwise do in all general 
affairs, except election, according to their wisdoms, as in our 
several town orders, more at large appeareth, therefore our said 
commissioners being orderly chosen and assembled at Pawtuxet, 
the 25th of February, '53, prepared an answer to the said letter, 
and sent it by the hand of four messengers, two chosen out of 
each town, that so, if possible, they might fully effect an orderly 
meeting, and therefore declared their resolutions in their said 
letters, to meet with the two towns of Portsmouth and Newport 
by commissioners, six chosen out of each town, at the time and 
place of their appointment, and reunite with the island, if the 
mind of the council of state's warrant was such, as more at large 
appeareth in their abovesaid letter ; but no reply could our said 
commissioners procure by their said messengers, nor hitherto 
have received any ; and at the return of the said four messengers, 
our said commissioners assembled at Pawtuxet aforesaid, the 9th 
of March '52, where the said messengers made their report, and 
declared that they could not procure the letters and orders, for 
our direction, sent from the honored council of state aforesaid, 
nor a copy thereof, although they were read before many people ; 
thereupon, our said commissioners sent to Mr. Easton, in whose 
hands the said orders were, for them or a copy thereof, and ano- 
ther letter to both towns of Portsmouth and Newport, on purpose 
by the hand of two messengers, intimating unto the said two 
towns that Providence and Warwick had empowered them as 
aforesaid, to transact for the said two towns in all general affairs, 
as if all the inhabitants of the said two towns were present, and 
therefore proposed to both the towns on the island, that if they 
were willing to reunite with us, then to choose six commission- 
ers out of each town, and appoint time and place where we should 
meet them to order according to the council of state's direction, 
as more at large appeareth in their said letter ; but they could 



GENERAL HISTORY 95 

not procure any answer from neither of the said two towns ; and 
whereas, after a long space of time, the town of Newport sent 
unto us certain propositions by the hand of Benedict Arnold, in- 
timating their desires that we should meet them at Newport in 
May next, and choose six commissioners to prepare and so forth, 
which propositions were referred to our said commissioners to 
answer, and our said commissioners thus answered, that they 
were willing there to meet by commissioners, six chosen out of 
each town, and to reunite and order for the peace of the whole 
colony, et cetera, in all general affairs, except election, provided 
the said town of Newport would give ten days notice before hand 
that so they would meet by commissioners as more at laro-e ap- 
peareth in our said commissioners' answer ; but, forasmuch as 
neither our said commissioners, nor we the said two towns have 
received any answer from the said island by way of reply, we, 
therefore, the said two towns of Providence and Warwick, were 
necessitated to keep in the posture we were in, and proceeded to 
election of general officers according to law extant amongst us, 
the 17th of May, yet, notwithstanding all our aforesaid endeavors 
to reunite the said two towns of Portsmouth and Newport unto 
us, which is not yet effected, the inhabitants of the said two 
towns have, as we are informed, in the name or by the authority 
of the the colony of Providence Plantations, granted and criven 
unto John Underbill, Edward Hull and William Dyre, a commis- 
sion or commissions tending to war, which is like, for auo-ht we 
see, to set all New-England on fire, for the event of war is various 
and uncertain, and although the honored council of state's direc- 
tion to us is, videlicit, to offend the Dutch as we shall think 
necessary, yet we know not for what reason or for what cause the 
said inhabitants of the island have given forth the said commis- 
sion : Therefore, we are enforced thus to declare, that if the 
said island shall attempt to engage us with them in the said com- 
mission, or in any otherlike proceedings, and shall use any force 
or violence upon us upon that account, that we will then address 
ourselves immediately to England, to petition for their honors' 
fm-ther direction unto us, which they have pleased to intimate 
in their late honors' pleasure sent by the hand of William Dyre; 



96 GENERAL HISTORY 

for we .are resolved, to use onr utmost endeavors to free ourselves 
from all illegal and unjust proceedings. 

By the Commissioners of the Colony, 

JOHN GREENE, Jr. General Recorder." 

The letter from Newport referred to in this re- 
monstrance is here given, to show in part their views 
on the subject. 

Beloved friends and neighbors : 

After our respects these are to inform you, of our desires to 
further the orders of our honored and well wishers, the honored 
council of State, and of your, together with our own safety, and 
peaceable well-being and that each may enjoy his own right in 
equity and that the face of authority may be established amongst 
us, the endeavoring whereof hath moved us to write unto you our 
propositions here underwritten, as also to send unto you a copy 
of the orders of the honored council of State, all which we have 
betrusted in the hands of our beloved messenger, Mr. Benedict 
Arnold, with the orders for the safe disposal of the forenamed 
copy and the delivery of these our motions. 

That the next General Assembly for election, which will be 
the first Tuesday after the 15th of May, be held at Newport. 

That the officers be chosen according to the accustomed rule 
in the laws established by authority of the charter confirmed by 
the honored council's order. 

That all orders made by the towns of this colony, either joint- 
ly or apart, by authority of the charter, be authorized to be in 
force, until by a General Assembly repealed. 

That all suits depending, that are by the law referred to the 
General Court of trials, may be issued at the next General Court, 
by such officers as shall be deputed at the time appointed by the 
former laws. 

That a committee of six men in each town, be chosen to con- 
sider and ripen all matters that respect the colony, which the 
major votes of the towns assenting to, shall be established and 
stand in force. 

That the General officers, that were deputed and engaged, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 97 

when Mr. Coddington's commission obstructed, be authorized and 
invested with power to act in their several commissions, until 
new be chosen for the general, but if any town see cause, they 
may be authorized to appoint what general officer they judge 
meet in that town, who may by the town clerk be engaged, if not 
before engaged, and be authorized to act by the rule prescribed. 
That all the inhabitants that allow the propositions sent to each 
town, set to or subscribe their names for confirmation thereof; 
whose names being delivered to the several town clerks, shall be 
sealed up and sent to the President, Mr. Nicholas Easton, who 
with the council of that town shall open and shall signify the re- 
sult to the several towns, and this to be performed by the 10th 
April next. 

Further we thought good to insert what present course our town 
hath taken for our present security till a general order, namely : 
That whereas by the honored council's order, we are to de- 
pute one or more to see that forts be made and arms provided 
and other things done as ordered, and whereas by a law made 
amongst us, each town hath the power of the militia, that seven 
men in our town are appointed to see that order performed, four 
of them concurring it stands in force, until the colony otherwise 
order. The men appointed are William Dyre, &c. 
Newport, the 18th of March, 1652. Per me, 

WILLIAM LYTHERLAND, Town Clerk, 
In the behalf and by the order of the town of Newport." 

Another court of commissioners was holden on 
the 13th of August. The Commissioners of Provi- 
dence were the same as in June preceding. 

The record of the election of town officers this 
year is lost. That a town meeting was holden for 
the purpose of election appears, and that is all. The 
next record preserved is under date of September 
10th, 1654. 

1634. — At the General Assembly holden in May 
the following named persons were elected officers 
of the colony. 
13 



98 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Nicholas Easton, President. 

Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence. 

Richard Burden, " for Portsmouth. 

Edward Smith, " for Newport. 

Randall Holden, " for Warwick. 

Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, John Cogges- 
hall. Treasurer, Richard Knight, General Sergeant. 

Though assistants were chosen, for Providence 
and Warwick, the reunion of the colony was not per- 
fected. Those towns held no General Assemhly 
for election as in the preceding year, from which it 
may be inferred, that a majority of the inhabitants in 
each had assented to the re-establishment of the co- 
lonial government in the manner proposed by the 
island towns. But that there was still a minority, 
who adhered to an opposite opinion, may with cer- 
tainty be inferred from the proceedings of this As- 
sembly. A committee of two from each town was 
appointed " for the preparing a way or some course 
concerning our dissenting friends." It does not ap- 
pear what course was proposed, but it may be rea- 
sonably supposed that their efforts to restore union 
and peace to the colony, were greatly forwarded by 
Mr. Wilhams and by the letters he brought with him 
from England. He arrived early in the summer, 
and brought with him the following letter from Sir 
Henry Vane. 

" Loving and Christian Friends — I cannot refuse the bearer, 
Mr. Roger Williams, my kind friend and ancient acquaintance, 
to be accompanied with these few lines from myself to you 
upon his return to Providence colony, though perhaps my private 
and retired condition, which the Lord, m mercy, hath brought 



TxENERAL HISTORY 99 

me into, might liave argued strongly enough for my silence. But 
indeed, something I hold myself hound to say to you, out of the 
christian love I hear you, and for His sake, whose name is called 
upon by you and engaged on your behalf How is it, that there 
are such divisions amongst you, such headiness, disorders, tu- 
mults, injustice, the noise whereof echoes unto the ears of all, as 
well friends as enemies, by every return of ships from those parts ? 
Is not the fear and awe of God amongst you to restrain ? Is not 
the love of Christ in you, to fill you with yearning bowels, one 
toward another, and constrain you to live not unto yourselves, but 
unto him that died for you, yea, and is risen again t Are there no 
wise men amongst you 1 No public self-denying spirits, that, at 
least upon the grounds of common safety, equity and prudence, can 
find out some way or means of union and reconcilement for you 
amongst yourselves, before you become a prey to common ene- 
mies, especially, since this state, by the last letter from the coun- 
cil of state, gave you your freedom, as supposing that a better use 
would have been made of it, than there hath been. Surely, 
when kindly and proper remedies are applied and are ineffectual, 
it speaks loudly and broadly the high and dangerous distemper 
of such a body, as if the wounds were incurable. But I hope 
better things from you, though I thus speak, and should be apt 
to think, that by commissioners agreed on and appointed on all 
parts, and on behalf of all interests, in a general meeting such a 
union and common satisfaction might ensue, as, through God's 
blessing, might put a stop to your growing breaches and dis- 
tractions, silence your enemies, encourage your friends, honor 
the name of God, which of late hath been much blasphemed, by 
reason of you, and in particular refresh and revive the sad heart 
of him who mourns over your present evils, as being your very 
affectionate friend, to serve you in the Lord. H. VANE. 

Belleau, the 8th of February, lA6S—i. 

This letter was followed by one from Mr. Willams 
himself, addressed to Gregory Dexter, who, it ap- 
pears from the handwriting of the records, was then 
Town Clerk of Providence. After referring to tlie 
sacrifices he had made, and the labors he had per- 



100 GENERAL HISTORY. 

formed to establish the town and colony and the 
grand cause of truth and freedom of conscience, 
and painting in the glowing colors of truth the dan- 
gers that necessarily attend contention, and the cer- 
tain ruin that would follow an appeal by either party 
to the government of England, he urged them with 
great earnestness to remove the obstruction to union 
and peace which they themselves had created, and 
if they were unable by free debate and conference 
with their opponents to remove all causes of disun- 
ion and distrust, then to leave such matters to the 
determination of arbitrators, to be mutually chosen 
from among the inhabitants of the colony. He be- 
sought them to send these propositions to their op- 
ponents in writing, and concluded his letter with a 
form of a letter for that purpose. It would seem 
from this letter of Mr. Williams, that one great cause 
of their disunion was the vote passed by the Assem- 
bly of the main land towns disfranchising such per- 
sons as acknowledged the validity of the commis- 
sions against the Dutch, granted by the Assembly of 
the island towns in May. The reunion was perfec- 
ted by a Court of Commissioners in August. The 
following were the terms then agreed upon. 

Articles of agreement of the Commissioners of the four towns, 
upon the reuniting of the colony of Providence Plantations, as 
followeth, viz : 

Whereas there have been differences and obstructions amongst 
the four towns of this colony of Providence Plantations in New- 
England, namely, Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and War- 
wick, arising by Mr. Coddington's commission, we, the com- 
missioners of all the four towns do agree : 

First. That all transactions done by the authority of the in- 



CxENERAL HISTORY. 



101 



liabitants of the two towns of Rhode-Island, from the time of 
Mr. Coddington's commission's taking place there, until Mr. 
Dyre brought over farther orders from the Honorable Council of 
state, in the year 1652, shall remain on the account of the two 
towns of the above said island; and all the transactions of Prov- 
idence and Warwick in that space, to remain on their own ac- 
count. And further, that all the transactions of the aforesaid 
two towns on Rhode-Island, viz : Portsmouth and Newport, and 
a part of Warwick and Providence with them since Mr. Dyre's 
bringing the foresaid orders to this very time, shall remain on 
their own account ; and whatsoever transactions have been in 
the said time by the rest of the inhabitants of Warwick and 
Providence, professing themselves two towns, shall remain on 
their the said inhabitants' own account professing themselves two 
towns. 

Secondly. We the commissioners of the four towns abovesaid, 
do agree and arc willing to order this colony by the authority of 
the charter granted to us by the honored Parliament of the Com- 
monwealth of England, bearing date the 14th day of March, 
1643. 

Thirdly. We agree that the General Court of this colony, or 
General Assembly to transact all affairs, except election, as ma- 
lting of laws, trial of general officers, &lc. shall be held by six 
commissioners chosen by each town of the colony. 

In confirmation hereof the commissioners above premised, 
have set our hands, namely : 



Providence. 



Portsmouth. 



Nf.wport. 



Warwick. 



Thomas Harris, 
Gregory Dexter, 
John Sayles, 



William Wickenden, 
John Brown, 
Henry Brown. 



William Baulstone, Thomas Cornell, 



Richard Burden, 
John Roome, 

Benedict Arnold, 
Richard Tew, 
John Coggeshall, 

John Green, Sen. 
Randall Holden, 
Ezekiel Holyman, 



John Briggs, 
William Hull. 

John Easton, 
William Lytherland, 
Thomas Gould. 

John Green, Jun. 
John Townsend, 
Henry Townsend. 



102 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Thus was ended this most inauspicious state of 
affairs. With the hght that the scanty records of 
those times afford, it may be unjust to attribute to 
Mr. Coddington the whole blame of the first divis- 
ion of the colony. He has left no known memo- 
rial either of his acts or motives. The estimate 
of them must be formed, from the reports and pub- 
lic acts of his opponents. He who has scanned and 
duly weighed evidence derived from such sources, 
and compared it with the statements of the opposite 
party, may be prepared to make a proper allowance 
for party prejudice and the excitement of private 
interest. But the slightest reflection will convince 
any one, that imphcit confidence is not to be placed 
in it. As the case now stands, from those reports 
and pubhc acts, Mr. Coddington appears, upon some 
disafiection, the nature or extent of which is not dis- 
closed, to have sailed for England, without intimating 
to any one his ultimate intentions in relation to the 
colony. While there, he obtained from Parliament, 
a commission conferring extraordinary powers on 
himself. He was constituted Governor of the islands 
of Rhode-Island and Conanicutt for life. With him 
rested the nomination of his council. It was not 
strange that the people of these islands should revolt 
against his authority. By the charter, they had 
the power of electing their own officers and making 
their own laws. And though by their free votes they 
had conferred on Mr. Coddington the highest offices 
in the colony, it was natural that they should wish 
that he should hold such offices only by their elec- 
tion. As free born Englishmen, they could not con- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 103 

sent to be ruled by a Governor selected for them by 
any power on earth. The main land towns of the 
colony must have received information of the so- 
Hciting and granting of this commission with min- 
gled emotions of surprise and indignation. They 
of Providence had been pioneers in the great cause 
of religious freedom. Through their sufferings, 
privations and labors it had been planted, fostered 
and established. A charter from the Parliament of 
England had conferred on them, with the other towns, 
a political existence with unequalled civil privileges. 
One of those who had twice felt the scourge of re- 
ligious persecution had raised his suicidal hand to 
destroy the glorious fabric which he had assisted to 
erect. He had perilled the cause for which he had 
suffered, and in the attempt had apparently reduced 
his companions to the very verge of ruin ; for it di- 
vided the colony, which, united, was scarcly able to 
preserve its existence against those who coveted the 
little spot of earth on which it was established, and 
who religiously hated the colonists for the principles 
which they advocated. 

The course taken by these towns was the only 
one they could have pursued. Mr. Coddington's 
commission did not in its terms affect their rights 
under the charter. It subjected the island towns to 
his government and there it stopped. They did well 
then, in clinging to the charter, and in seeking a 
confirmation of it from the English government. 
After the arrival of the orders of the council of state 
by Mr. Dyre, their course cannot be so easily de- 
fended. They richly deserved the rebukes which 



104 GENERAL HISTORY, 

they received from Sir Henry Vane. Their own 
statement furnishes no satisfactory excuse for their 
conduct. The neglect and refusal of Mr. Dyre to 
deliver the papers to them, and his persisting in de- 
livering them to the old officers in the colonial gov- 
ernment, might have been a wrong, but not such a 
wrong as would justify them in their wilful inatten- 
tion to the best interests of the colony. Probaly the 
old officers, those that were in place at the arrival of 
Mr. Coddington's commission, claimed the right to 
them. In such an event, the course that he pro- 
posed, was the only one at which neither of the 
claimants could justly complain. And the refusal of 
the main land towns to attend the General Assembly 
of all the freemen of the colony, before whom the 
letters and orders were to be read, cannot be fully 
justified. There must have been some other cause 
not entered in their records, which influenced them. 
The granting of commissions, or letters of marque 
and reprisal, against the Dutch by the General As- 
sembly, one would suppose a measure of doubtful 
expediency. It might have endangered the exist- 
ence of the colony. But neither Providence or 
Warwick would have been the first or the most to be 
endangered or injured by it. They were agricultu- 
ral townships. Their attention was principally di- 
rected to the cultivation of the land. They were 
both situated at some distance from the sea. If the 
Dutch had attempted to retaliate, both the towns of 
Newport and Portsmouth lay in their way. A very 
small naval force could have levied contributions up- 
on them. It is probable that at that time they had 



GENERAL HISTORY 105 

commenced improving the natural advantages of 
their situation, for trade and navigation. But aside 
from this, this act vs^as passed by a General Assem- 
bly of the whole colony. All the tow^ns had notice of 
it and could have attended. Some did attend from all 
the towns. If the majority of those present were in 
favor of the measure, it did not become the voluntary 
absentees to call them traitors and put them out of the 
protection of the law, or deprive them of their legal 
privileges. The dissentions in the mother country 
entered into and embittered the disputes which pre- 
vailed here. x4mong the colonists were some of all 
the parties that divided the English commonwealth. 
Their sufferings under the estabhshed religion of 
England, undoubtedly inclined the most of them in the 
outset against the King and the Hierarchy. There 
were some, and probably a majority at first, who de- 
sired rather to ameliorate than to overthrow the gov- 
ernment. These, however, like many of the i'nhab- 
itants of England, were led on, step by step, until 
nothing would content them but the entire demoli- 
tion of monarchy. The following certificate from 
the records of the colony, proves that the change in 
opinion was gradual. Unless the signers had held 
or expressed different opinions, there was no seem- 
ing necessity for their subscribing such a declaration. 

" Providence, the 7th of the 1st mo. '52. 
I do declare and promise that I will be true and faithful to the 
Commonwealth of England, as it is now established, without a king 
or house of lords. Thomas Harris, Arthur Fenner, 

William Wickenden, James Ashton, 
John Brown, Thomas -|- Angell, 

Samuel Bennett, Gregory Dexter, 

Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett, 

Thomas -f- Hopkins, Edward Inman. " 

14 



106 GENERAL HISTORY 

These signers were all Providence men. In the 
records of Warwick there was a more formal sub- 
mission signed by the freemen. Subsequently they 
attempted to destroy it; but the evidence of its exis- 
tence was perpetuated by the very means they used to 
destroy it. The following entry now stands in their 
records. 

" This leaf was torn out by order of the town, this 
29th of June 1667, it being the submission to the 
State of England without the King's majesty, it be- 
ing the 13th page." 

It required but a small circumstance, as the fol- 
lowing paper shows, to arouse the feelings of some 
of the partizans of those days. 

" Presented unto the town of Providence by Robert Williams, 
the loyal subject of the Commonwealth of England, that, accord- 
ing unto his engagement, endeavors to vindicate the just rights 
of honorable authority in these parts. 

I do hereby signify unto this town, whom I honor as a town, in 
subjection unto said right honorable Commonwealth, that the sub- 
committee at Warwick, have declared disloyalty unto the Com- 
monwealth of England, for the said committee declare, then dated 
the 24th of December, 1652, against the letter of credence order- 
ed and sent unto our agent, Mr. Roger Williams, supplicating 
their honors' favor and pleasure in these parts. 

ROBERT V/ILLIAMS, 
Deputy of the town of Providence. 

A few days before the reunion of the colony was 
perfected, the following answer was prepared and 
sent to Sir Henry Vane. 

Providence, 27. 6. 54. 

Sir — Although we are grieved at your late retirement from 

the helm of public affairs, yet we rejoice to reap the sweet fruits 

of your rest in your pious and loving lines, most seasonably sent 

unto us. Thus the sun, when he retires his brightness from the 



GENERAL HISTORY 107 

world, yet, from under the very clouds, we perceive his presence 
and enjoy some light and heat and sweet refreshing. Sir your 
letters were directed to all and every particular town of this 

JZ T' ^'^r- ^"'■''^' "^' ^"^""-^ ^h^ "-^-y providences 
of the Most High towards this town of Providence, and this Provi- 
dence colony, we cannot but see apparently his gracious hand 
providing your honorable self, for so noble and true a friend to 
an outcast and despised people. From the first beginning of 
this Providence colony, occasioned by the banishmeirt of some 
irom the Massachusetts, we say ever since, to this day, we have 
reaped the fruits of your constant loving kindness and favor 
towards us Oh, sir, whence then is it, that you have bent your 
bow, and shot your sharp and bitter arrows against us? whence 
IS It that you charge us with divisions, disorders, &c. ^ Sir we 
humbly pray, your gentle acceptance of our two-fold nnswer' 

First, we have been greatly disturbed and distracted by the 
ambition and covetousness of some amongst us. Sir, we were 
incomplete order, until Mr. Coddington, wanting that public 
self-denying spirit which you commend to us in your letter, pro- 
cured, by most untrue information, a monopoly of part of the 
colony, VIZ Rhode-Island, to himself, and so occasioned our .en- 
eral disturbance and distractions. "^ 

Secondly, Mr. Dyre, with no less want of public spirit, being 
ruined by party contentions with Mr. Coddington, and beina be- 
trusted to bring from England, the letters of the council of 
state for our reuniting, he hopes for a recruit to himself by other 
men s goods ; and, contrary to the state's intentions and expres- 
sions plungeth himself and some others in most unnecessary and 
unrighteous plundering both of Dutch, French and Encrlish also 
to our great grief, who protested against such abuse of our pow! 
er from England ; and the end of it is to the shame and reproach 
of himself and the very English name, as all these parts do wit- 
ness. ^ v^ vYii 

Sir, our second answer is, (that we may not lay all the load 
upon other men's backs) that possibly a sweet cup hath rendered 
many of us wanton and too active, for we have long drank of the 
cup of as great liberties as any people that we can hear of under 
the whole heaven. We have not only been long free (together 



108 GENERAL HISTORV. 

with all New-England) from the iron yoke of wolfish bishops and 
their popish ceremonies, (against whose cruel oppressions, God 
raised up your noble spirit in Parliament) but we have sitten 
(luiet and dry from the streams of blood spilt by that war in our 
native country. We have not felt the new chains of the Pres- 
byterian tyrants,' nor, in this colony, have we been consum- 
ed with the over zealous fire of the (so called) godly christian 
magistrates. Sir, we have not known what an excise means ; 
we have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea, or taxes either, to 
church or commonwealth. We could name other special privi-- 
leges, ingredients of our sweet cup, which your great wisdom 
knows to be very powerful (except more than ordinary watchful- 
ness) to render the best men wanton and forgetful. But, blessed 
be your love and your loving heart and hand, awakening any of 
our sleepy spirits by your sweet alarm, and blessed be your noble 
family, root and branch, and all your pious and prudent engage- 
ments and retirements. We hope you shall no more compl^^nof 
the saddening of your loving heart, hy the men of Providence 
town or of Providence colony, but that when we are gone and 
rotten, our posterity and children after us, shall read in our town 
records your pious and favorable letters and loving kindness to 
us, and this our answer and real endeavor after peace and right- 
ousness ; and to be found, sir, your most obliged and most hum- 
ble servants. The Town of Providence, 

in Providence Colony in New-England, 
GREGORY DEXTER, Town Clerk. 

After signing the articles of reunion, the commis- 
sioners continued in session and made several orders 
and laws. All laws in force before the division of 
the colony, were declared to be in force until re- 
pealed, all trade with the Dutch was prohibited, the 
law against selHng liquor to the Indians was re-enac- 
ted, and a General Election ordered to take place on 
the 12th of September at Warwick. 

A court of commissioners met at Warwick on the 
day appointed for election. The commissioners from 



GENERAL HISTORY. 109 

Providence were the same as those at the August 
session, except Henry Reddock, in the place of John 
Sayles. They direct that the General election in 
future shall be holden on the Tuesday after the 15th 
of May. Towns were directed to choose Commis- 
sioners on the first Tuesday of the same month. Let- 
ters of " Humble Thanksgiving" were sent to His 
Highness the Lord Protector, to Sir Henry Vane, 
and to Mr. John Clark. All legal process was or- 
dered to be issued in the name of " His Highness 
the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Ens- 
land, Scotland and Ireland, and the Dominions 
thereto belonging." The main land and island towns 
were authorized, together or apart, to establish 
courts. At this General Assembly the following 
persons were elected colony officers till the next 
May. 

Roger Williams, President, 
Thomas Harris, Assistant for Providence, 
John Roome, " for Portsmouth, 

Benedict Arnold, " for Newport, 

Randall Holden, " for Warwick, 

William Lytherland, General Recorder, Richard 
Knight, General Sergeant, Richard Burden, Treas- 
urer, and John Cranston, General Attorney. 

In this year is the first record of the election of 
military officers in Providence. The election was 
made on the 6th of November. 

Thomas Harris, was chosen Lieutenant. 
John Smith (the miller) " Ensign. 
Bemjamin Smith " Sergeant. 

At the same meeting it was resolved, that one 



110 GENERAL HISTORY. 

man on every farm one mile from the town, might 
be left at home on training days. 

1655. — The following persons were elected Gen- 
eral officers of the colony at the General Assembly 
holden at Providence. 

Roger Williams, President, 
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence, 
John Roome, " for Portsmouth, 

Benedict Arnold " for Newport, 

Randall Holden, " for Warwick. 

Wilham Lytherland, General Recorder, George 
Parker, General Sergeant, John Sandford, General 
Treasurer, John Cranston, General Attorney, and 
John Greene, General Sohcitor. 

At the Court of Commissioners, the following 
were from Providence. 

Roger Willams, Arthur Fenner, 

Wilham Wickenden, Richard Waterman, 
Thomas Harris, John Sayles. 

All the inhabitants of the colony were required by 
this court, to sign a submission to his Highness the 
Protector and the Parhament ; if any refused, they 
were declared to be entitled, to "no benefit or priv- 
ilege in any law of the colony." The General 
Court of trials were to set once a year in each town. 
It seems from the record that Thomas Olney was 
then in arms against authority, but it could not have 
been a very serious rebellion, as he took his engage- 
ment as Assistant. Before this time there had been 
several laws passed to prevent the sale of strong 
liquors to the Indians, but as they had proved ineffic- 



GENERAL HISTORY 1 1 1 

lent wholly to prevent that evil, the court of Com- 
missioners act again on this fruitful topic of legis- 
lation. They appointed two " Ordinary Keepers " 
in each town. These were the only persons author- 
ized to sell any sort of "strong drink" "either to 
Enghsh or Indian in a less quantity than a gallon." 
They were prohibited from selling " above a quarter 
of a pint of hquor or wine a day" to any Indian. 
In case an Indian was found drunk, he was to be 
fined, and " whipt or laid neck and heels" and " the 
ordinary keeper by whose means he is made drunk 
shall pay twenty shillings for each person's trans- 
gression." The price of liquor at retail was fixed 
at not over four shillings a quart. All liquor that 
was brought into the colony was directed to be re- 
corded, and an excise of five shillings paid for every 
anker of liquor and quarter cask of wine, for the 
use of the town where entered. These measures 
were undoubtedly dictated by a desire of self preser- 
vation, but while they effected the safety of the col- 
onists against the Indians, they must have greatly 
tended to the advantage of the Indians themselves. 
The ordinary keepers appointed for Providence 
were Roger Mowry and Richard Perry. Notwith- 
standing such appointments, the towns had a right 
to appoint others and remove those appointed by 
the Commissioners. Providence and Warwick were 
required to unite in the erection of a Prison at War- 
wick at the cost of £41, of which Providence was 
required to pay £6, and another prison at Provi- 
dence and a pair of stocks at the cost of £14. 
A special court of commissioners was holden at 



112 GENERAI. HISTORY 

Portsmouth on the 28th of June. The commission- 
ers of Providence were 

Roger WiUiams, Wilham Dyre, 

Thomas Olney, James Barker, 

Wilham Field, Matthew West. 

The meeting was called in consequence of a let- 
ter received from His Highness. The following 
order made at this court, while it implies that the 
greatest decorum was not always preserved in that 
body, also proves that the majority of the commis- 
sioners were fully sensible of the importance of it. 

"It is ordered, that in case any man shall strike 
another person in the court, he shall either be fined 
£10, or be whipped, according as the court shall see 
meet." At the commencement of the records of the 
colony for this year is the roll of the freemen of the 
Colony. The number in Providence, was forty- 
two, in Portsmouth, fifty-two, in Newport, eighty- 
three, and in Warwick, thirty-eight. 

At a town meeting in June, the following officers 
were elected. Rhichard Waterman and Thomas 
Harris, Town Magistrates, John Sayles, Town Clerk. 

Roger Williams, Robert Williams and William 
Field, were appointed to make up the Town Coun- 
cil, and Samuel Bennett, Town Sergeant. The first 
entry in the record of the proceedings of the town 
on Election day probably alludes to the same facts, 
which constituted the charge made against Thomas 
Olney in the Court of Commissioners. It is as fol- 
lows. 

" Whereas there has been a great debate this day, about 
Thomas Olney, Robert Williams, John Field, William Harris 



GENERAL HISTORY. 113 

and others, concerning the matter of a tumult and disturbance 
in the winter, under pretence of a voluntary training, it was at 
last concluded by vote, that for the Colony's sake, who have 
since chosen Thomas Olney an Assistant, and for the public 
union and peace's sake, it should be passed by, and no more 
mentioned." 

Happy would it have been for town and colony, if 
many of their previous complaints had been so dis- 
posed of The extent of the previous difficulties 
and disunion in the town may well be inferred from 
the following circumstance. Henry Fowler was 
complained of to the town for being married without 
due publication. The law of the town required that 
such publications should be by a magistrate's notifi- 
cation set on some tree in the town street for a 
fortnight. He pleaded, that "the divisions of the 
town were the cause of his so doing," and his fine 
was remitted. The town directed that there should 
be four military trainings each year. The follow- 
ing was the law regulating proceedings before the 
town courts, which was this year recorded in pursu- 
ance of the following order. 

"Ordered that the program of laws in use, that formerly were 
in a loose paper, be written in the Book, which are as followeth. 
THE PROGRESS IN LAW. 

First. All actions and cases shall be tried by six townsmen 
in the nature of a jury, yet, with the liberty of not being put on 
swearing; and these six men to be pricked down by the town, 
quarterly, and warned three days before the court, by the Ser- 
geant, to be ready at the day and hour appointed, under penal- 
ty of three shillings for their neglect. 

Second. All actions shall be tried by the town, let the sum 
be what it will be, which are between party and party." [Against 
this item there is the following entry in the margin.] " This or- 

15 



114 GENERAL HISTORY. 

der was and is much controverted, as interfering with the Gen- 
eral and the town council.'' 

Third. All writs shall go from the clerk, which shall be 
warrant sufficient ; and he to have for his writing, six pence ; 
but if the action be above £S, then, he shall have for his writ, 
one shilling. If the two parties do agree, then shall he have for 
withdrawing the action, four pence if £^ ; if above, then six 
pence ; but if the parties do agree and the plaintiff withdraw after 
the action be entered, then the suit shall go forward, until it 
come to an issue, and the plaintiff pay charge, both of jury warned 
and all others. 

Fourth. The sergeant shall serve the writ, which if it be 
acrainst a housekeeper, a warning to appear at the day and place 
of trial, shall be sufficient; but if it be not against a townsman, 
the sergeant shall keep him in safe custody, until bail or agree- 
ment ; and the bail shall be an housekeeper of our town or one 
known to be sufficient to discharge the debt or damage that may 
ensue ; and the sergeant shall have for his pains in serving the 
writ, if the debt be c£5, one shilling, if above <£5, eighteen 
pence, and after the rate of two shillings per day for waiting. 
If not bailed within two hours after the arrest, the sergeant shall 
give notice of the arrest to the clerk. 

Fifth. The plaintiff shall declare his case in writing within 
three days after the writ be served, and shall pay for filing his 
declaration, four pence ; which if the defendant will see, the 
clerk shall copy it out, and shall have for his pains, sixpence. If 
it exceed ten handsome lines, then he shall have one shilling, 
but if it be half a sheet of paper, then he shall have two shillings. 

Sixth. It shall be in the defendant's liberty, whether he will 
answer in writing or no. If he do, he shall put in his answer 
within three days after he hath received the declaration ; pro- 
vided, that he take a copy of the declaration within two days 
after that it be put in, that the trial be not hindered, and the de- 
fendant to pay to the clerk for filing his answer four pence. 

Seventh. The clerk, against the day of trial, shall draw up 
the declaration and answer, if there be any ; if none, then the 
declaration, and shall read them twice, and the plaintiff, if he 
will, may open his case more fully, either by himself or his 



GENERAL HISTORY. 115 

attorney, and so, likewise, the defendant shall answer either by 
, himself or his attorney, when they shall have time sufficient to 
debate the cause between them, until the bench shall say it is 
enough, who shall be judges of the court and no other ; which 
judges shall engage the witnesses, or cause the clerk to read it 
to them, as also examine the witnesses, engage the six men, and 
if they see it good, counsel the six men, who are to go upon the 
case, to deal truly in it, knowing their engagements. 

Eighth. After the six men have heard the case pleaded, they 
shall go aside to consult about it, the sergeant attending, that 
none come to speak with them without the license of the court. 
After they are returned the clerk shall call them man by man, 
to see if they be all there, which, if they be, he shall ask them 
if they be agreed on their verdict. If answer be made by them 
yea, the clerk shall ask, who they find for, and according as they 
find, shall write it down. If they find for the plaintiff, he shall 
know of them what damages and costs, and, if the judge please, 
they may have twelve pence for each man of them before they 
speak, which the plaintiff shall pay them, and also twelve pence 
to the sergeant for attending the jury or triers. 

Ninth. If the case go against the defendant, he shall have 
ten days liberty before the execution be served, to remove his 
case, if he judge himself wronged, which, with a writ from any 
of the general assistants or president, he may. Provided that he 
pay the present charge of court, and put in sufficient bail to an- 
swer it in the colony court. 

Tenth. The execution shall go from the deputies, under their 
hands, and the sergeant shall have for serving it, two shillings 
and sixpence ; and what goods or chattels or whatever is taken 
shall be prized by two townsmen named by the sergeant, and if 
none will buy them, then shall be, so much as the debt and dam- 
age cometh to, delivered to the plaintiff If there be overplus 
delivered to him, he shall return it to the owners in any mer- 
chantable pay the plaintiff hath. In case he have not goods suf- 
ficient, the person must satisfy according to the general order. 
The sergeant shall have two shillings and sixpence the day paid 
him by the plaintiff for waiting on the execution, and the plain- 
tiff to reckon it to the whole sum." 



116 GENERAL HISTORY. 

1656. — At a court of Commissioners holden at 
Warwick, on the 11th day of March, the Commis- 
sioners from Providence were 

Roger Wilhams, Richard Waterman, 

Thomas Ohiey, Thomas Harris, 

Wilham Field, Thomas Roberts. 

William Coddington was one of the Commission- 
ers from Newport. His election gave dissatisfaction 
to the court and was the subject of a special investi- 
gation. He professed in the court, that he freely 
submitted "to the authority of His Highness in this 
colony as it is now united and that, with all his heart." 
This removed all dissatisfaction. His election to 
that office clearly evinces that nothing in his con- 
duct had shaken the confidence of his fellow colo- 
nists in his integrity. The court adjourned to the 
17th, when the same Commissioners were present 
from Providence, except Benedict Arnold instead of 
Thomas Roberts. A law was passed, requiring pub- 
lication of marriage to be made either in a town 
meeting, or " on a training day at the head of the 
company" or by a writing under a magistrate's hand 
set in some pubhc place. 

The General Assembly for Election was holden 
at Portsmouth. 

Roger Wilhams was elected President. 
Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence, 
Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, 
John Coggeshall, " for Newport, 
Randall Holden, " for Warwick, 

John Sanford, General Recorder, George Parker, 
General Sergeant, John Easton, General Attorney, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 117 

John Sanford, Treasurer, and Richard Bulgar, Gen- 
eral Sohcitor. 

The Commissioners from Providence were 
Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, 

Thomas Olney, Richard Waterman, 

William Field, Thomas Roberts. 

At another court of Commissioners holden at Ports- 
mouth on the 10th of October, the Commissioners 
from Providence were 

Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, 

Thomas Olney, Hugh Bewett, 

Richard Waterman, John Tripp. 

At a town meeting in January, permission was 
given to such as pleased to erect a fort on " Stamp- 
ers' hill." It has been handed down by traditon, tliat 
soon after the settlement of Providence, a body of 
Indians approached the town in a hostile manner. 
Some of the townsmen by running and stamping 
on this hill, induced them to believe that there was 
a large number of men stationed there to oppose 
them, upon which they relinquished their design and 
retired. From this circumstance the hill was always 
called Stampers' hill, or more generally, the Stamp- 
ers. Stampers street passes along the brow of this 
Hill. At the same meeting another court was erect- 
ted having jurisdiction over all disputes not exceed- 
ing forty shillings in amount. The persons chosen 
for the judges of this court, were, Roger Wilhams, 
Thomas Olney, and Thomas Harris. At the town 
meeting in June, 

John Sayles was elected Town Clerk. 

Arthur Fenner and William Field, Town Deputies. 



118 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Richard Waterman, Thomas Harris, with the Pres- 
ident, Assistant and Town Deputies, Town-Council, 
Thomas Harris, Town Treasurer, and Samuel Ben- 
nett, Town Sergeant. 

A town law passed at this meeting, declared all 
the inhabitants, though not admitted freemen, hable 
to be elected to office, and fineable for not serving, 
if elected. There would be but little use for such a 
law in modern times. 

1657. — The General Court of Election was hold- 
en this year at Newport. 

Benedict Arnold, was chosen President. 

Arthur Fenner, Assistant for Providence. 

William Baulstone, " for Portsmouth. 

Richard Tew, " for Newport. 

Randall Holden, " for Warwick. 

John Sanford, General Recorder, Richard Knight, 
General Sergeant, John Greene, Jr. General Attor- 
ney, John Sanford, General Treasurer, James Rog- 
ers, General Solcitor. 

The Comissioners from Providence were 
Thomas Harris, Thomas Walling, 

John Sayles, Samuel Bennett, 

Henry Bull, Hugh Bewett. 

Mr. Williams entered a complaint at this court 
against William Harris, for high treason. All pro- 
ceedings on the complaints were postponed on ac- 
count of Mr. William's absence. The result of the 
investigation at a subsequent court, was the follow- 
ing vote. 

" Concerning William Harris his book and speeches upon it, 
was found therein delivered, as for doctrine, having much bovi^ed 



GENERAL HISTORY. 119 

the scriptures to maintain it, that he that can say it is his con- 
science, ought not to yield subjection to any human order 
amongst men. Whereas the said Harris has be§n charo-ed for 
the said book and words with high treason, and inasmuch as 
we being so remote from England cannot be so well acquainted 
in the laws thereof in that behalf provided, as the state now 
stands, though we cannot but conclude his behavior therein to be 
both contentious and seditious, we thought best therefore, to send 
over his writing, with the charge and his reply to' Mr. John Clark, 
desiring him to commend the matter, in our and the Common- 
wealth's behalf, for further judgment as he shall see the cause re- 
quire, and in the meantime to bind the said Harris in good bonds 
to the good behavior until their sentence be known." 

The bond required was for £500. 
At the June Town meeting, John Sayles was cho- 
sen Town Clerk, Arthur Fenner and Henry Brown, 
Town Deputies, John Jones, Town Sergeant, and 
John Sayles, Town Treasurer. In August, Roger 
Wilhams, Thomas Olney, William Field, Arthur 
Fenner, Henry Brown and Thomas Harris were 
chosen Town Council. The number of freemen to 
make a Town meeting was reduced in October from 
ten to seven. 

1658. — A Court of Commissioners met at Ports- 
mouth on the 10th day of March. The Commis- 
sioners from Providence were 

John Smith, William Carpenter, 

Thomas Olney, James Sweet, 

William Field, Edward Inman. 

In 1656, the Government of Masachusetts was 
again called upon to exert itself to protect the church- 
es against heresy and schism. Some of the people 
called Quakers arrived in Boston that year. Fail- 
ing to learn from experience the inefficincy of cor- 



120 GENERAL HISTORY 

poral punishment to correct erroneous opinions, or 
produce unity in churches, the authorities of Massa- 
chusetts again inflicted it with the greatest severity. 
Fine, imprisonment, banishment, whipping and death 
were in this case successively resorted to. But all 
in vain, so long as these new sectaries found shelter 
in the colony of Providence Plantations. Aware of 
this, the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in 
September 1657, addressed a letter to the President 
of this city of refuge. They urged him to send 
away such Quakers as were then in the colony 
and prohibit others from entering it. He laid this 
letter before the court of Commissioners. In their 
answer they state their intention to enforce all the 
laws of the colony, and to oblige all of that class of 
people that had come or should come into the colo- 
ny to perform all duties required of other citizens. 
In case of refusal, they add they shall apply to the 
Government at home for further orders in respect to 
them, " so that where-withal there may be no dam- 
age or infringement of that chief principle in our 
charter, concerning freedom of conscience." They 
state further, that " freedom of different consciences 
to be protected from enforcement was the principal 
ground of our charter, both with respect to our 
humble suit for it, as also, to the true intent of the 
honorable and renowned Parliament of England in 
the granting of the same unto us, which freedom we 
still prize as the greatest happiness men can possess 
in this world." They did not violate it toward the 
Quakers. The colony always remained a refuge 
for them and all others who were oppressed or per- 



GENERAL HISTORY l2l 

secuted for conscience's sake. From the foregoing 
extracts, it is evident that the omission of every pro- 
vision in relation to rehgion in the charter was not 
matter of accident. The powers granted were in 
conformity with the petition of the inhabitants, Hm- 
ited to civil things. The omission and limitation 
were intended By Parliament and were supposed by 
the colony, to confer the utmost Uberty in rehgious 
concerns. At the General Election in May, 
Benedict Arnold was chosen President, 
William Field, Assistant for Providence, 
William Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, 
Joseph Clarke, " for Newport, 

Randall Holden, " for Warwick. 
John Sanford, General Recorder, Richard Knight, 
General Sergeant, John Sanford, Treasurer, John 
Greene, General Attorney, James Rogers, General 
Solicitor. 

The names of the Commissioners who attended 
the Court at this time are not entered in the record. 
Those chosen by Providence were 

Arthur Fenner, Daniel Field, 

Richard Waterman, Zachariah Rhodes, 
Henry Brown, Valentine Whitman. 

It seems that the orders formerly passed for the 
erection of prisons in the different towns had not 
been comphed with. They were at this court re- 
pealed, and the prison then being erected at New- 
port was adopted as a prison for the whole colony. 
Providence was required to pay to Newport £30 
toward the erection of it. 
16 



122 ' GENERAL HISTORY. 

The court met again November 2d, when the com- 
missioners from Providence were 

Roger Williams, Richard Waterman, 
William Field, Roger Mowry, 

Thomas Olney, James Ashton. 

Further letters having passed between this colo- 
ny and the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 
in relation to the Quakers, this court addressed a 
letter to the Agent of the Colony in England on the 
subject from which the following extracts are made. 

" We have now a new occasion given us by an old spirit with 
respect to the colonies round about us, who seem to be offended 
with us, because a sort of people, called by the name of Quakers, 
Avho are come amongst us, who have raised up divers, who at 
present seem to be of their spirit, whereat the colonies about us 
seem to be offended with us, being the said people have their 
liberty with us, are entertained in our houses or any of our as- 
semblies : and for the present, we have found no just cause to 
charge them with the breach of the civil peace." After stating 
that " the offence our neighbors take against us is because we 
take not some course against the said people, either to expel 
them from amongst us, or take such courses against them as 
themselves do, who are in fear lest their religion should be cor- 
rupted by them," they added, " we fly as a refuge in all civil re- 
spects to his Highness and honorable council, as not being sub- 
ject to any other in matters of our civil state, so may it please 
you, to have an eye and ear open, in case our adversaries should 
Speak to undermine us in our privileges granted unto us, and 
plead our cause in such sort as that we may not be compelled to 
exercise any civil power over men's consciences, so long as hu- 
man orders in point of civility are not corrupted and violated' ' 

The court resolved that thereafter there should be 
but one Court of Commissioners in a year, and that 
to be holden at the time of the Election in May. 
The right of the freemen assembled in their town 



GENERAL HISTORY, 123 

meetings to annul the laws made by their commis- 
sioners, was still reserved. Within ten days after 
the rising of the court a copy of every law passed 
was to be sent each town and within ten days after 
that, the freemen of each town were to debate it, 
and in case of disapproval, send their votes against 
It to the Recorder. If he found, on counting the 
votes so returned to him, that a majority of the free- 
men in each town disapproved the law, it was thence- 
forth annulled. The colony records show a meet- 
ing of a "General Council of the Colony" in 
October of this year. It was composed of the 
President, Assistants and deputies or magistrates of 
the several towns. There is no law establishing 
such a council, nor are their powers or duties to be 
ascertained, except from their acts. It does not ap- 
pear that it ever was in session but three times. 
At the first meeting no act is recorded as having 
been done, from which any inference can be drawn. 
The reason of calling the second meeting is 
stated by the President to be, that Pomham, an In- 
dian Sachem near Pawtuxet, " had made an insur- 
rection in the colony" about which he wished the 
advice of the council. The last time this council 
was in session was on the 11th day of March 1659. 
They then direct the proclamation concerning His 
Highness Richard, Lord Protector, to be published 
in the several towns on the Tuesday following, at 
the head of each trainband and in presence of "all 
well-affected people." 

At a town meeting on the 27th day of January, 
1658, the town council made a report relating to 



124 GENERAL HISTORY 

the estate of Nicholas Power, who had died intestate. 
They had endeavored, it would seem, to settle his 
estate, according to the provisions of the general 
law of the colony, but the widow would not consent 
to such settlement and the council had no power to 
compel her. The matter was referred by the town 
to the next court of commissioners, who do not ap- 
pear to have acted on the subject. About ten years 
after this, the estate being still unsettled, the council 
made a will for the said Nicholas, under their hands 
and seals. Where they obtained such power does 
not appear, but it was exercised repeatedly not only 
in Providence but in Warwick. Wills so made were 
not simply divisions and distribution of the intestates' 
estate among heirs, but in some instances specific 
bequests and devises were made, and estates for life, 
in tail and in fee created, as the council supposed 
the interests of all concerned required. In the pro- 
ceedings of the town in May, is the first resolution 
as to what qualified or constituted a freeman of the 
town. It was then resolved, that all those who en- 
joyed lands within the jurisdiction of the town, should 
be freemen of the town. There is no record of the 
election of the town officers this year. The latest 
records of the year, are in the hand writing of John 
Sayles. 

1659. — At the general election which was holden 
at Providence, 

Benedict Arnold, was elected President, 
William Field, Assistant for Providence, 
Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, 
Joseph Clark, " for Newport, 

Randall Holden, " for Warwick. 



GENERAL HISTORY 



125 



John Sanford, General Recorder, James Rogers, 
General Sergeant, John Sanford, General Treasurer, 
John Greene, General Attorney, and James Rogers, 
General Solicitor. 

At the Court of Commissioners, the Commission- 
ers from Providence, were 

William Field, Arthur Fenner, 

Thomas Olney, Thomas Hopkins, 

John Sayles, James Ashton. 

At this court a letter was drawn up to be sent to 
" The most Serene and Illustrious, His Higness, the 
most renowned Richard, Lord Protector of the Com- 
monwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, and 
the dominions thereto belonging," on his accession 
to that dignity. A rate of £50 was ordered for Mr. 
Clark ; of this Providence and Warwick were each 
required to pay £9, Portsmouth £14, and Newport 
£1 8. Another meeting was called on the 23d day 
of August, at which 

William Field, Zachary Rhodes, 

Roger Williams, John Smith, 

William Carpenter, John Sayles, 
acted as commissioners from Providence. It is prob- 
able that this court was called in consequence of 
letters from Mr. Clark. A further rate of £50 was 
ordered for his use, of which Providence was requir- 
ed to pay £11, Portsmouth £10, Newport £20, and 
Warwick £9. All legal process was required to be 
issued in the name of the supreme authority of the 
Commonwealth of England. 

At the June town meeting for election of town offi 
cers, 



126 GENERAL HISTORY 

Thomas Olney, Jiin., was elected Town Clerk. 

William Carpenter and Thomas Olney, Sen., Town 
Deputies. 

John Sayles, Town Treasurer, John Fenner, Town 
Sergeant. 

Roger Williams, Arthur Fenner and John Sayles, 
to make up the Town Council. 

No mention is made of any further proceedings 
against William Harris, on the charge of High Trea- 
son. The agent of the colony probably referred to 
it in his communications to the colony, and it was 
no further prosecuted at his suggestion. The charge 
however, laid the foundation of a long and violent 
feud between him and Mr. Williams. It divided the 
inhabitants into parties, which lasted many years. 
The biographer of Mr. Williams says that " Mr. W. 
so disliked Mr. Harris, that he would not write his 
name at length, but abbreviated it thus, W. Har." 
Though this was his usual way of writing Mr. Har- 
ris' name, it was not invariably so. In a letter of 
his to John Whipple, now in the Cabinet of the 
Rhode-Island Historical Society, dated August 24, 
1669, he writes " W. Harris." This letter was not 
written after the frosts of age had quenched the an- 
gry feud between them. There are many passages 
in it, which show all the vigor of youthful passion. 

1660. — The General Election was holden at 
Portsmouth. 

Wilham Brenton, was elected President, 
Wilham Field, Assistant for Providence, 
Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, 
Benedict Arnold. " for Newport, 
John Greene, " for Warwick. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 127 

John Sanford, General Recorder and Treasurer, 
James Rogers, General Sergeant, John Easton, Gen- 
eral Attorney. 

The commissioners from Providence were 
William Brenton, Arthur Fenner, 
William Field, William Carpenter, 

Benedict Arnold, Thomas Hopkins. 
The law of November, 1658, with respect to an- 
nulling laws by the freemen, in their town meet- 
ings, was amended so as to permit the votes against 
the laws to be returned at any time within three 
months after the town meetings, and so that a major- 
ity of the freemen of the colony could annul any law. 
By the act of 1658, it required a majority of the free- 
men of each town. Here was a great step toward the 
consolidation of the towns and one that must have ad- 
ded much strength to the colony Government. A 
committee was appointed at this court, to consider 
of a way for making a bridge over the Pawtuxet river. 
Very soon after the death of Cromwell, the peo- 
ple of England perceived that his son and successor, 
Richard, was not capable of holding the reins of 
government. After a short and inglorious attempt 
to do so, he retired from pubhc life, and Charles the 
Second ascended the throne of his ancestors, with 
the almost unanimous good wishes of his subjects. 
He landed in England on the 24th day of May and 
entered London on the 8th day of June. Soon af- 
ter the news of these events arrived in this country, 
a Court of Commissioners met at Warwick. This 
was on the 18th day of October. The Commis- 
sioners from Providence were 



128 GENERAL HISTORY. 

William Field, John Fenner, 

William Harris, Joseph Torrey, 
Arthur Fenner, Thomas Hopkins. 

A letter from Mr. Clark was read, and also King 
Charles' letters to the Parliament and House of Com- 
mons, and also his declaration and proclamation. 
They passed an act acknowledging him as their hege 
King and the following vote prescribing the time and 
form for " solemnizing his proclamation." 

" It is ordered, that on the next Wednesday, which will be the 
24th of this instant month, each town in this colony shall, then, 
at the head of the company of each train band, solemnize the 
proclamation of the Royal Majesty, and that the captain of each 
town is hereby required and authorised to call the train band 
together to solemnize the said proclamation on the foresaid day, 
if the weather do permit, if not, then it is to be done on the next 
fair day ; and that all children and servants shall have their lib- 
erty on that day " 

A commission was ordered to be sent to Mr. Clark 
to procure a renewal of the charter from the King. 

At a town meeting holden on the 27tli day of Jan- 
uary, the town voted that every person who should 
kill a wolf in Providence, might demand, of every 
owner of cattle, a half-penny for every head of cattle 
he owned. 

The town preferred a petition to the court of com- 
missioners to be released from the payment of £30 
toward the erection of a prison at Newport. They 
state that the prison would be completely useless to 
them, living so far distant, and that they had been 
obliged to make large disbursements amounting to 
£160 in the erection of a bridge. This was proba- 
bly at Weybosset. At the town meeting in June, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 129^ 

Thomas Olney, Jr. was chosen Town Clerk. Tho- 
mas Olney, sen. and WiUiam Carpenter, Town Dep- 
uties, Stephen Northup, Town Sergeant, Edward In- 
man, Thomas Hopkins and Thomas Walhng, to make 
up the Town Council, John Sayles, Town Treasurer. 
1661. — WiUiam Brenton was elected President, 
this year. 

William Field, Assistant for Providence, 
Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, 
Benedict Arnold, '' for Newport, 
John Greene, " for Warwick. 

Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers, 
General Sergeant, Caleb Carr, General Treasurer, 
John Easton, General Attorney, and Peter Tallman, 
General Solicitor. 

The Commissioners from Providence were 
William Field, Thomas Roberts, 

William Arnold, Zachary Rhodes, 

Thomas Harris, James Barker. 

It was proposed at the court of commissioners, to 
raise £200 in the several towns, to defray the expense 
of sending two agents to England. They appointed 
a committee to solicit subscriptions, and to select 
and instruct the agents. After some part of the sub- 
scription had been obtained, the project was aban- 
doned, probably on account of letters received from 
Mr. Clark. 

At a court of commissioners holden on the 27th 
day of August, the commissioners from Providence 
were 

Roger Wilhams, Joseph Torrey, 

William Field, Phihp Tabor, 

Thomas Olney, John Anthonv. 

17 



130 GENERAL HISTORY 

Upon consideration of Mr. Clark's letters, they re- 
solved to send him a letter of thanks for his care and 
diligence, and also his commission, as agent, which 
had been ordered the year before. It was also 
agreed to raise £200 by a tax for him, of which 
Providence was to pay £40, Portsmouth £40, New- 
port £85, and Warwick £35. 

At the town meeting in June, Thomas Olney was 
chosen Town Clerk, Thomas Harris, and Arthur 
Fenner, Town Deputies, John Sayles, Town Treas- 
urer. Thomas Olney, sen., Roger Williams, and Wil- 
liam Carpenter, to make up the Town Council. 

1662. — At the General Election which was holden 
this year in Warwick, 

Benedict Arnold, was chosen President, 
William Field, Assistant for Providence, 
William Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, 
Richard Tew, " for Newport, 

John Greene, " for Warwick. 

Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers, 
General Sergeant, John Easton, General Attorney, 
John Sanford, General Treasurer, and Richard Bul- 
gar. General Solicitor. 

The commissioners from Providence were 
Wilham Field, Thomas Harris, sen. 

Thomas Olney, William Harris, 

Arthur Fenner, William Carpenter. 

From an act passed at this court, it is apparent, 
that the law made in 1648 requiring conveyances of 
land to be in writing and to be recorded, had not 
been observed, and that in many instances, attempts 
had been made to transfer lands by parol. Justly 



GENERAL HISTORY. 131 

fearful that these would produce great confusion in 
titles and might lead to litigation, this court enacted, 
that any person in posession of land, claiming the fee, 
might record his claim, which should stand for a title 
against even the real owner, unless a suit was brought 
for it within a short and limited time. 

Another court was holden on the 28th day of Oc- 
tober, the same commissioners attended from Prov- 
idence, except Zachary Rhodes, in place of Thom- 
as Olney. 

At the annual town meeting in June, 

Thomas Olney, jr. was chosen town Clerk. 

Thomas Olney, sen. and William Carpenter, Town 
Deputies, John Sayles, Town Treasurer. 

Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, jr. and John 
Brown, to make up the Town Council. At this 
meeting a bridge was ordered to be built over Mo- 
shassuck river, near Thomas Olney, jr's. dwelling- 
house. A committee was appointed to procure ma- 
terials and finish the work, before haying time. It 
is believed that Thomas Olney, jr. at that time 
lived in his house»under the Stampers. He disposed 
of a house at that place by his will, in which it is 
called his mansion house. 

Near the commencement of this year the purchasers 
began to hold meetings distinct from town meetings, 
for the transaction of business relating to the propri- 
ety, but they had the same clerk, and used the same 
record book till 1718. The purchasers in April made 
a grant of a full purchase right in their lands, to Mr. 
Clark, the agent of the colony. 



132 GENERAL HISTORY. 

1663. — The General Election this year was hol- 
den at Providence. 

Benedict Arnold was elected President, 
WilHam Field, Assistant for Providence, 
Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, 
Richard Tew, " for Newport, 

John Greene, " for Warwick. 

Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers, 
General Sergeant, John Sanford, General Treasur- 
er, John Easton, General Attorney, Richard Bulgar, 
General Solicitor. 

The Commissioners from Providence were, 
William Field, Thomas Harris, 

Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner, 

Wilham Carpenter, James Ashton. 
No business of a pubhc nature was transacted at 
this court. Another court was holden at Ports- 
mouth October 14. 

The following were Commissioners from Provi- 
dence : 

William Field, William Harris, 

Wilham Carpenter, Edward Thurston, 
Zachary Rhodes, Joseph .Torrey. 
Letters were received from Mr. Clarke, and 
measures taken at this court for a further supply of 
money to him. 

In April, George Sheppard, one of the received 
inhabitants of Providence, gave the town all his 
lands on the West of the seven-mile line, to be ap- 
propriated to the support of Weybosset Bridge. 
This was indeed a generous donation. But little 
is known of the donor — which may be accounted 
for, by perusing the following letter. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 133 

To the Town of Providence : 

Loving friends and neighbors— I make bold to declare myself 
in way of satisfaction to those offended for my not acting in your 
town-meetings. 

1.1 desire you to understand, that it is not in opposition unto 
civil government, for I own it, in a way of order, as an ordinance 
of GOD, unto which I am bound to submit, but, in regard of 
my unfitness of acting, considering the infirmities of my body, 
as also of capacity to undertake such weighty affairs ; therefore, 
shall rather submit unto your wholesome orders than be an unfit 
actor therein. 

2. By your order, I understand, you have disvoted me, and 
shall submit unto your pleasure therein, not any way opposino-, 
conceiving your wisdom to order for the best, in such public affaiii 

3. For what land you were pleased to bestow upon me, I am 
bound to thank you for your free love therein, but be pleased to 
know, that it was not for land that I came hither, but the enjoy- 
ing of my conscience ; therefore, if any be offended at the quanti- 
ty of that gift and also of my acceptation, being advised thereto 
by friends, I do most willingly surrender it unto you again, de- 
siring that you would be pleased, if it might be inoffensive, to 
bestow upon me a smaller quantity, according to your custom, 
for the which I shall acknowledge myself m'uch engaged unto' 
you; otherwise you will expose me to think upon a remwd where 
I may enjoy my freedom ; but I hope you will take my condition 
into your serious consideration, that I may partake of that liber- 
ty, which, out of yoifr tender care to consciences, you do hold 
forth, provided, as I desire not to be in any thing a disturber of 
your civil peace or order but a well wisher and submitter there- 
to- GEORGE SHEPPARD. 

There is no date to this letter, nor any further 
trace of the writer. But such sentiments, so un- 
usual in any age or place, should be preserved. 

At the annual election in June, Thomas Olney, 
jr. was chosen Town Clerk, Thomas Harris, sen. 
and John Brown, Town Deputies, Thomas Olney, 
sen. Treasurer. Roger Wilhams, Thomas Olney, 



134 GENERAL HISTORY. 

sen. and Arthur Fenner, to make up the Town 
Council. 

In October, a rate of £36 was ordered to be as- 
sessed for Mr. Clark, which could be paid in wheat 
at four shillings and sixpence, in peas at three shil- 
lings and sixpence, per bushel, or in butter at six 
pence per pound. 

Among the papers on file in the city clerk's office, 
is an original warrant from the General Sergeant, 
addressed to the warden or deputy warden of Provi- 
dence, dated the fourteenth day of November, re- 
quiring him to call a town meeting, to elect commis- 
sioners, or send those already elected, to meet at 
Newport on the 24th of that month, " partly and 
chiefly to receive the charter which is certainly re- 
ported to be arrived." 

It seems that the chief ofiicer in the several towns 
had different titles. In this warrant he is styled, 
warden ; sometimes he is called the head officer. 
The general assistant was the officer intended. He 
issued the warrants for convening town meetings. 
The warrant from the general sergeant was followed 
by the following one from the president of the colony. 

" To the Captain, or other commission officers of the Town 
of Providence. You are, in his Majesty's name, required to 
warn and require all the freemen of your town to accompany 
your town commissioners, in their arms, on the 24th day of No- 
vember instant, being Tuesday, or as many as can come, to New- 
port, there to solemnize the receipt of the charter, according to 
advice of the colony's agent to the council. 

Hereof fail not. Given November 16th, 1663. 

By BEN. ARNOLD, President. 

For the Town of Providence." 



GENERAL HISTORY, 135 

A town meeting was holden on the 16th day of 
November, and the following named persons were 
chosen commissioners on this occasion : 
Wilham Field, Zachary Rhodes, 

Roger WilHams, Wilham Harris, 
William Carpenter, Stephen Arnold. 
It appears that neither Mr. Williams nor Mr. Ar- 
nold attended this court, and as in other like cases, 
the commissioners filled the vacancies by electing 
other freemen of the colony. In this case, Richard 
Tew, and Joseph Torrey, were elected. The town 
dechned sending any soldiers on this occasion. The 
commissioners met on the day appointed. The box 
containing the charter was produced by Captain 
Baxter, the bearer of it, in what is called in the rec- 
ord, " a very great assembly of the people." " It 
was then resolved," so says the record, " that the 
box in which the king's gracious letters were en- 
closed, be opened, and the letters with the broad seal 
thereto affixed, be taken forth and read by Captain 
George Baxter, in the audience and view of all the 
people ; which was accordingly done, and the said 
letters, with his majesty's royal stamp and the broad 
seal, with much beseeming gravity, held up on high 
and presented to the perfect view of the people, and 
so returned into the box, and locked up by the Gov- 
ernor in order to the safe keeping." The most 
humble thanks of the colony were directed to be re- 
turned to his majesty " for the high and inestimable, 
yea incomparable grace and favor" — " to the Hon- 
orable Earl of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor of 
England, for his exceeding great care and love unto 



136 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the colony" — to Mr. Clark, with a gratuity of one 
hundred pounds — and also a gratuity to Captain 
Baxter, of twenty-five pounds. The court of com- 
missioners assembled again the next day, and after 
passing such resolutions and orders as were neces- 
sary to prevent the failure of justice, "dissolve and 
resign up the present government." 

The Governor and Assistants named in the char- 
ter assembled on the same day. They directed a 
General Assembly to be holden on the first Tues- 
day in March, and required that until then, all the 
officers in the colony, both civil and military, should 
proceed and execute their respective duties. 

Thus closed the government of the colony under 
the charter of 1644. When that charter was re- 
ceived, it was hailed with the most enthusiastic ex- 
pressions of joy, for it conferred on the inhabitants 
a political existence, and was a sure pledge of the 
protection of the mother country. It conferred un- 
equalled privileges and powers on the colonists, the 
very extent of which, rendered the government to 
be established under it, wanting in energy. In ef- 
fect, the four towns remained almost independent of 
each other, and the colonial government acted not 
so much upon the individuals who composed the 
colony, as upon the corporate towns of the confede- 
racy. We have traced the difficulties and dissen- 
tions that sprang up under this charter in all parts 
of the colony, and the legitimate conclusion seems 
to be, that nothing but the pressure of external dan- 
gers, could have held the colony together, so long, 
under it. Upon the restoration of the monarchy and 



GENERAL HISTORY. 137 

the accession of Charles to the throne of his ances- 
tors, this colony had much to fear. The very accept- 
ance of their former charter, must have subjected 
them to great suspicions of disloyalty. The active 
part taken by their agent Mr. Williams, while in 
England in 1643, and 1648, his known and acknowl- 
edged intimacy with Cromwell and Sir Henry Vane, 
must have increased these suspicions. While, on 
the other hand, the high ground that the colony had 
ever taken and sustained in the cause not of rehgious 
toleration, but of perfect rehgious liberty, must have 
rendered it, in no small degree obnoxious to the cler- 
gy of the church of England, who, from being the 
persecuted, had now acquired the power of becom- 
ing the persecuting, party. They must have looked 
upon the inhabitants, of this colony as schismatics of 
no ordinary character, the very dregs of the Inde- 
pendent and Presbyterian faction, whose hand they 
had felt to be the " heavy, wrathful hand of an un- 
brotherly and unchristian persecutor." 

But the colony had long ere this adopted the an- 
chor for its seal, and " Hope" for its motto. It was 
not appalled by the number or malignancy of its op- 
ponents, and by the indefatigable exertions of its 
agent, Mr. Clark, surmounted all these obstacles, 
and received from the king the charter which was 
continued as the basis of the state government, until 
the adoption of the State Constitution in 1843. The 
provisions of this charter are believed to be so well 
known as to make it unnecessary here to recite 
them. In relation, however, to the great leading 
principle of the colony, religious hberty, it must be 
18 



138 GENERAL HISTORY. 

observed, that this charter does not entrench upon 
it in the least. The laws of England at that time, 
required uniformity in religious belief. They recog- 
nized a church establishment as a part of the govern- 
ment of the kingdom. This charter recites, that the 
address of the colony by their agent had declared 
the wish of the colonists to prove by their acts, " that 
a flourishing civil state may stand and best be main- 
tained, with full liberty in rehgious concernments." 

The grant, in the charter, is in effect, that no per- 
son shall be " called in question for any differences 
in opinion in matters of religion," any law of the 
realm to the contrary notwithstanding ; thus repeal- 
ing the general law of the kingdom, so far as the king 
had the power to do it, in respect to these petition- 
ers, or rather excepting them from the operation of 
these laws. This course left the colonists exactly 
where their original compact and the charter of 1644 
left them, with no human laws regulating their reli- 
gious faith or practice, or conferring on them the 
right to think and act for themselves in religious con- 
cernments. 

In reviewing the history of Providence up to this 
period, the most casual observer must be struck with 
two remarkable circumstances that distinguish it 
from the neighboring colonies. They were all origi- 
nated by one common cause, religious intolerance ; 
they were all estabHshed for one common end, rehg- 
ious freedom. While Providence ever disclaimed all 
power, except in civil things, the other colonies as- 
serted and sometimes exercised an ecclesiastical juris- 
diction not warranted by reason or religion. Again, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 139 

the first settlers of Providence recognised the Abo- 
riginal as the paramount title to the land on which 
they planted, and purchased it before they made any 
settlement. On the other hand, the other colonies 
claimed, possession of their plantations, in the first in- 
stance, by virtue of patents or grants from the Kino- 
of England, and fortified the right so acquired by sub*^ 
sequent purchases of the natives. 



CHAPTER THIRD. 

GENERAL HISTOP».Y. 

FROM THE ADOPTION OF THE COLONY CHARTER, OF 16G3, UNTIL 1763. 

The adoption, by the colony, of the new charter, 
seems to have been considered not only as a total 
abrogation of the one that preceded it, but as inval- 
idating, in some degree, the charters granted under 
it to the several towns. It may well be doubted, 
whether the colonial government possessed the pow- 
er of granting such charters. If they had tliat pow- 
er, the repeal of the colony charter could not affect 
them. Doubts however must have existed on this 
point, for the town of Providence at their town meet- 
ing in June 1664, ordered, that "the first Monday 
in June be the day of electing our town officers, and 
for that day to continue, yearly." Now this was the 
day appointed in the town's charter for the election 
of town officers. The General Assembly, at a ses- 
sion in March, passed an act prescribing what officers 
should be elected by each town. This power, by the 
town charters, was vested in the towns alone. The 
officers directed to be chosen, were, a town council, 
clerk, constable and sergeant. The council of each 
town was to consist of six persons of whom the assist- 
ants residing in each town, were ex-officio, mem- 
bers. It it difficult to conceive what advantage, ei- 
ther colony or town could derive from this arrange- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 141 

ment. Of the Governor, deputy Governor and ten 
Assistants, five were to be chosen from Newport, 
three from Providence, two from Portsmouth and 
two from Warwick. The town of Providence had, 
therefore, the choice of only three of their town coun-^ 
cil, the other three being chosen by the freemen of 
the state. At the October session of the General 
Assembly a tax of £600 was ordered; of this Provi- 
dence was to pay £100, Newport £285, Portsmouth 
£80, Warwick £80, Pettiquamscutt £20, Block-Is- 
land £15. Colony taxes will be occasionally noti- 
ced hereafter, as affording some evidence of the 
comparative wealth of the different towns, at different 
times. In December a town tax of £130 was or- 
dered to be assessed to pay the town's proportion of 
this colony tax. This was made payable " in wheat 
at four shillings and six-pence per bushel, peas at 
three shilhngs and six-pence, pork at £3,10 per bar- 
rel, or horses or cattle equivalent." It seems that the 
bridge at Weybossett needed repairs in the begin- 
ning of 1665. A committee was appointed in Jan- 
uary to sohcit subscriptions for repairing it. 

In July 1665, all New-England was filled with 
fears and dismay by the arrival of the King's com- 
missioners. Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, 
Knight, George Cartwright, Esq. and Samuel Mav- 
erick, Esq. They were empowered to hear and de- 
termine all complaints and appeals, in all causes, as 
well military, as civil and criminal, and to provide 
for and settle the peace and security of the country. 
Their commission was very ample and their powers 
extraordinary. They were not however called upon 



142 GENERAL HISTORY, 

to exercise them, in any way affecting the town of 
Providence. 

It appears by the records that two meetings were 
holden on the first Monday in June, 1667, for the 
election of town officers, and two sets of officers 
chosen. The causes of this proceeding are not 
known. Probably it arose out of the disputes about 
the extent of the town bounds, the effect of deeds 
procured from the Natives in 1659 and 1662, and 
the dividing line between Providence and Pawtuxet 
proprieties, which at that time and for years before 
and after afforded copious matter for dissention. — 
These points, and also the disputes between Provi- 
dence, Warwick and Westquanoid will be particu- 
larly noticed in a subsequent chapter. It was the 
duty of one of the assistants to call town meetings, 
but of which one, does not appear. The assistants 
residing in Providence this year, were William Car- 
penter, William Harris and Arthur Fenner. One 
of these town meetings was called by Arthur Fenner, 
the other, probably, by Wilham Harris. After the 
two elections were completed, a complaint was made 
to the Governor against Mr. Fenner, which resulted 
in a special session of the General Assembly in July. 
At this session two sets of deputies were returned, 
chosen at two distinct town meetings. The depu- 
ties chosen at the town meeting called by Arthur 
Fenner, were admitted to their seats. At this ses- 
sion Mr. Harris preferred an indictment against Ar- 
thur Fenner and the deputies elected at his town 
meeting, for a rout. They were acquitted after a 
trial and the General Assembly proceeded and im- 



GEiNERAL HISTORY. 143 

posed a fine of £50 on Mr. Harris, for procuring 
the assembly to be called without sufficient cause. 
He was deposed from his office of Assistant and 
another elected in his stead. The General Assem- 
bly afterwards, in October 1668, remitted the fine. 
At the annual town meeting, the town appointed a 
committee consisting of Arthur Fenner, John 
Throckmorton, Thomas Hopkins and Shadrach 
Manton to draw up a statement to be sent to the 
other towns. There is no copy of this statement 
on record, the following extracts are made from the 
copy sent to Warwick. It is entitled " The Fire- 
brand discovered, in a brief narrative or remon- 
strance to the three towns in this colony of Rhode- 
Island and Providence Plantations, viz : Newport, 
Portsmouth and Warwick, declaring both his name' 
nature, quahties and conditions, as appeareth by 
some of his former and later actions in this town and 
colony." After detaihng at some length and with no 
measured terms of dispraise, his conduct on certain 
occasions, they proceed to the following narrative 
of events that transpired on election day. 

" His actions amongst us the 3d of this instant June, being 
the day of this town's electing of town officers, maketh this Fire- 
brand further appear, who with his partner, William Carpenter, 
deprived a great number of freemen of liberty to vote for officers! 
Some of them had been townsmen twenty-six years, all above 
eighteen years of age, and landed men, and had given their en- 
gagement of fidelity to his majesty, according as is provided in 
the colony. The objection why they should not vote was, they 
had not given their engagements before the town ; then one steps 
forth and desireth to give his engagement, then, that, also they 
refused. Another objection, their names were not returned to 
the clerk, tlien the assistant tendered a list of those names to be 



144 GENERAL HISTORY. 

recorded that had given their engagements ; that was also refus- 
ed so that this man, with his partner, would neither accept them 
that were engaged, nor let him engage that offered himself, be- 
fore them ; what they would have, we now begin to see. The 
people beholding their liberties and privileges, by these men, en- 
deavored to be violated and destroyed, being about two parts out 
of three resolved not to endure it; but moved Mr. Fenner, As- 
sistant, to stand with them to help maintain their privilege, and 
to work they went, to the business of the day, to choose their 
moderator in the same room, the town clerk and constable ; and 
when they were engaged, demanded the town books to be deliv- 
ered to the town clerk, chosen by the major part of the freemen 
of the town. This man with his associates, having got the table, 
denied the books. The said Arthur Fenner, moderator, in the 
name of the town demanded them, three distinct times, and one 
of them dared the company to touch the books. But we dared 
to do it, only we did know, it would but add fuel to the firebrand, 
which would do no good, neither to colony nor town ; remem- 
bering that our [illegible] is watched for roundabout us, and chose 
at present, another way, procured paper, recorded our act and 
officers, completing the business of the day (as in respect to the 
election) and chose four men to draw this remonstrance to the 
three towns, that, if be possible this firebrand may be quenched. 
Moreover, this man, whilst we were peaceably acting, his asso- 
ciates having left the room, came again and commanded the said 
moderator of the town, about ten times, in his majesty's name, 
to depart that house from the rout ; so that with us the case lieth 
thus, that when we meet together in peace to agree about our 
occasions, not warned by this man or his partner, we are called 
by him a rout, and when warned by them and do not, as this 
man would have us, we are then also termed a rout. What 
other fiery work this man will make, we watch to see, that we 
may quench it if it be possible. But by this time, we suppose, 
you will be ready to question as Ahasuerus did to the Queen 
Esther, who is he that durst presume in his heart to do so ; we 
answer, with Esther, the Adversary, the Enemy, the Firebrand 
is this wicked Harris, commonly called William Harris, this is 
his name." 



GENERAL HISTORY. 145 

There was a degree of propriety in thus address- 
ing the other towns in the colony, if the facts stated 
were true, because Mr. Harris held his office of as- 
sistant by the votes of the freemen of all the towns, 
and in virtue of his office as assistant, he was em- 
powered to perform certain acts and duties in the 
town in which he resided. Although the instrument 
from which the foregoing extract is made, emanated 
under the authority of the town, and was, by their 
direction, disseminated through the colony, it ought 
to be classed among the effiisions of party. The 
language throughout, and even its very title, shows 
that it was written under such an excitement of feel- 
ings, as is always unfavorable even to a perception 
of exact truth 

Weybosset Bridge even in the infancy of its erec- 
tion, seems to have been the source of much trouble 
and the cause of great expenditure. Being out of 
repair, the town not succeeding in their attempts 
to collect sufficient money for its support by volun- 
tary contributions, the following proposition was 
made by Roger Wilhams in relation to it. 

Providence, 10th Feb. 1667-8. 
Loving friends and neighbors. — Unto this day it pleased the 
town to adjourn for the answering of the bill for the bridge and 
others. I have conferred with Shadrach Manton and Nathaniel 
Waterman about their proposal and their result is, that they can- 
not obtain such a number as will join with them to undertake 
the bridge upon the hope of meadow. I am, therefore, bold, af- 
ter so many anchors come home, and so much trouble and long 
debate and deliberations, to offer, that, if you please, I will, with 
GOD'S help, take this bridge unto my care and by that mode- 
rate toll of strangers of all sorts which hath been mentioned, will 

19 



146 GENERAL HISTORY. 

maintain it so long as it pleaseth GOD that I live in this 

town. 

2. The town shall be free from all toll, only, I desire one day's 
work of one man in a year from every family, but from those that 
have teams and have much use of the bridge, one day's work of 
a man and team, and of those that have less use, half a day. 

3. I shall join with any of the town, more or few, who will 
venture their labor with me for the gaining of meadow. 

4. I promise, that if it please GOD that I gain meadow in 
equal value to the town's yearly help, I shall then release that. 

5. I desire, if it please GOD to be with me to go through such 
charge and trouble as will be, to bring this to a settled way 
and then suddenly to take me from hence, I desire, that before 
another, my wife and children, if they desire it, may engage in 
my stead to these conditions. 

6. If the town please to consent, I desire that one of your- 
selves be nominated, to join with the clerk to draw up the writ- 
ing. K- W. 

Upon receipt of this proposal the town voted, that 
Mr. WilHams " may receive toll of all strangers who 
pass over Wapwaysett Bridge and of townsmen what 
they are free to give, toward the support of said 
bridge." This does not appear like disinterested 
legislation on the subject. It remained a toll bridge 
till 1672, when the grant to Mr. Williams was re- 
pealed. The General Assembly, afterwards in vari- 
ous years, made large grants toward the reparation 
of this bridge. 

Notwithstanding the remonstrance which the 
town circulated in the summer of 1667, the same 
assistants for Providence were re-elected in May fol- 
lowing. This circumstance in connection with con- 
tinuing difficulties gave rise to the following remon- 
strance in August 1668. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 147 

" To the honored Governor and council at Newport on Rhode 
Island. 

The humble remonstrance and petition of the town of Provi- 
dence, orderly assembled together, Humbly sheweth, 
That having been informed that William Harris, notwithstand- 
ing William Carpenter's offer, is resolved to pursue his charge of 
a riot against so many of our honest and innocent neighbors, we 
have thought it our duty, being orderly met according to law, 
for the honor of truth and the honor of his Majesty's loyal and 
peaceable subjects, now most unjustly and miserably oppressed, to 
present these few lines to your prudent consideration. First, as 
to the accusers. Second, as to the accusation and the accused. 

First as to the accusers. First. All of them jointly, William 
Carpenter, William and Thomas Harris, they pretend his Maj- 
esty's name and service, but it is but a mantle or cloak to private 
ends. For there are many evidences, some while since given 
in to our honored Assistant of this colony, of their treacherous 
profession, and we justly suspect, practices, of their treacherous 
minds, against his Majesty's gracious charter and authority in 
this colony and the government and liberties of it, all of which 
evidences, you may please to command the sight of 

Secondly. As to one of them and the incendiary of this and 
many other troubles in town and colony, William Harris, he now 
forceth us to remember, that it is about twenty four years since 
he was disfranchised and cast out of the assembly of his neigh- 
bors in town meeting for assaulting a neighbor and blood shed- 
ding in the King's highway, in the street and for the furious main- 
taining of such a practice. 'Tis true he hath thrust himself oft in- 
to our meetings, though some have protested against it, and so he 
did in our last year's trouble ; but, the truth is, he intruded and 
usurped, for he was never orderly received in again, since his 
disfranchisement upon record. Since that time he hath lived in 
the woods until the year 1656 or thereabout, and as some of his 
friends have often said, like another Nebuchadnezzar, not fit for 
the society of men ; where, while others spent themselves to up- 
hold town and colony, by means of a mare got for a meadow the 
town gave him, he got some horses, and he lay barking at and 
biting, as he could, both town and colony. But in that year 
aforesaid, he brake forth with an open flag of defiance under his 



148 GENERAL HISTORY. 

hand writing to the four towns of the colony, against all civil 
aovernment, professing that it would shortly be, that people 
should cry out, " No Lords, No Masters," saying, " That the 
house of Saul, grew weaker and weaker," which he all along in 
his books, interprets to be civil governors and governments, 
" and the house of David" that is William Harris and his saints 
" strono-er and stronger." His book is yet extant and traitor- 
ously vomits out his filth against all governments and governors, 
of what rank soever, all lords and masters, against all laws and 
law-making assemblies, against all courts, all punishments, pris- 
ons, rules, all records, as thieves, robbers, hypocrites, satyrs, 
owls, courts of owls, dragons and devils and soldiers, legions of 
devils. What were the proceedings of this colony against all 
these his horrid practices, our records declare, he openly pro- 
testing before the country here at Newport, that he had nothing 
to lose, but an old coat for the hangman, and he would maintain 
his writings with his blood ; and for ought we have heard, the 
colony never discharged him from the charge exhibited against 
him. Since that time, upon hope of great lordship of land, he 
hath tacked about, licked up his vomit, adored like Saul, as 
some have told him, the witch at Endor, the laws and courts 
and charter which before, he damned and turned his former trai- 
torous practices into ten years vexatious plaguing and torment- 
ing both town and colony and the whole country, with law, law- 
suits and restless fires and flames of law contentions. We add 
to this, as some of our neighbors did in their character of him 
the last year, his tongue is as foul as his pen, with constant and 
loathsome revilings of all that cross him, fool, knave, rascal, jack- 
anapes, scoundrel, &lc. None escape his dirt of reproach and 
threatening, nor some his challenges to fight, yea, with pistol 
and rapier, yea, even then, when he protested against all courts 
and weapons. It is not forgotten, that the General Assembly of 
this colony, this last year, sensible of his practices, passed a sharp 
sentence upon him, notwithstanding though it be impendent on 
him, as if he would dare the execution he proceeds in his furious 
tormenting of his poor neighbors with most unjust and causeless 
vexations ; wherein as to the accusation. 

1. The matter is about a spot of land, yeilding about three 
or four loads of hay, as the year is. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 149 

2. The claim of this spot, was got for his son Andrew in a de- 
ceitful way, against the protests of Mr. Field, Mr. Olney, Mr. 
Carpenter, himself and the rest of the purchasers, he forcing in a 
company upon them to whom he would give land. His carriage 
then, was such, that Mr. Field was forced to charge the consta- 
ble to keep the peace. This spot was since laid out by the ma- 
jor consent of the purchasers to Resolved Waterman, who offer- 
ing in a legal way to try the title and peaceably cutting it off, he 
and his neighbors are now thus oppressed, as rebels against his 
Majesty. 

3. Andrew Harris confessed to Mr. Greene, Assistant, that 
Resolved Waterman used no force, only he had cut his meadow, 
which amounts to no more in law, than common actional cases, 
and the warrant of William Harris, given to his extraordinary 
constable Thomas Harris, to apprehend Resolved Waterman for 
a Riot, we judge void in law, also he standing a delinquent many 
ways upon record, and therefore was most justly refused by our 
governor to be by him engaged or sworn to be a magistrate, to 
which it is true he had an inconsiderate vote from his unadvised 
party on the island, to the great grievance of the towns on the 
main, on whom the island party would force him 

4. We herewith present you with a copy of the town's mind 
and request, prepared and ordered a month since, to be present- 
ed to the General Assembly, being a petition for redress against 
these oppressions, where, ordinary actional and petty matters, 
are by subtle quirks from old statutes, without reference to our 
laws and indulgence by his majesty's gracious charter to us, 
wound and screwed up to an high crime against his majesty, 
whose name is most abominably abused for private ends. 

5. Mr. Greene, Assistant, solemnly sent for by themselves, 
after long debate declared, that he found no riot, nor any force 
in the whole carriage, nor no uncivil or unbecoming carriage in 
Providence men now thus unjustly charged. 

In consideration of the premises, we humbly pray, 

First. That you will please to stop such shameful abuse of his 

majesty's name and authority, and such shameful oppression of 

his majesty's loyal and peaceable subjects. 

Secondly. That your honored selves will please to assist our 

humble petition to the next General Assembly, that Mr, Carpen- 



150 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ter, William and Thomas Harris, who have thus shamefully 
abused his majesty's name and oppressed his subjects, be ren- 
dered incapable to be chosen to any further public employment, 
until they have given public satisfaction and be orderly released 
from such a sentence. 

Thirdly. That the sentence of the General Assembly against 
William Harris, be no longer protracted, for all men see, that 
indulgence and lenity is but as oil poured upon his fiery, conten- 
tious spirit, which makes him flame the higher. 

Fourthly. We pray your countenance and assistance to the 
General Solicitor to proceed legally with William Carpenter, 
William and Thomas Harris for their treacherous speeches, and, 
we suspect, actions, against his majesty's gracious charter, and 
the liberties and government and privileges which it hath pleas- 
ed our God and the king, to the envy and astonishment of all our 
neighborhood, so wonderfully to bestow upon us. 
Your most humble servants and petitioners, 

SHADRACH MANTON, Town Clerk. 

in the name and at the appointment of the town of Providence. 

Providence, 31st of August, 1668. 

For some years after the granting of the charter 
of 1663, there existed a warm dispute between this 
colony and the colony of Connecticut in relation to 
the dividing Hne between them. In some stage of 
this dispute, which was finally settled by the king in 
council, William Harris acted as the agent or attor- 
ney of Connecticut. There is in the possession of 
the Rhode- Island Historical Society, the heads of an 
argument on this subject drawn up by Mr. Harris, 
and indorsed by him " This is the copy of that for 
which I was imprisoned and tried for my life." 

It was probably the part he took in this controversy 
that provoked the remarks in the first part of this re- 
monstrance. The circumstances that occasioned his 
disfranchisement in 1644, cannot be ascertained. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 151 

The only evidence of the fact, exists in this remon- 
strance, and in the one sent the year before to the 
other towns in the colony. The records of the town 
at the period alluded to are lost. It is not known 
that he ever denied the fact, or that he left any expla- 
nation of the circumstance. The promulgation of 
certain opinions of his in 1656, subjected him to an 
indictment for high treason against the government 
of England. This it seems was not prosecuted. 

That Mr. Harris was elected an Assistant by the 
colony in 1668, after he had, the year before, been 
deposed from that office and fined for misconduct, 
affords reason to believe that all the blame was not on 
his side, and his subsequent re-election to the same 
office in 1669, proves thatamajority of the freemen 
of the colony still adhered to him. Party spirit, all 
history shows, will cover up a multitude of sins, 'but 
it is difficult to beheve that it would have been suffic- 
ient to sustain Mr. Harris, if all the charges against 
hun were true to their utmost extent. It is matter 
of deep regret that he left no statement in relation 
to these circumstances. 

In June 1667, the town treasurer reported, that 
he had neither received nor paid any thing for the 
town, the year preceding. The fact is noticed, sim- 
ply for Its smgularity. The like probably never oc- 
curred before, and if it has since, it certainly has not 
recently. Though the record shows no such pro- 
ceeding, it is presumed that the town in 1668 and 
1669 elected two sets o ftown officers, as in 1667. 
At the October session of the General Assembly, 
1669, two certificates from two town clerks were 



152 GENERAL HISTORY. 

presented in relation to the election of deputies. 
One certified that there had been no election and 
the other contained the names of four persons who 
had been chosen to that office. This circumstance 
induced the Assembly to pass an act of which the 
following is the preamble. 

" The General Assembly, sadly resenting the grievous symp- 
toms that appear of the dangerous contests, distractions and divis- 
ions amongst our ancient, loving and honored neighbors, the 
freemen, inhabitants of the town of Providence, whereby the 
said town is rendered in an incapacity of transacting their own 
affairs in any measure of satisfactory order with peace and qui- 
etness, and, consequently, unable to help in the managing and 
ordering of public affairs by deputies that ought to be by them 
sent to the General Assembly, and jurymen to the courts of trials, 
whereby there is, or seems to be, a breach in the whole ; upon 
consideration whereof, and upon finding that the cause of the 
foresaid inconveniences, ariseth from disagreement and dissatis- 
faction about divisions and dispositions of lands, wherein, it is 
impossible either party can be clear from giving and taking oc- 
casion of offence, and that it is altogether unlikely they will 
compose the difference without some judicious men and uncon- 
cerned in the premised contest be helpful by their counsel and 
advice to that end," 

Therefore they appointed Messrs. John Easton, 
Joshua Coggeshall, John Coggeshall, William 
Vaughan and John Sanford, to proceed to Provi- 
dence, and meet the inhabitants in general meeting, 
" and endeavor to persuade them to a loving com- 
posure of their differences ;" also to call a meeting 
of freemen for the election of town officers and dep- 
uties. The assembly adjourned to the third Tues- 
day in February to ascertain the result of this inter- 
ference, and in the mean time stayed all proceed- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 153 

ings in all indictments and actions that had grown 
out of those differences. This committee were un- 
successful in their attempts to restore peace and una- 
nimity. On the twenty-second day of March follow- 
ing the General Assembly were again called on to in- 
terfere in the premises, and they then passed the fol- 
lowing act : 

" It being so, that there have been great distractions amongst 
the inhabitants of the town of Providence, there being two par- 
ties accusing each other, that they have obstructed legal proceed- 
ings and that they have acted illegally, so that the General As- 
sembly of this colony has not been assisted by them with depu- 
ties, neither is this General Assembly, although there have been 
Imig endeavors by General Assemblies, that the inhabitants of 
Providence themselves might have issued their differences that 
have caused such obstructions, but it not taking place. 

Be it enacted by this General Assembly, that two men be 
chosen, and authorized and required, to take what intelligence 
they can, how many and who they are of the town of Providence 
that are free inhabitants of this colony, and have and do take 
the engagement to be true subjects to the king, and that all 
those which either party will not own to be freemen of the colo- 
ny and to have engaged allegiance to the king, except the two 
men above get intelligence any are free, although they be not so 
owned by the other party, they shall, at their peril to be taken as 
rioters, forbear to vote in the election of any to any office in civil 
government in this colony ; and the two men chose shall require 
whom they see cause to warn all of Providence that are such 
freemen of this colony as aforesaid to appear at time and place 
as the two men chosen shall appoint for those that so appear, by 
the major vote, to choose their moderator and town officers for 
the time being and until the day for their yearly choice accord- 
ing to their law, and that they also in the same meeting, choose 
their deputies for the next General Assembly, that is to set in 
May next, 1670. 

Mr. John Easton and Mr. Joshua Coggeshall are nominated 
and appointed to be the two men to put the aforesaid order in 
20 



154 GENERAL HISTORY. 

execution, and Ensign Lot Strange and Joseph Torrey are ad- 
ded nnto them for counsel and advice in the matter, and are all 
to repair to the town of Providence, with all convenient speed, 
after the court is dissolved." 

A town meeting was called by this committee on 
the second day of April, at which an election was made. 
The officers appear to have been selected from both 
parties. This year, Mr. Harris was not elected an 
assistant. The assistants for Providence were Wil- 
liam Carpenter, Roger WilHams and Thomas Olney. 
Of a colony tax of £oOO, £57 was assessed on Prov- 
idence. In ordering this tax, the distinction is made 
between New-England currency and sterhng. — 
Forty shilHngs New-England are declared equal to 
thirty shillings sterling. In assessing this tax on in- 
dividuals the proportion of William Harris was three 
pounds ten shillings, of Wilham Carpenter, two 
pounds ten shillings, of Roger Williams, ten shillings. 

In August 1672, Mr. WilHams had his famous pub- 
lic dispute with three Friends, John Stubbs, John 
Burnyeat and Wilham Edmonson. It continued 
through three days at Newport, and was then ad- 
journed to Providence, where it occupied another 
day. As on such occasions generally, neither party 
was convinced, both claimed the victory and both 
were more firmly fixed in their former opinions. 
The challenge went from Mr. Wilhams and was in^ 
tended particularly for George Fox, but he had left 
Rhode-Island before Mr. Williams' letter reached 
there. Before he left, he sent a curious communi- 
cation to Thomas Olney, jr. and John Whipple, jr. at 
Providence, in relation to the rights and liberties of 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



155 



the town and people. This was answered at great 
length by Mr. Olney, and with a degree of acrimony 
which the communication from George Fox does 
not seem to require. It appears from the answer of 
Mr. Olney, that the government of the colony was 
then in the hands of Friends. 

Deputies were not required, until October 1672, to 
take any oath, affirmation, or engagement, on en- 
tering on their duties. It was required at this ses- 
sion, to the great dissatisfaction of the good people 
of Providence, who protested against it. They said 
"it is contrary to the liberties granted to us in our 
charter, our charter not binding us to any such 
thing, and many persons scrupling such imposi- 
tions to be imposed on them" and they, therefore, 
declare against it for the " reasons showed and many 
more that may be." Perhaps it would have been 
well for the remonstrants to have set down some 
of the other "reasons" that they could have given 
against such a law. These might have rendered 
their remonstrance more conclusive than the reasons 
given. The law of 1647, vesting the probate of wills 
and the setthng of the estates of deceased persons 
in the head officer of each town, was repealed at 
this session and the same power conferred on the 
town councils. They have continued from that 
time to the present to exercise that jurisdiction. — 
The disadvantages and evils resulting from different 
modes of proceeding in different towns and from a 
real or seeming contrariety in the decisions of differ- 
ent tribunals are more than counterbalanced by the 
facility with which the lousiness is accomplished. 



1.56 GENERAL HISTORY. 

We are now approaching a period in the history 
of New-England, which was fraught with danger 
and suffering. We allude to the war with the Na- 
tives, commonly called Phihp's War. It will be ne- 
cessary in order to understand the causes of this war, 
to recur to some earher portions of history. Soon 
after the settlement of Plymouth, Massasoiet, sachem 
of the Wampanoags, submitted himself and lands to 
the English, and concluded with them a treaty, of- 
fensive and defensive. It has before been suggested, 
that one of his objects might have been, to free him- 
self and tribe from the ascendancy which the Nar- 
ragansetts, in the time of the great sickness, acquir- 
ed over them. Before the sickness, the Wampano- 
ags were a very powerful nation. They were the 
constant rivals, and considered themselves the nat- 
ural enemies, of the Narragansetts. The treaty thus 
concluded, assured them the protection of the Eng- 
lish against the Narragansetts. For this reason it 
was inviolably observed by Massasoiet during his 
life. After his death, Alexander, the eldest of his 
sons, succeeded him. He with his brother Philip 
renewed the treaty with Plymouth, but it was soon 
suspected that he designed to shake off his subjec- 
tion to the Enghsh. Under the fostering wing of 
Plymouth, the Wampanoags had in part recovered 
their former strength, for during the life of Massa- 
soiet they were engaged in no war with any of the 
tribes around them. Alexander increased his power 
by an intermarriage with Weetamo, squaw sachem 
of the Pocassets, who is described as being "as 
potent a prince as any round about her." Dr. I. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



157 



Mather says that " Alexander was not so faithful a 
friend to the English as his father had been." He 
had not tlie same inducement to be so. His tribe, 
with the confederate Pocassets, believed they were 
able to protect themselves against the Narragansetts, 
without foreign assistance, and probably they began 
to be jealous of the growing power and numbers of 
the Enghsh. Some of Boston informed Gov. Prence 
of Plymouth that "he was contriving mischief 
against the English and had solicited the Narragan- 
setts to engage with him in his designed rebellion." 
He denied the charge and promised to attend the 
next court at Plymouth for their satisfaction and 
his own vindication. The court passed and he did 
not appear, but went, as it would seem, to the Nar- 
ragansetts, of whom he had before spoken, as his 
enemies. He excused his neglect to appear at the 
court, by saying that he was waiting for the return 
of Captain Willet, who was then absent, in order 
to speak with him first. The excuse was not sat- 
isfactory, and an armed force was sent after him. 
He was taken prisoner and carried before some of 
the magistrates of Plymouth. Either while there or 
within a few days after he was permitted to return 
home, he was taken sick with a fever and died short- 
ly after. This is the statement of the Enghsh. Phil- 
ip and Weetamo always said that Alexander was poi- 
soned by the English. I have not been able to as- 
certain the time of his capture or death. It was not 
however long after the date of his deed to Providence, 
which will be given in a subsequent chapter. Nor 
are the writers of those days very explicit as to any 



158 GENERAL HISTORY. 

overt acts clone by Alexander against his allies and 
fellow subjects. Were it not for the fatal catastrophe 
which followed and the foul imputation cast upon 
his captors by the Natives, it might be suspected 
that the execution of this very deed, was " the head 
and front of his offending." That deed might be 
construed as injuriously affecting the claims that 
" some of Boston" were then setting up to a part 
of the Narragansett country, which appears to have 
been claimed as belonging to the Wampanoags. 

The death of Alexander delayed the war, if any 
was intended. The circumstances under which his 
death took place according to the accounts of the 
English, would naturally tend to create distrust in 
his subjects. They looked on him as a sovereign 
prince. They construed his submission to the king 
of England, in the same light in which he probably 
viewed it, as a treaty merely, an agreement to main- 
tain peace and amity with the subjects of the king 
of England inhabiting his dominions with his consent. 
To see such a personage seized by an armed force, 
within his own territories and among his own sub- 
jects, and compelled to answer to vague suspicions, 
derogatory to him as a chieftain, before a court of a 
private corporation, might well awaken in their 
breasts the most violent emotions. If however they 
believed the story which they circulated, that their 
prince had fallen a victim to poison administered by 
his alhes and pretended friends, nothing could have 
restrained tliem from at once commencing a war of 
extermination but the hope of glutting their vengeance 
in a more signal manner on some future occasion. 



GENERAL HISTORV. 169 

Their hope of revenge was smothered and conceal- 
ed for a season. Philip, who succeeded Alexander 
in the sachemdom, was as politic and sagacious as 
he was bold and intrepid. He had seen the Pequods 
exterminated, when they warred singly with the En- 
glish, and he undoubtedly supposed, such would be the 
fate of his own tribe, if they engaged singly in the 
unequal struggle. He sought therefore by gifts, mes- 
sengers and personal conference, to induce all the 
tribes near the English to join them, and by a gene- 
ral and simultaneous attack, to destroy all the plan- 
tations, at a single blow. He even went so far as to 
present the calumet to the Narragansetts, the ancient 
and natural enemies of his tribe, and to propose an 
union with them, the object of which should be to 
avenoe the murder of Miantonomi and Alexander. 
He sedulously concealed his designs and movements 
from the English, and as often as requested renewed 
his treaties of peace and amity with them. He had 
so nearly completed his arrangements, as to fix the 
time when the mask of friendship should be laid 
aside, and the war whoop should resound in every 
plantation of the English. The time fixed, was the 
spring of 1676, but circumstances compelled him in 
June 1675, to throw off the disguise. At first the 
Wampanoags appeared to be alone, and, by them, 
town after town in Plymouth colony was destroyed. 
Philip seemed every where, leading his men to daring 
and successful enterprizes. The Wampanoags at the 
commencement of hostilities sent their wives andchil- 
dren to the Narragansetts ; Canonchet, the chief sa- 



160 GENERAL HISTORY. 

chem of the Narragansetts, was required to deliver 
them up to the English. "Not a Wampanoag, nor 
the paring of a Wampanoag's nail, shall be dehvered 
up," was his reply. The tributary tribes of the Wam- 
panoags and Narragansetts were aroused, but the En- 
ghsh suffered much less than they would have done, 
had not Philip's original design of a simultaneous at- 
tack been frustrated. The final result of such a contest 
could not be doubted. The savage, however brave, 
can never successfully contend with the civilized. 
At the first, it was thought that Plymouth alone could 
cope with the Indians. But when the Narragansetts 
and other nations joined Philip in open war, the 
whole power of the united colonies was called into 
action. This colony, which had been denied the 
advantages of that confederation in time of peace, 
was not bound to take an active part in any war 
with the natives which they might provoke. Their 
local situation was such as to render an Indian war 
any thing but desirable, for they were surrounded by 
the most powerful tribes in New-England. At first 
therefore they only took measures for defence, and 
their settlements were left undisturbed. 

The war raged with varied success through the 
summer and autumn of 1675. Many of the Enghsh 
settlements were entirely destroyed, and many In- 
dian warriors fell before the weapons of their ene- 
mies. Philip took up his winter quarters with the 
Narragansetts. They had constructed a fort in 
South-Kingstown, which they deemed impregnable. 
Thither they conveyed their winter's stock of pro vis- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 161 

ion, their wives and their children. There the whole 
tribe was assembled. Preparations were made by 
the united colonies for a winter campaign against 
this fort. It was attacked on the 19th of December, 
and taken after a bloody fight in which a large pro- 
portion of its defenders were killed. Their winter 
provision was destroyed and the survivors left to find 
a scanty subsistence in the swamps, where they con- 
cealed themselves from the English. Instead of indul- 
ging in useless regrets or giving themselves up to des- 
pair, they planned new projects of revenge ; the recol- 
lection of their defeat and their present suflTe rings ad- 
ding tenfold vigor to their previous thirst for it. 

The troops of the united colonies rested after the 
battle at the trading and garrison house of Richard 
Smith, near Wickford, and their wounded men were 
transported to the island of Rhode-Island. On their 
march into the Narragansett country they passed 
through Providence, where probably some volun- 
teers were added to their numbers. 

Until a few days before the fight, the Indians had 
committed no acts of violence within the colony of 
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. They 
then burnt Bull's garrison house, which was situated 
in South-Kingstown. On the other hand it does not 
appear that the English inhabitants of this colony, 
had taken an active part in offensive measures against 
the Indians, or even in defensive ones for their 
own protection. The result of that campaign ren- 
dered the situation of the main land towns preca- 
rious and alarming, in a high degree. Providence 
apphed to the governor of the colony for assistance. 
21 



162 GENERAL HISTORY. 

That they were urgent, to say the least of it, appears 
from the following letter from Governor Clark. It 
contains the only evidence that any application was 
made. 

Newport, this 2Sth day 12 mo. 1675—6. (Jan. 28, 1676.) 
Captain Fenner with the rest concerned, Friends, 

I thought to present you with my information of your evil sug- 
gestions concerning us in authority, especially myself, as if not 
worthy to live, and since opportunity suits, am willing to expos- 
tulate a little with you, being a man that desires the weal of this 
colony and of every individual person, as my own, and knows 
not that just occasion has been given on our parts, though dis- 
content in your spirits has risen, because your desires were not 
answered, as to supply of men ; which were our desires you 
should have had, and sufficient order Vv^as given to effect the 
premises, but by reason of the weather, and what happened, was 
obstructed or neglected, but not by us as will appear. But I 
am satisfied you have not been thereby damnified, by reason the 

harge of soldiers for wages, ammunition and diet would have 
eaten you and us quite up, and no advantage by it. We judg- 
ing yourselves in a capacity to secure your persons, and, for your 
out-houses, we never had hopes to secure. Besides, you have 
been exempted from rates and impositions which the island ex- 
pended, eight hundred pounds, partly for the end you might have 
relief, and, to deal plainly with you, we are not of ability to keep 
soldiers under pay, having not provision, as bread, neither 
are you. Therefore, what you can secure by your own people 
is best, and what you cannot secure is best to be transported 
hither for security, for we have no hopes, but sorrows will in- 
crease and time will wear you out, and if men lie upon you, their 
charge will be more than your profit, twice told. And further, 
my advice is unto you, seek not help from other colonies, lest it 
be your utter ruin by being made prey of, and what you have, 
eaten and made a prey of, and your concerns never the better, 
as witness their whole proceedings ; and not only so, but you 
hazard yourselves and estates, if any, to them that shall have 
power to question you, for it evidently appears, the confederate 



GENERAL HISTORY. 163 

colonies cannot support themselves and friends. I can better 
bear what I hear, remembering the old proverb, that the losers 
should have leave to speak, but ought to be within the bounds of 
reason. I know your losses have been great and your exercises 
many, which do and may exasperate to passionate words, yet 
men should keep within the bounds of reason, lest what they 
threaten others with, fall upon themselves; and if reports are 
true, we have not deserved such reproach, and, I can truly say, 
I have done to the uttermost of my ability for your good, and do 
and shall do, yet we know the Lord's hand is against New-Eng- 
land, and no weapon formed will or shall prosper till the work 
be finished, by which the wheat is pulled up with the tares and 
the innocent suffer with the guilty. I should be heartily glad 
that any way for your good and safety did present or that you 
would propound some way effectual for your good. 

Farewell, WALTER CLARK. 

The matter was agitated before the General As- 
sembly in March and the following act passed. 

" Voted to the free inhabitants of Providence and Warwick 
there remaining greeting. 

Whereas, the present troubles with the Natives, are and hav6 
been great, very hazardous and prejudicial to the Inhabitants of 
this colony, the sense of which, upon the hearts of the Governor 
and Council, hath occasioned the calling of this present Assem- 
bly, who have a true commiseration of your calamities, and re- 
ally sympathize your exercises and own ourselves so nearly re- 
lated to you and in duty bound for the good of his Majesty's in- 
terest, and it is our study how to do or act for your safety in all 
respects. We received a paper from you of Warwick, as we 
suppose, but no hand subscribed, the contents of which we take 
to be the substance of your minds, and favorably construe the 
omission, by reason of your hurries and exercises as aforesaid. 
And since this meeting convened the 1 3th inst. was and is on 
purpose to advise for the good and weal of this colony, as is 
above said, after our serious debate and well weighing your 
hazardous and present condition ; We declare, that we find this 
colony not of ability to maintain sufficient garrisons for the se- 



1-64 GENERAL HISTORY. 

curity of our out plantations, therefore, think and judge it most 
safe for the inhabitants to repair to this island, which is most 
secure. Newport and Portsmouth inhabitants have taken such 
care, that those of the colony that come and cannot procure 
land to plant for themselves and families' relief, may be supplied 
with land by the towns, and each family so wanting ability, shall 
have a cow kept upon the commons. But, if any of you think 
yourselves of ability to keep your interests of houses and cattle 
and will adventure your lives, we shall not positively oppose you 
therein ; but this the Assembly declare, as their sense and real be- 
lief concerning the premises, that those that do so make them- 
selves a prey, and what they have, as goods, provisions, ammuni- 
tion, cattle &c. will be a relief to the enemy, except more than 
ordinary Providence prevent, therefore, cannot but judge them 
the wisest, that take the safest course to secure themselves and 
take occasion from the enemy." 

Neither Providence nor Warwick could have felt 
flattered by the care bestowed upon them by the 
General Assembly. They were, as parts of the col- 
ony, entitled to protection so far as the general 
means would afford it. The resolution that the col- 
ony was not of sufficient ability to protect "out plan- 
tations" would hardly reach the case. It was rather 
ungenerous thus to style the oldest town in the colony, 
even if a younger sister had outstripped her in pop- 
ulation and wealth. That however was more than 
atoned for by the kind offer made to the inhabitants 
of Providence and Warwick by the towns of New- 
port and Portsmouth. A large proportion of the 
inhabitants of Providence availed themselves of this 
offer and removed with their families and effects to 
to the island of Rhode-Island. A list of those "that 
stayed and went not away" is preserved in the rec- 
ord of a subsequent town meeting. They were, 
Roger Williams, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas 



GENERAL HISTORY. 165 

Fenner, Henry Ashton, John Morey, Daniel Abbott, 
James Olney, Valentine Whitman, John Whipple, 
sen., John Angell, James Angell, Thomas Arnold, 
Richard Pray, John Pray, Ephraim Pray, Abraham 
Man, Joseph Woodward, Thomas Field, Zachari- 
ah Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clemence, Wil- 
liam Lancaster, WilHam Hopkins, William Hawkins, 
John Rhodes, Samuel Windsor, Thomas Waller. It 
is presumed that the name of Arthur Fenner should 
have been in the above list. If this really includes 
all those who did not go to Rhode-Island for safety, 
the town was in fact nearly forsaken. It is not 
probable that the families of many of these remain- 
ed with them. The language of the record is given 
above. There is nothing from which any tolerably 
correct estimate can be made of the number of in- 
habitants in Providence at the commencement of 
this war. If the number of polls between sixteen 
and sixty in 1686, only ten years after, amounted to 
nearly two hundred, it might be reasonable to sup- 
pose that Providence contained about the same 
number at this time, for it is well known that many 
who removed to the island never afterward return- 
ed to the main. The insular situation of Ports- 
mouth and Newport rendered them quite secure, and 
free from danger. In addition to this, the colony 
employed four row-boats to be constantly employed 
on the look out around the Island to prevent any 
sudden invasion from the main. This navy, though 
small, rendered essential service to the colony. 

The removal of so many of the inhabitants made 
Providence an easier prey to the Natives, while it in- 



166 GENERAL HISTORY. 

vited them to attack it, and on the 30th of March 
1676, they burned thirty houses. It has always 
been supposed, that these were generally situated 
near the North part of the Town. The location of 
only one of them is known, and that was the house 
of John Smith the miller, which was on the west 
side of Moshassuck river, near to where the first 
stone lock of the Blackstone Canal is now located. 
Mr. Smith was, at that time, town clerk, and the rec- 
ords of the town were then in his possession. They 
were thrown from his burning house into the mill 
pond to preserve them from the flames, and to the 
present day they bear plenary evidence of the two- 
fold dangers they escaped, and the two-fold injury 
they suffered. After they were rescued from the 
mill pond they were carried to Newport, and were 
not returned again to Providence until after the war 
was at an end. In 1677, a committee consisting of 
four persons who had held the office of town clerk, 
were appointed to examine them and ascertain what 
was lost. They reported that sixty-five leaves of the 
first book and twenty of the second, besides other pa- 
pers, were missing. At present many other parts of 
the books are illegible. The Town in 1796 ap- 
pointed a committee consisting of Jabez Bowen, 
Moses Brown, Zephaniah Andrews, Benjamin Rey- 
nolds and the town clerk, George Tillinghast, to 
procure a copy of them to be made. It was done, 
after some delay, by Amos Hopkins. It would have 
been more valuable, had the committee who super- 
intended the work, and the clerk who performed it, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



167 



been a little more careful and a little less anxious to 
compress it in one volume. 

Soon after the town was burned, another apphca- 
tion was made to the Governor for assistance. Safe- 
ty from the Indians might be enjoyed on the island, 
but probably the inhabitants of Providence, as the 
season of planting was approaching, were anxious to 
improve their lands. Their application is not pre- 
served, but the following answer shows that it was 
an urgent one. 

Newport, this 12 of the 2 mo. 1676. (April 12, 1676.) 
Friends, — Your petition with your hands subscribed was re- 
ceived, and the court had knowledge thereof, but having multi- 
plicity of urgent occasions, and considering the general election 
drew so near, that we now concerned could not so safely deter- 
mine for the future, as those who may be the next helmsmen, 
only this for your present encouragement : we well approve 
your advice and willingness to maintain a garrison, and have 
agreed to bear the charge of ten men upon the colony's account, 
till the succeeding authority take further order, and that you 
may take four of our men to strengthen you, or if it be wholly 
by yourselves, we, as abovesaid, will bear the charge of ten of 
them, and after the election, if those concerned see cause, and 
the colony of ability to do it, I shall not obstruct, if it be contin- 
ued all the year. Be pleased to despatch our ketch. I have no 
more to you but my kind love and desire of your peace and safety 
as my own. WALTER CLARK. 

At the following May session, a committee was 
appointed to visit Providence with full power to act 
in this matter. The result was the estabhshment of 
a garrison consisting of a captain and seven men, 
which was called the King's garrison. Arthur Fen- 
ner was the captain. From the following paper 
from the files of the town, it seems probable that a 



tM GENERAL HISTORY. 

garrison was established some time before the king's 
garrison. There is no date to the paper. 

" I pray the town in the scenes of the late bloody practices of 
the natives to give leave to so many as can agree with William 
Field, to bestow some charge upon fortifying his house for a se- 
curity to Avomen and children. Also to give me leave and so 
many that shall agree, to put some defence on the hill between 
the mill and the highway for the like safety of the women and 
children in that part of the town. R. W." 

The author was Roger Wilhams, and the note is 
in his hand writing. He was at one time captain of 
the train band in Providence. The hill referred to is 
that over which Stampers-street now passes. Wil- 
ham Field's house was situated near where the Provi- 
dence Bank now is. The remains of the garrison 
house were still standing within the recollection of 
some persons living in 1 836. 

Canonchet, sachem of the Narragansetts, was ta- 
ken prisoner by the English on the 4th of April 1676. 
His demeanor after his capture, was such as to extort 
admiration, even from his enemies. His life was of- 
fered him on condition that he would procure or ad- 
vise the submission of his tribe. He repulsed the 
offer with disdain. When told that the English 
would put him to death, he replied, " that would not 
end the war." And when at last he was informed 
that he had been sentenced to be shot, " I like it 
well," said he, " I shall die before my heart is soft, 
and before I say any thing unworthy of myself" 
Had such sentiments been uttered by a civihzed man, 
his name would be embalmed in song and his mem- 
ory perpetuated in history. Shall the savage Ca- 
nonchet be forgotten ? 



GENERAL HISTORY. '69 

' The capture of Canonchet was a serious blow to 
Philip, for he had, in his short career, been almost as 
much feared by the English, as Phihp himself. But 
the race of Philip was almost run. After the swamp 
fight, he was actively engaged in endeavoring to in- 
cite other tribes to join him in the war and in urging 
his confederates to greater activity. In the summer 
following he returned to his own tribe, and a body 
of English and Indians under Captain Church, went 
immediately in pursuit of him. He was killed in a 
battle, on the 12th of August 1676, by a renegado 
Indian of his own tribe, in a swamp near the foot of 
Mount Hope. The death of these two sachems, 
followed as they were by successive defeats of the 
Indians, before the end of the year restored peace 
to this section of New-England. 

In the years 1675 and 6, as well as in several 
years both before and after, the government of the 
colony was in the hands of Friends. This may ac- 
count for the proceedings of the colony during the 
war, and the wonder should not be that they had 
not done more, but that they did so much. 

The annual town meeting in June, was holden 
" before Thomas Field's house, under a tree, by the 
water side." The tree referred to, was probably the 
old sycamore which formerly stood on the east side 
of South Main-street, nearly opposite Crawford- 
street. It was cut down by the side-walk commis- 
sioners about 1822. Thomas Field's house stood 
next to the William Field garrison house. Another 
town meeting was holden at the same place on the 
14th of August. A committee was then appointed to 
22 



170 GENERAL HISTORY. 

determine in what manner certain Indian captives 
then in the town should be disposed of. They re- 
ported as follows : 

" We whose names are underwritten, being chosen by the 
town to set the disposal of the Indians now in town, we agree, 
that Roger Williams, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Fenner, 
Henry Ashton, John Morey, Daniel Abbott, James Olney, Val- 
entine Whitman, John Whipple, sen. Ephraim Pray, John Pray, 
John Angell, James Angell, Thomas Arnold, Abraham Man, 
Thomas Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clemence, William 
Lancaster, William Hopkins, William Hawkins, William Har- 
ris, Zachariah Field, Samuel Winsor, and Captain Fenner, shall 
have each a whole share in the product. Joseph Woodward and 
Richard Pray, each three fourths of a share, John Smith, miller, 
and Edward Smith, Samuel Whipple, Nelle Whipple, and Tho- 
mas Walling, each, half a share. 

Inhabitants wanting, to have Indians, at the price they sell at 
Rhode-Island or elsewhere. All under five years to serve till 
thirty, above five and under ten, till twenty-eight, above ten to 
fifteen, till twenty-seven, above fifteen to twenty, till twenty-six, 
from twenty to thirty shall serve eight years, all above thirty, 
seven years. Roger Williams, Thomas Field, 

Thomas Harris, sen. John Whipple, jr. 
Thomas -)- Angell. 

August 14, 1676. 

In most instances, Indians who were taken pris- 
oners by the English, were sent out of the coun- 
try and sold for slaves for life. This was the course 
adopted, generally, in the other colonies. In the 
case of Philip's son, it was seriously agitated, wheth- 
er he ought not to be put to death. The civil au- 
thority doubted, and consulted four of the most 
eminent ministers, three of whom decided that, 
that punishment ought to be inflicted. He was not 
however so punished but was only sent to Ber- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 171 

muda and there sold for a slave. The short 
times for which these captives of Providence men 
were disposed of, considering the general practice 
of New-England, are honorable to the men who 
proposed them. To gratify curiosity as to the price 
of Indians on those terms, the following extracts 
are made from an account of sales about this time. 

" To Anthony Low, five Indians, great and small, £8. 

To James Rogers, two, for twenty two bushels of Indian corn. 

To Philip Smith, two, in silver, ^4,10. 

To Daniel Allin, one, in silver, ^^2,10. 

To Caleb Carr, one, twelve bushels of Indian corn. 

To Elisha Smith, one, in wool, 100 lbs. 

To Elisha Smith, one, for three fat sheep." 

The account embraces the sale of thirty-six, of 
which the above appear to be about an average lot. 

The colony passed a law in March 1676, " that 
no Indian in this colony be a slave but only to pay 
their debts or for their bringing up, or custody they 
have received, or to perform covenant as if they 
had been countrymen and not taken in war." This 
was enlightened legislation for those times. 

The following circumstance is recorded under 
date of August 25. " One Chuff, an Indian, so 
called in time of peace, because of his surUness 
against the English, he could scarce come in, being 
wounded some days before by Providence men. 
His wounds were corrupted and stank ; and be- 
cause he had been a ring-leader, all the war, to 
most of the mischief to our houses and cattle, and 
what English he could, the inhabitants of the town, 
cried out for justice against him, threatening them- 
selves to kill him, if the authority did not. For 



172 GENERAL HISTORY. 

which reason, Captain Roger Wilhams caused the 
drum to be beat, and the town council and council 
of war called. All called for justice and execution. 
The council of war gave sentence and he was shot 
to death, to the great satisfaction of the town." — 
The council of war consisted of the magistrates, 
commissioned military officers and town council. 
The Indian prisoners were all sent away on the 29th 
of August in a sloop belonging to Providence Wil- 
liams, son of Roger, who on the same day had 
brought up his mother from Newport. 

" The town books and records, saved by God's 
merciful providence from fire and water," were 
brought up from Newport in April 1677. The 
minutes of the town meeting proceedings just quo- 
ted were kept on a loose sheet of paper, in the hand 
writing of Mr. Wilhams. 

In October 1668, a colony tax of £300 was im- 
posed on the different towns and settlements, in 
the following proportions ; Providence £10, New- 
port £136, Portsmouth £68, Warwick £8, Westerly 
£2, New shoreham £29, Kingston £16, East Green- 
wich £2, Jamestown £29. This apportionment 
shows how severely the main land towns had suffer- 
ed by the Indians. In assessing a town tax in 1679, 
meadow land was valued at £4, and planting at £3, 
per acre. Oxen £4, cows £3, horses, four year old, 
£3, and sheep, four shillings, each. This year men- 
tion is made, for the first time, of any public passage- 
way over Seekonk river, below Pawtucket. Four 
acres of land were granted to Andrew Edmunds, at 
the narrow passage, he intending to keep a ferry 



GENERAL HISTORY. 173 

there. This is where " Central Bridge" now stands. 
A proposition was also made for the erection of a 
town house. 

" To the Town met this 22d of December 1679. 

These are to pray the town now without much further delay 
before the boards and timber be most all sent out of the town- 
ship done to the particular propriety and advantage of 

only some few particular persons of the town, that they agree 
lovingly together, for the building them a town house, to keep 
their meetings at, and not yet to continue further troubles and bur- 
dens on some particular persons, without tendering any satisfac- 
tion for the privilege thereof, as hath appeared near this two 
years' space of time, unto your neighbor and friend, 

DANIEL ABBOTT. 

And that also they take some course to pay their other debts, 
to remove undeserved jealousy." 

Mr. Abbott was town clerk and probably spoke 
feelingly of the "burdens imposed on some particu- 
lar persons." It does not appear that the town took 
any notice of the petition. 

At the annual town meeting in June 1680, it was 
proposed to add two to the town council, so as to 
make that body as numerous as the councils of other 
towns. The proposition was agreed to, but it does not 
appear that any additional members were elected. 

At the next annual election (1681) the town again 
resolve that the town council shall consist, of the as- 
sistants for the town, three in number, and five other 
individuals, and an election was made accordingly. 
This election, however, seems not to have given sat- 
isfaction, for at a town meeting in October, it was 
resolved that one of the assistants should call a fu- 
ture meeting, at which a town council should be 
chosen, to consist of the assistants and six others, to 



174 • GENERAL HISTORY, 



hold their offices till June 1682, and that after that, 
the council should consist of the same number of 
persons. Such a meeting was holden on the 14th 
December and six persons elected, five of whom were 
the same persons chosen the June preceding. 

In May 1680, a colony tax of £100 was ordered, 
of which the sum of £7 was to be paid by Provi- 
dence. In the rate bill of 1679, Joseph Jenckes 
was rated for a saw-mill. This was probably in 
Piawtucket. In 1680, William Carpenter and his 
two sons were also rated for one, this probably was at 
Pawtuxet, also Richard Arnold for one, which is af- 
terward referred to as at Woonsocket. There was 
yet another saw-mill described as " the saw-mill of 
our town," the location of which cannot be ascer- 
tained. Iron works of some kind were established 
by Joseph Jenckes, before 1684. He was then re- 
building them, and petitioned the town for leave to 
take bog ore from the commons. 

At the May Session of the General Assembly 
1680, a committee reported the number of deaths 
that had occurred in the colony for the preceding 
seven years to be four hundred fifty-five. The ob- 
ject of this inquiry does not appear. 

In May 1681, riding on a gallop in Providence 
street between the houses of John Whipple and Par- 
don Tillinghast was prohibited. The house of the 
former was a little north of Star street, and the 
house of the latter not far from Transit street. 
^ Very soon after the accession of James to the 
throne of England, the Enghsh colonies in America, 
began to experience that Monarch's love of arbitrary 



GENERAL HISTORY. 176 

power. Process was issued against such of them as 
refused to comply with his requsitions, to surrender 
their charters. This colony did not wait for judgment 
on the writ quo warranto against them, but bending 
before the storm, surrendered their charter, and cast 
themselves on the mercy of his Majesty. They be- 
lieved the better part of valor to be discretion, and 
subsequent events proved, how httle regard was paid 
by that monarch and by the subservient courts that 
he established, to the rights of the subject. Sir Ed- 
mund Andross arrived in New-England in 1686, with 
a commission as General Governor of all the colo- 
nies. He was a suitable representative of his mas- 
ter. His commission empowered him to rule by 
and with the consent and advice of a council of his 
own selection. The colonists derived little advan- 
tage from a council holding their offices by such a 
tenure, nor was the Governor at all checked in his 
arbitrary designs by these minions of his power. Few 
of the records of the proceedings of this council are 
known to be in existence. Enough however re- 
mains, coupled with the statements of cotemporary 
writers, to prove, tha^^jti^main design of his gov- 
ernment was to vest in Mmself, all the rights of the 
people. He was carrying into {)r'acti€c in New- 
England, what his master was doing at hipme. 

This was the moet gloomy period in the history 
of New-England. la their wars witli the Indians,„ _-^ 
though encompassed with enemies on every hand, ^^ 
and at all tune^ ^|^osed to their attacks, they couM 
with confide^[|p rely on the mother country for ara 
and assistance, whenever they were insufficient to 



176 GENERAL HISTORY. 

protect themselves. In their attempts to secure the 
rights of conscience against the Enghsh hierarchy, 
they had in the bosom of England itself, a large and 
respectable part of the community, who were aiding 
them with acts of kindness and fervent prayers. But 
at this period they were alone. From their fellow 
subjects in England they could look only for sympa- 
thy as from persons suffering equally and from the 
same cause, with themselves. 

There was a point beyond which even the Eng- 
lish subjects of James could not be oppressed with 
impunity. He doubted its existence, or miscalcu- 
lated its position, and passed it unawares ; and he 
who supposed he had attained despotic power over 
a nation, became in a day an outcast from that na- 
tion and a lone wanderer on the earth. The shout 
that welcomed the arrival of the Prince of Orange 
to the shores of England reached the colonies, and 
the General Governor of New-England became a 
prisoner to the populace of Boston. This was on 
the 10th day of April 1689. On the 21st, the fol- 
lowing communication was received at Providence 
from Newport. 

" Whereas we have seen a printed paper dated from Boston 
the 1 8th of April last, which signifieth that Sir Edmund An- 
dross, our late governor, with several others, are seized and con- 
fined, so that many of the free people of this place are bent to 
lay hold of their former privileges : 

Neighbors and Friends, we therefore, cannot omit to recom- 
mend unto you, our present grievance, to wit, that we are suf- 
ficiently informed, that our late government uuder which we 
were subservient, is now silenced and eclipsedj^ \Ve, under a sense 
of our deplorable and unsettled condition, do oifer to you, wheth- 



%t 



gi:neral history. 177 

er it may not be expedient for the several towns of this late col- 
ony, the several principal persons therein, to make their person- 
al appearance at Newport, before the day of usual election by 
charter, which will be the first day of May next, there to consult 
and agree of some suitable way in this present juncture, and 
whether our ancient privileges and former methods may not be 
best to insist upon, which we leave to your judicious considera- 
tion, and that you may not say, you were ignorant, but had the 
most timeliest notice could be given at so little warning, is all at 
present from your real friends and neighbors. W. C. 

Newport, this 23d April, 1689. J. C. 

The paper from which the foregoing copy is made, 
appears to be the original, and is in the hand writing 
of Walter Clark The letter itself is very cautiously 
drawn, and there is no notice of its reception upon 
the town records. 

During the existence of Gov. Andross' adminstra- 
tion, little transpired in the concerns of Providence, 
that can now be gathered from the records. There 
appear to have been elections of some town officers 
in 1687 and 8, but none in 1689. In January 1687, 
a tax of a penny in a pound was assessed, another 
in July and another in September, and one for 
£12,3,3 in October. According to the warrant is- 
sued by John Usher, Treasurer, July 20th, there was 
a poll tax of one shilling and eight-pence on each 
male over sixteen years of age. This tax in Janua- 
ry, was assessed on one hundred twenty-seven polls, 
in July, on one hundred eighty-one, in September, 
on the same number. The October tax was paya- 
ble in corn at two shillings and rye at two shillings 
and eight-pence, per bushel, beef at one penny 
halfpenny, pork at two-pence, and butter at six- 
pence, per pound. 
23 



178 GENERAL HISTORY. 

It appears from the warrants issued for the assess- 
ment and collection of these taxes, that six men 
were appointed for assessing them called Selectmen, 
Townsmen and Overseers. Three of their number 
were to be changed each year ; what other duties 
these officers had to perform, does not appear. 
The warrants were directed to an officer, styled 
Commissioner. He was probably selected by the 
Governor and Council. 

The 29th day of April, 1688, was appointed by 
Sir Edmund, as a day of public thanksgiving and 
solemn praise, because of his Majesty's " apparent 
hopes and good assurance of having issue by his 
royal consort the Queen." There was a diversity 
of opinion then, whether there was any cause for 
thanksgiving. 

In 1693, a circumstance of unforeseen and extra- 
ordinary nature interrupted the peaceful progress of 
this town. At the June town meeting, a town ser- 
geant and constable were elected, as usual. The 
persons elected refused to serve. Another town 
meeting was subsequently holden, the record of 
which ends with this desponding language, that 
" the town having met now three days and endeav- 
oring to effect and accomplish the settling of the 
said officers, but those who are chosen, still refusing 
to serve, the town are constrained to cease further 
choice and leave the matter to issue as it may." 
The like has never occurred since. Probably they 
had heard of the decision of Knickerbocker's Dutch 
governor, requiring the constable to pay the costs in 
a suit where he served the process. That might 



GENERAL HISTORY. 179 

satisfactorily account for the occurrence, but in civ- 
ilized society, there is generally little want of candi- 
dates for office, at least, it is so in modern times. 

In 1695, the General Assembly ordered a prison 
to be built in Providence. At a town meeting in 
February, the town agreed to erect it " near the 
water's side, next Gideon Crawford's warehouse." 
The prison was to be ten feet by twelve. Judging 
from the contentious spirit manifested in their town 
meetings, one cannot imagine that a prison of these 
dimensions, afforded very ample and roomy accom- 
modations for such a community. At the April 
town meeting, the town voted to change the loca- 
tion, but says the record, " whilst the matter was in 
propagating by the town, obstruction was made by 
Samuel Windsor, against the same, thereby raising 
such a tumult amongst the people, that the modera- 
tor was put upon to dissolve the meeting." No fur- 
ther proceedings appear in the matter till 1698. In 
that year a tax of £30 was ordered for the building 
of a prison. The building was finished as appears 
by a report of the building committee, before Janua- 
ry 1700, at the cost of £21.17, exclusive of the locks. 
This prison was destroyed by fire before February 
1705. For some reasons not given in the record, the 
General Assembly of the colony, required Joseph 
Latham and John Scott to build a jail as good as the 
one which was burnt, or pay £33. At the February 
session 1705, they, having neglected to erect the 
building, were ordered to pay the £33, thirty of which 
were appropriated to the erection of a new one. The 



180 GENERAL HISTORY, 

first jail, it will be recollected, was built at the ex- 
pense of the town. I have not been able to ascer- 
tain the precise location of either of these buildings; 
probably they both occupied the same lot of land. 
Upon a plat of part of the town made in 1718, 
"the prison lot" is marked out. This I suppose was the 
location of the prisons erected in 1698 and in 1705, 
and is the lot nearly opposite the First District School 
House, on the west side of Benefit-street. It is be- 
lieved that a part of the last prison is still standing on 
that lot, making part of the dwelling house there. 
This lot was abandoned by the state in 1733, and 
sold in 1738. The third prison was erected about 
1733, on a lot purchased of Wilham Page, on the 
north side of the road leading to the ferry at nar- 
row passage. This gave to that road, the name 
of " Jail Lane," which it now sometimes bears, 
though it has been changed " by authority" to Meet- 
ing-street. It was not far from where Benefit-street 
now crosses Meeting-street. The fourth prison 
in Providence, was erected in 1753, on a lot of land 
granted to the state by the proprietors of Providence, 
adjoining the cove, and west of the lot on which the 
court house now stands. It was erected on the west 
part of this lot, standing partly over the water. This 
building ceased to be used as a prison in the sum- 
mer of 1799. In June 1794, the General Assembly 
appointed a committee to build a jail, to be three 
stories high, fifty-three by forty-two feet, on the 
ground, at an expense of £2000. The committee 
was afterwards in January following instructed to 
build such a jail as the representatives of the county 



GENERAL HISTORY. 181 

of Providence should recommend, at an expense, 
not exceeding £2000. The labors of this committee 
were interrupted by a vote of the Assembly abolishing 
all capital and corporeal punishments, and substituting 
therefor, imprisonment at hard labor, and they were 
instructed to report a plan for a jail, Avhich should 
combine with it a state penitentiary. The plan was 
so far matured in June 1797, that the Assembly or- 
dered the committee to fill up the lot and lay a foun- 
dation for a county jail and state prison, according 
to the plan presented to them. They proceeded in 
their labors, but were again interrupted in January 
1798, by a repeal of the vote for building a state 
prison, and they were directed to erect a county jail 
on the foundation, laid for the state prison. It was 
then completed, by contract for ;^8500, and contin- 
ued to be used as a jail until the erection of the state 
penitentiary in 1 838. It will long be remembered, 
in its latter days, as a disgrace to the state and a nui- 
sance to the town. It occupied the lot granted to 
the state by the proprietors of Providence. 

A number of freemen of the state, in January 
1835, presented a petition to the General Assembly 
praying them to abolish corporeal punishments and 
adopt confinement at labor in a state prison in lieu 
of them. The matter being of grave moment, the 
Assembly referred it to the freemen at their meeting 
in April following to decide, whether a state prison 
should be built and the expense thereof defrayed 
by a tax on rateable property. At the May session 
it appeared that 4,433 freemen had voted in the af- 
firmative and 502 in the negative. Measures were 



\9!t GENERAL HISTORY. 

immediately taken to carry the will of the people 
into effect. At subsequent sessions, the Assembly 
adopted the Pennsylvania system of dicipline, sepa- 
rate confinement at labor with instruction, and deci- 
ded that the necessary buildings should be erected 
in Providence, on a lot of land owned by the city, 
at Great Point, so called, on the cove. The work 
was soon commenced and was prosecuted with rea- 
sonable despatch. Sometime after its commence- 
ment, the Assembly resolved to erect a new coun- 
ty jail near to and adjoining the state prison, in 
order to avail themselves of the conveniences of 
the former, and of the services of the warden, with- 
out additional expense to the state. The original 
plan of the state prison embraced, a keeper's house 
tvv^o stories high, forty-eight feet square fronting the 
cove ; adjoining this on the north, as mall connect- 
ing building, uniting it with the state prison, and 
the prison, forty-eight feet by ninety-three feet, two 
stories high. A corridor, ten and a half feet wide 
passes through the centre of the prison, on each side 
of which are cells for prisoners. These are forty in 
number, twenty in each story. Those on the lower 
floor are eight feet by fifteen, and nine feet high ; 
those on the second floor are eight feet by twelve, 
and nine feet high at the lowest part, extending to 
the roof. All the walls of the prison are of granite 
blocks, laid in courses, and secured by iron cramps. 
The keeper's house is of common stone, rough cast. 
A stone wall fifteen feet high, encloses on the west, 
north and east sides, a yard one hundred and 
twenty-two feet by two hundred and forty-one. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



18$ 



The county jail adjoins the keeper's house on the 
east. It is twenty-seven feet by sixty-six, two sto- 
ries high. It is divided into eighteen cells, seven 
feet by nine, and four rooms for the accommo- 
dation of two persons in each intended for the use 
of persons committed for debt. Unlike the cells in 
the state prison, the cells in the county jail are in the 
centre of the building, the corridor being between 
them and the walls of the building. The conse- 
quence is, that they are not by any means so well 
ventilated as the cells of the prison. The cells in 
each establishment are supplied with water from a 
cistern standing in the upper story of the connecting 
building, and are warmed by hot water pipes ex- 
tending through them. 

Those who have been committed to the care of the 
keeper in the state prison, have been unanimous in 
declaring the establishment to be as near impregna- 
ble from within, as any similar establishment which 
they have visited. It was first occupied on the 15th 
day of November 1 838. Since then thirty-six prison- 
ers have been committed to it, of which twenty-four 
are now its inmates, the rest having been discharged 
at the expiration of their sentences, except two, who 
were pardoned by the General Assembly. 

The county jail has gained for itself any thing but 
an enviable reputation. The pohcy of erecting it 
so near the state prison, may now be doubted, while 
the inexpediency of its mode of construction and its 
materials is proved beyond doubt. 

There does not appear to have been any order of 
the town appointing the meetings of the town coun- 



IS4 GENERAL HISTORY. 

cil, till 1695. They were then required to be holden 
monthly, on the Tuesday next before the full moon. 
In 1 696 the ferry at narrow passage was in the pos- 
session of Mary Edmonds, widow of Andrew Ed- 
monds. The " King's Post" was permitted to pass 
free of ferriage. This is the earliest mention that is 
made of a public post, and this is all that is said 
upon the subject. 

In June 1700, the lot lying "between Archibald 
Walker's southward to the brook that cometh out of 
Samuel Whipple's land, eastward with the highway, 
and westward and northwestward with Moshassuck 
river" was voted by the town to remain common, 
"for a training field, burying ground and other public 
uses." The burying place was to be run out by a 
committee appointed for that purpose. These bounds 
include not only what is now enclosed and known 
as the north burial ground, but a large tract lying to 
the southward and westward of that, which is now 
improved by variouus individuals. Previous to this, 
most of the old families had family burial grounds, 
which were generally on some part of their home or 
house lots. The establishment of this common bu- 
rial ground did not, in many instances, immediately 
supersede the use of the family burial grounds be- 
fore established. Perhaps there is no cicumstance 
that more strongly marks the rigid separation views 
of the first settlers of Providence, than this. The 
parish church-yard in England was generally adjoin- 
ing to or around the parish church. Though, after 
the reformation, they ceased to consecrate such pla- 
ces with the imposing rites and ceremonies of the 



GENERAL HISTORY. I 85 

Romish church, there was still a kind of sanctity at- 
tached to them in the popular mind. They retained 
their locations near the church, thus by proximity of 
position drawing from it a portion of the sacred 
character it bore. The first settlers of New-Eng- 
land, influenced probably by their early associa- 
tions, selected similar locations for their burial 
grounds. But in Providence, as if to show their 
complete independency, and to testify even after 
death, their rigid separation, such early associations 
were disregarded, and every thing was made as un- 
like the church of England, and the semi-separatist 
churches of New-England, as possible. It is matter 
of regret that they had not, at an earlier period, set 
apart a common burial place for the town. An oc- 
casional walk through such a " city of silence" might 
have calmed the angry passions that so often dis- 
turbed the peace of their town, and would have ren- 
dered the task of some future Old Mortality who 
shall search for their resting places, far less difficult 
and laborious. Most of these private family burial 
grounds have long since been abandoned, and the 
mouldering remains of the tenants removed to the 
public burial ground, or to one of the places of sep- 
ulture more recently established by the different re- 
ligious societies. 

Of a colony tax of £400, ordered in 1701, the 
proportion of Providence was £65. From this it 
would seem, that this town, in the opinion of the 
General Assembly, had recovered the comparative 
standing in point of wealth, which it enjoyed before 
PhiHp's war. In 1703, the colony was first divided 
24 



186 GENERAL HISTORY. 

into counties. There were two, Providence Plan- 
tations, and Rhode-Island. The first embraced all 
the towns on the main land, and the other, the isl- 
and towns. Inferior courts were established, at the 
same time, to be holden in each county. That 
within the county of Providence Plantations, was 
holden twice in each year, and at Providence, War- 
wick, Kingstown and Westerly by turns. This was 
indeed bringing justice to every man's door, al- 
though the terms of the court would not secure a 
very speedy administration of it there. In 1729, 
the county of Providence was divided into two 
counties, and the town of Kingstown, which before 
that had been divided into North-Kingstown and 
South-Kingstown, and the town of Westerly were set 
off and made King's county. Subsequently, in 1750, 
the county of Providence was again divided and the 
towns of Warwick, East- Greenwich, West-Green- 
wich and Coventry, set off and made a county, under 
the name of Kent county. 

In 1705, Weybosset Bridge required rebuilding, 
and a committee appointed by the town were di- 
rected to call on every individual to solicit subscrip- 
tions for that purpose. The subscription paper is 
in the files of the city clerk's office. It contains 
only fourteen names. The highest sum subscrib- 
ed was £6, by Gideon Crawford, and the whole 
amount £21,9. The probabihty is that the com- 
mittee did not call on the inhabitants generally, or 
they would have obtained more signatures and col- 
lected a larger amount. 

In 1711, the General Assembly granted £200 out 



GENERAL HISTORY. 187 

of the general treasury toward building bridges 
at Pawtucket, Weybosset and Pawtuxet. Similar 
appropriations of various amounts were subsequently 
made, not only for the repairs of these bridges and 
others which stood on the main road laid out by the 
General Assembly through the colony from Pawtuck- 
et to Pawcatuck, over which was the principal part 
of the travel from Massachusetts to New York, but 
also of other bridges throughout the colony. For 
instance, in 1736, £15 was granted toward erecting a 
bridge over the Wanasquatucket river at five acre 
wading place ; in 1739, £53 toward completing one 
at Woonsocket ; in 1740, £25 for erecting one over 
Muddy Bridge dock at Providence ; and in 1752, £50 
more, for the same purpose. The last mentioned 
bridge was located in Weybosset-street in Providence, 
opposite the North end of Dorrance-street. It is 
said that spring tides formerly flowed across from 
Dorrance-street into the cove. When these appropri- 
ations for the support of bridges in the several towns 
ceased the towns were declared by the General As- 
sembly liable to repair the same at their own ex- 
pense. 

A colony tax of £1000 was ordered in 1705, pay- 
able in wheat at three shilhngs eight-pence, rye at 
two shillings six-pence, corn at two shillings, barley at 
one shilling eight-pence, oats at one shilling per bush, 
and wool at nine-pence per lb. In 1710, there were 
seven licenses granted for houses of pubhc entertain- 
ment and for retailing liquors. The highest sum paid 
for any one license was £2. The election of town coun- 
cil in 1 713 was made with a view to this subject. At 



188 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the annual town meeting, six town council men were 
chosen as usual, but the moderator refused to engage 
them, because the majority of them were keepers of 
public houses or retailers of strong liquor. The 
freemen persisted in their choice, and the meeting 
was adjourned to another day without bringing the 
election to a close. At the adjourned meeting a 
council was elected. The council first chosen, en- 
tered a protest against their election, but it seems 
they held their seats. They differed in opinion not 
upon the question whether any licenses should be 
granted, but upon the amount that each licensed 
person should be required to pay into the town treas- 
ury. There really existed a seeming impropriety 
in having those first chosen, act on this question ; 
but that was the business of the freemen who elect- 
ted them. Now it would rightly be deemed a high- 
handed act, for a magistrate to refuse to administer 
the oath of office to an individual, duly elected, be- 
cause he disliked his principles. 

In 1710, the colony agreed to raise two hundred 
men, to go in the expedition against Port Royal. 
Each town was required to send a certain proportion 
and the quota of Providence was forty, and eight In- 
dians. Of the one hundred and seventy-nine men 
raised in 171 1 for the Canada expedition. Providence 
was required to raise thirty-five. 

At the May session of the General Assembly 1710, 
a law was passed authorizing the emission of paper 
money. This was the first paper money issued in 
this state. The measure had been resorted to in 
Massachusetts some years previously, and it owes its 



GENERAL HISTORY 189 

origin in all the colonies to the expenses incurred in 
their several expeditions against the French posses- 
sions in America, in the wars between England and 
France. During this and the succeeding year, this 
colony issued between thirteen and fourteen thou- 
sand pounds in bills of public credit. In 1712 no 
further emissions were made, but, it seems that it was 
proposed to resort again to this measure in the fol- 
lowing year. The subject was agitated in a meet- 
ing of the freemen of Providence, and a protest 
against it was drawn up, signed by the town clerk, 
and sent to the General Assembly. There is no 
copy of this paper in the files of the Secretary of 
State, nor was it entered in the records of the 
town; it is impossible, therefore, to ascertain upon 
what grounds their opposition to further issues of bills 
of credit, was placed. The records of the State do 
not show that the subject was brought before the 
General Assembly that year. No more bills were is- 
sued that year, nor till 1715. From that year till 
1786, the colony continued the emission of paper 
money, as the exigences of the times, and private in- 
terest under the cloak of the public weal, demanded. 
The town was visited by the small pox in 1716, 
but to what extent does not appear ; enough how- 
ever to obtain a place in the records. The atten- 
tion of the town was called, in 1717, to their debt 
which had been accumulating for several years. — 
The town tax had rarely exceeded sixty pounds a 
year, but this year a tax of £150 was ordered. The 
greater part of the debt accrued in the support of 
the poor and in laying out highways. A tax of the 



190 GENERAL HISTORY. 

same amount was ordered in 1720. The necessity 
of this, arose in part from the different bounties offer- 
ed for the destruction of certain animals. In 1 7 1 6 the 
bounty on wolves was twenty shillings, and on grey 
squirrels twopence. Some estimate of the numbers 
of the latter may be formed from the fact that in 1720 
the town owed sixteen pounds for bounties on grey 
squirrels. The bounty was repealed in July 1723, 
but renewed in October and increased to threepence. 
In the following year rats were rated at the same 
price. The bounty on wildcats was five shillings ; 
in 1729, it was raised to ten. 

There seems to have been a failure of the grain 
crop in 1724. The General Assembly passed an act 
preventing the exportation of corn till the common 
price should be five shillings per bushel, and directed 
the General Treasurer to purchase two thousand 
bushels, to be disposed of to the inhabitants in small 
quantities. 

At the general election in the spring of 1727, Jo- 
seph Jenckes, of Providence, was elected Governor 
of the colony. All his predecessors in that office 
under the charter of 1663, belonged to Newport, 
and the General Assembly deemed it expedient for 
Governor Jenckes to reside there, with his family. 
They made him a grant of one hundred pounds from 
the General Treasury to defray the charges of re- 
moving his family. Sanmel Cranston, his immediate 
predecessor in the office of Governor, died in April. 
He had been elected to the office twenty-nine years 
in succession ; a longer term it is believed, than any 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



191 



other individual ever held a, similar office in New- 
England. 

At a session of the Assembly holden in August, 
measures were adopted for proclaiming the acces- 
sion of George the second to the throne of Great 
Britain. The proclamation at Newport, was on the 
24th of August, and at Providence, on the 25th. 
The General Assembly appropriated ten pounds to 
be expended on the occasion at Providence. Ac- 
cording to tradition, the proclamation in Providence 
was first read from a balcony in the second story on 
the west end of the Manufacturers' Hotel, in Market- 
Square. George the third was proclaimed king 
from the same balcony, and afterwards the Declara- 
tion of Independence, in 1776, the restoration of 
peace, in 1783, and the adoption of the Constitution 
of the United States by this State, in 1790, were 
published Irom the same place. The balcony had 
become ruinous and was taken down a few years 
since. 

At the division of the county of Providence Plan- 
tations, in 1729, a county house was ordered to be 
erected, at the expense of the colony, in each of 
the three counties which then composed the colony. 
At the October session of the General Assembly, a 
committee reported in favor of a location on land of 
Wilham Page, the same lot now occupied by the city 
school house on Meeting-street. The report was 
adopted, but at the session in February following, 
the matter was reconsidered, and it was left to the 
freemen of Providence in town meeting to determine 
whether it should be erected on that lot or on land 



192 GENERAL HISTORY. 

of James Olney, on or near what is now Olney- 
street. In March the freemen selected the Page 
lot. In January preceding, the town voted to assist 
in the erection of the house, if they could have the 
use of it for their town meetings, and the direction 
as to its site, prescribing also that the building should 
be forty feet by thirty on the ground, and eighteen 
feet posts, with a chimney from the chamber floor. 
This accounts for the act of the Assembly passed in 
January. The committee for building the house 
were William Smith and James Brown, jr. Their 
accounts were audited in October 1731 ; the amount 
was six hundred and sixty-four pounds nine shilhngs. 
It was probably finished that year, but not until after 
April town meeting, as that appears by the record 
to have been holden in the Friends' meeting-house. 

This building was destroyed by fire on the eve- 
ning of the 24th of December 1758. Permission 
had been given to an association of persons, after- 
wards incorporated as the Providence Library Com- 
pany, to use one of the chambers for a library. By 
avaihng themselves of this grant, they lost their 
whole collection of books. 

In February following a committee consisting of 
Joseph Brownell, Obadiah Brown, Wilham Read, 
Thomas Arnold, Joshua Babcock and Joseph Russell, 
was appointed to inquire in what part of Providence 
it would be expedient to erect a new court-house, and 
what kind of a building should be built. At the ensu- 
ing May session the General Assembly resolved to 
erect the court house on the lot where the former 
one stood or upon the lot next north of it, provided 



GENERAL HISTORY. 193 

that could be obtained without expense to the colo- 
ny. Allen Brown, William Smith and David Har- 
ris were appointed the building committee. At the 
June session, a lottery was granted to raise ^2000, 
one half for building the court house and the other 
for replacing the Library. In February, another 
lottery grant was given, to raise ^1200 for the Provi- 
dence Library Company, and one to raise ^1000 
to purchase the court-house lot. In May, the General 
Assembly had recourse to bills of credit towards 
building the court-house, and £1000 lawful money 
was issued for that purpose. A further issue of 
£15,000 old tenor, for the same object, was made in 
February, 1761. The cost of the building, so far as 
completed in 1762, was reported by a committee, to 
be £51,556,0,11 old tenor. The tradition is, that the 
building committee decided upon the erection of a 
much smaller edifice and that the architect, bet- 
ter understanding or appreciating the wants of the 
colony, erected the present one, without consulting 
them, and that the difference was not discovered 
until it had so far g-dvanced, that it would cost less 
to finish it than to pull down and begin anew. If 
so, the conduct of the architect may rightly be called 
a pious fraud. 

This may have occasioned the great delay in com- 
pleting it. It is a brick building, about forty feet by 
seventy, two stories high, of fair proportions and 
prepossessing appearance. At the time of its erec- 
tion, it might well bo esteemed large and commo- 
dious, for the purposes for which it was erected. The 
legislature and the courts of law still hold their se?;- 
25 



194 GENERAL HISTORV. 

sions in the upper story. Recently, that story has 
been fitted up anew, and rendered more conven- 
ient and showy than originally. The lower, story 
within a few years, has been occupied by the Secre- 
tary of State and the clerks of the courts. 

A census of the inhabitants was taken in 1730, 
in pursuance of an order from the King. The 
population of the colony was then. Whites, 15,302 ; 
Negroes, 1,648; Indians, 985; total, 16,935. Of 
Providence, Whites, 3,707 ; Negroes, 128 ; Indians, 
81 ; total 3,916. Of Newport, Whites, 3,843 ; Ne- 
groes, 649 ; Indians, 248 ; total, 4,640. The cen- 
sus was taken before any division had been made of 
the town and probably included those who lived on 
" the Gore," since called Cumberland, as that was 
declared to be within Providence by the General 
Assembly at their session in May. The militia of 
the colony were then divided into five regiments. 
There were five companies of militia in Providence. 

It was contemplated in 1738, to establish a county 
work house, for the poor in the county of Provi- 
dence. The town appointed William Hopkins to 
represent them in a meeting called to consider the 
matter. It is not perhaps necessary to add, that the 
design was not carried into execution. 

The project was renewed by the towns of Provi- 
dence, Smithfield, Scituate, Glocester and Cumber- 
land, before the General Assembly, at their February 
session, 1753. Those towns were authorised to 
erect such a house, and to appoint one individual 
from each town, to have the oversight and man- 
agement of it. Any town in the counties of Bristol 



GENERAL HISTORY, 



195 



and Kent, had a right to join in the undertaking. 
The expense of the building was to be apportioned as 
the colony tax, but each town was to pay for the sup- 
port of its own paupers, who should become inmates 
of the institution. If this was ever estabhshed, it 
continued as a joint concern but a very short time. 
Out of it in all probability arose the " Old work 
house," which formerly stood on the corner of Smith 
and Charles streets. A long, low brick building that 
was, which promised httle to the poor unfortunate 
beings who were compelled to inhabit it. To those 
who recollect it, it can be associated with no feehngs 
of pride, for the provision there made for the poor, 
nor with any fear that it would increase the evils of 
pauperism. Some of the paupers of Providence 
continued to exist in it, until the erection of the Dex- 
ter Asylum in 1828. Long before that, it had be- 
come a place rather of punishment than relief. In 
the rear of it, in 1796, the town erected their Bride- 
well. This was a small stone building, thirty-two 
feet by fourteen, ten feet high, intended for the de- 
tention and punishment of the lowest order of petty 
criminals. Neither of these estabHshments are re- 
ferred to out of choice. They have existed, and there- 
fore they are referred to. Whatever of good resulted 
from them, if any did, must have been in their early 
days, before they fell within the author's knowledge 
In 1 803, the attention of the town was again call- 
ed to their expenditures for the support of the poor. 
By a report, made by a committee appointed on the 
subject, it appears that forty-one persons, of whom 
twenty-six were children, were then wholly depen- 



196 GENERAL HISTORY, 

dent on the town. The most of the&e were boarded 
out. The support of these persons, with the supphes 
furnished to other persons, partially dependent, cost 
the town the year ending June, 1803, j^3660. The 
committee recommended, that until an alms house for 
the poor, and a house of labor for the idle, the in- 
temperate and the disorderly, should be erected, 
the overseers should continue the ordinary course 
of providing for the poor. They were directed to 
purchase a lot for a workhouse. This was done, and 
the " Sessions lot," so called, near the north end of 
the town, was purchased for that purpose. No al- 
teration was made in the mode of supporting the 
poor, until long after this. A few were consigned to 
the old work house, the greater part were boarded 
out. 

Up to 1739, the only public means of crossing the 
Seekonk river where it bounded Providence, were the 
bridge at Pawtucket, and the ferry, at narrow pas- 
sage. A private ferry had been kept for some time 
near where Washington Bridge now stands. A pe- 
tition was preferred to the General Assembly, at May 
session, by Josiah Fuller and Ehsha Tillinghast, to 
establish a public ferry at this place. The project 
was delayed by another petition subsequently pre- 
ferred by Daniel Abbott to have one established at 
a different place, probably further down the river. 
The matter was referred to a committee and does not 
again appear in the colony records. Subsequently, 
a ferry was established at the place suggested in the 
first petition. The ferriage was regulated by the 
General Assembly in 1746. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 197 

The town had, almost from its first settlement, held, 
quarter-yearly meetings on the 27th days of April, 
July, October, and January. This year, the days of 
meeting were changed to the second Mondays of the 
same months. In 1744, the meetings in April and 
October were appointed to be on the third Wednes- 
days in those months. 

Among the papers in the cabinet of the Histori- 
cal Society is a printed broadside, entitled, " A jour- 
nal of a survey of Narragansett Bay made in May 
and June 1741 by order of royal commissioners, by 
one of the surveyors. W. C." Providence is thus 
described in it. 

" This pleasant town doth border on the flood, 

Here's neighboring orchards, and more back the woods, 

Here's full supply to cheer our hungry souls. 

Sir Richard, strong, as well as wine, in bowls. 

Here men may soon any religion find, 

Which quickly brought brave Holland to my mind, 

For here, like there, one, with the greatest ease, 

May suit himself, or quit all if he please." 

The commissioners here referred to, were those 
who settled the eastern line of the colony. They 
sat at Providence in June 1741. The province of 
Massachusetts appealed from their decision, to the 
King in council, where it was confirmed, after a 
hearing, in 1746. 

In 1744 commenced the lottery system in this 
colony, out of which so much good and so much 
evil have arisen. The first grant of a lottery, by the 
General Assembly, was at the October session, to 
build a bridge at Weybosset. The amount of the 
scheme was £15,000, out of which £3,000 was to 



198 GENERAL HISTORY. 

go toward erecting the bridge. The managers of 
the lottery were, Wilham Rice, of Warwick, Dan- 
iel Jenckes, George Brown, Stephen Hopkins, and 
Daniel Smith, of Providence, and Job Randall, of 
Scituate. To encourage the lottery, or rather to 
encourage the citizens to adventure in it, the town, 
in July following, purchased four hundred tickets. 
They did not meet however with the rapid sale they 
anticipated; or some misunderstanding arose between 
the managers and building committee of the town, 
for the latter, in October 1745, were directed not to 
proceed to build till further orders. The General 
Assembly in February following, at the request of 
the town, directed the £3,000 to be lodged in the 
town treasury and to be laid out under the direction 
of the town. The bridge to be built was eighteen 
feet in width. The eastern abutment was carried 
out thirty feet^ and the western four, of the same 
breadth. It rested on a stone pillar in the middle. 
While the bridge was building, the General Assembly 
appointed a ferry to be kept there. Amaziah Wa- 
terman was chosen ferryman on the east side, and 
Job Sweeting on the west. The bridge had been 
rebuilt, about 1719. Before that, it was carried away 
by a freshet. It is difficult to imagine a time, when 
a bridge, only eighteen feet wide, would be sufficient 
to accommodate the public at that place. 

The population of the colony in 1748 amounted to 
4,128. Douglas says, the number of freemen who vo- 
ted in Providence, this year, was 96, the number of rep- 
resentatives, 4, of justices of the peace, 13, of compa- 
nies of militia, 4. The whole number of Whites, 3, 1 77, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 199 

Negroes, 225, Indians, 50. The records show no defic- 
iency of Hcensed tavern-keepers. In 1749, there were 
31 ; in 1750, thirty. The highest sums paid were by 
Joseph Angell, Wilham Pearce, and Jonathan Olney, 
eight pounds each. Of a colony tax of £5,000, or- 
dered in 1748, Providence paid £550, and Newport 
£825. The debit side of the town treasurer's ac- 
count, the same year, amounted to £1,165,5,5. A 
town tax of £1,600 was ordered in 1749. 

Up to the year 1754, there does not appear 
to have been any measures taken, by the govern- 
ment of the colony, or town, to protect property 
from the ravages of fire. This year, the inhabitants 
of the compact part of Providence petitioned for 
power to purchase a " large water engine." Oba- 
diah Brown and James Angell were appointed a 
committee to " rate the housing and all other things 
in the compact part of the town of Providence which 
are hable to be destroyed by fire," a sum suflicient 
to purchase the engine petitioned for. A law was 
also passed by the colony requiring each housekeep- 
er to be provided with two fire buckets. It is proba- 
ble they waited to have their attention called to this 
matter, by some devastating fire, either here or in 
some neighboring place. The destruction of the 
courthouse by fire in 1758, seems to have called the 
attention of the town again to the subject. In Feb- 
ruary following an act of the Assembly was passed, 
giving the town power to appoint presidents of fire- 
wards and firewards. The rate for their enmne, 
though assessed, was not paid till April 1759. It 
appears that the engine was purchased some time 



200 GENERAL HISTORY. 

before. In December 1760, the same persons were 
authorized, at a meeting of the compact part of the 
town, to purchase another engine, in Boston. En- 
gine men were first appointed by the town, in June 
1763. 

This, it is apprehended, is the commencement of 
the fire department, in Providence. From this small 
beginning, it has gradually and steadily increased, in 
proportion to the increase of the town. In 1842, it 
consisted of three presidents of firewards, eighteen 
firewards, and six hundred firemen, attached to three 
hydraulions, nine suction engines, two hook and lad- 
der carriages, eight hose carriages, seventeen forcing 
stationary engines, having eight thousand feet of 
hose, and eighteen reservoirs. The department will 
not suffer, by comparison with that of any other city 
in the Union. 

Of a colony tax assessed in 1755, of £70,000, New- 
port was required to pay £14,000, South Kingstown, 
£5200, Providence £4900. The town tax the next 
year was £2600, and in 1757, £3000. The number 
of tavern keepers' licenses vary in several years, but 
are generally, from twenty to thirty. The highest 
amount paid by any individual was £12. The town 
council generally met at the house of some one of 
these licensed tavern keepers, and dined there, at 
the expense of the town. It does not appear that 
they received any compensation for their services. 
In an account on file, in the city clerk's office, Luke 
Thurston charges the council with " dinners, &c." — 
" dinners and hquor" — " dinners, punch and wine." 
The constituted authorities then deemed it proper to 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



201 



patronize the houses tliey Hcensed, and there does ^ 
not appear any great disproportion, between the 
amounts charged for dinners and for the hquor that 
followed them. For instance, April 3, 1757, six 
dinners are charged at £5,8, punch £2. May 28, 
seven dinners at £6,6, punch, £2. 

In March and April, 1758, nearly two thousand of 
the king's troops were quartered in Providence, for 
a short time. They were destined against the 
French possessions in America. 

At a town meeting in April, David Buckhn present- 
ed a petition to the town for permission to erect a 
market house, on the lot at the east end of Weybosset 
Bridge, belonging to the town, for his sole benefit ; 
which was granted. He did not carry his plan into 
execution, probably owing to the dissatisfaction 
that the grant created among the inhabitants. In 
June following, Daniel Abbott, Ephraim Bowen 
and Daniel Jenckes were appointed by the town 
to build a public market house at the same place, 
provided it could be done without expense to the 
town. The condition imposed frustrated the plan. 
It does not appear to have been revived until 
1769, when an anonymous writer in the Provi- 
dence Gazette, called the attention of the town to 
the subject. Although he enforced the importance 
of the matter, with many cogent reasons, no steps 
were taken to carry it into execution, until August, 
1771, when the town resolved to erect a market 
house near " the bridge." The location seems not 
to have been generally approved, for at the same 
26 



202 GENERAL HISTORY. 

iiieetiii"', some of the inhabitants on the west side of 
the river, presented a petition for leave to build a 
market house on Muddy Bridge dock, now known as 
Oorrance-street, which was granted; another por- 
tion presented a similar petition to build one on the 
town's land east of Mill bridge, which was also grant- 
ed. The grant of a lottery was obtained from the 
General Assembly, to build the town market house. 
The directors were Stephen Hopkins and Joseph 
Brown, to whom the town entrusted the erection of 
the building. The work was commenced on the 
24th day of May 1773. Nicholas Brown, laid the 
first stone on the 11th day of June following. 

It was a brick structure, eighty feet by forty, and 
two stories high. The lower story was used as a 
market, and the second divided into offices, and oc- 
cupied partly by the officers of the town, and partly 
by tenants. In 1797, the town granted to St. John's 
Lodge of free and accepted masons, the right to add 
a third story to the market house, to be used by them 
as a hall, until the town should see proper to pur- 
chase it, they keeping the roof in repair. A base- 
ment story was subsequently formed by the town, and 
also used for a market. 

In April, 1819, the town directed a fish market to 
be erected, near to the north east corner of Weybos- 
set bridge, and partly over the river. A hght, com- 
modious wooden building, twelve feet by sixty, was 
accordingly erected there, the following summer. 
After the erection of the new bridge, just north of 
Weybosset bridge, in 1828, the fish market was re- 
moved to the northward of that bridge. The town 



(GENERAL HISTORY. 



203 



never purchased more advantages, at the same cost, 
than this market has afforded them. In 1755, the 
commissioners of trade and plantations directed an 
account to be taken of the number of inhabitants in 
the colony, and the quantity of arms and ammunition 
in the hands of private persons. A document pre- 
pared and sent by Gov. Hopkins, dated December 
24th, 1755, shows the result. The whole population of 
the colony is reported to be 35,939 Whites, and 4697 
Blacks— 9177 men, 8944 women— 8783 boys— 9035 
girls. The men able to bear arms, amounted to 
2997 — the enlisted soldiers, to 5265. There were, 
in the colony, 5032 small arms, 2418 swords, 624 
pistols, 3286 lbs. of powder, 64,689 balls. By the 
same return. Providence is stated to contain 747 
men, 741 women, 665 boys, 754 girls, and 262 
Blacks — 275 men able to bear arms, 406 enlisted 
soldiers — 349 small arms, 181 swords, 56 pistols, 762 
lbs. of powder, 3871 balls. This statement shows a 
very rapid increase of population in the colony. 

The following paper is inserted, as showing the 
readiness with which some of the principal citizens of 
Providence enlisted, to serve his majesty, against the 
French in America. The original is among tlie pa- 
pers of the late Moses Brown, a copy of which was 
deposited by him in the cabinet of the Historical So- 
ciety. 

Whereas the British colonies in America are invaded by a 
large army of French and Indian enemies, who have already 
possessed themselves of Fort William Henry, and are now on 
their march to penetrate further into the country, and from whom 
we have nothing to expect, should they succeed in their enter- 
prise, but death and devastation; and a^ hi,'5 m^jes'fy's pr'ncipal 



204 GENERAL HISTORY. 

officers, in the part invaded, have, in the most pressing and niov- 
intr manner, called on all his majesty's faithful subjects for as- 
sistance, to defend the country, therefore, we, whose names are 
underwritten, thinking it our duty to do every thing in our pow- 
er, for the defence of our liberties, families and properties, are 
willincr and have agreed, to enter voluntarily into the service of 
our country, and go in a warlike manner against the common 
enemy, and hereby call upon and invite all our neighbors who 
have families and properties to defend, to join with us in this 
undertaking, promising to march, as soon as we are two hun- 
dred and fi!ty in number, recommending ourselves and our cause 
to the favorable protection of Almighty God. 
Providence, August 15, 1757. 

Stephen Hopkins, Nicholas Brown, 

Obadiah Brown, Joseph Brown, 

Nicholas Cooke, William Wheaton, 

Barzillai Richmond, William Smith, 

Joseph Bucklin, Jonathan Clark, 

John Randall, Jonathan Ballou, 

John Cole, James Thurber, 

Gideon Manchester, Amos Kinnicut, 

Ephraim Bowen, surgeon, Nathaniel Olney, 
John Waterman, Joseph Lawrence, 

Joseph Arnold, Theophilus Williams, 

John Bass, chaplain, John Power, 

John Thomas, jr. Benjamin Olney, 

Allen Brown, George Hopkins, 

Benoni Pearce, Edward Smith, 

Barnard Eddy, Joseph Winsor, 

Benjamin Doubleday, Joseph Cole. 
The foregoing names, and many others, were prepared, in- 
tending to march the next day ; the militia, under Col. John An- 
drews,had marched ; but an express arriving with the intelligence, 
that the French and Indian army had gone back, the volunteers 
herein named did not march, but the militia had got to the widow 
of Resolved Waterman's in Smithfield, where I was sent with 
orders for their return, in consequence, of the return of the 
French and Indian army ; which as a historical fact, I thought 
well to preserve. " MOSES BROWN." 

In 1761 and 1762, and 1763, grants of lotteries 

were very frequent. Several were made to the town 



GENERAL HISTORY. 205 

to raise £21,300, for paving streets, one was made 
to the Church of England, to repair their church and 
build a steeple, one to the Congregational Society, 
to purchase parsonage, &c. 

At the October session, 1761, of the General As- 
sembly, the deputies of Providence represented, that 
on the 24th of October, 1761, there was " a hard 
gale of wind which brought the highest tide into 
the harbor of Providence that hath been known in 
the memory of man, and carried away the Great 
or Weybosset bridge." £1000, old tenor, was grant- 
ed from the general treasury, toward rebuilding it. 
The whole cost, at this time of rebuilding it, was 
£4357,10,1. A lottery was subsequently granted, to 
build a draw in this bridge. From this circumstance, 
it is probable that none of the preceding bridges had 
draws in them. This would seem improbable, from 
the fact, that much ship-building was carried on 
above the bridge ; unless the planking of the bridge 
could be removed, so as to enable vessels to pass. 
After this, vessels from the West Indies, with full car- 
goes, went up as far as the foot of Bowen-street. 
The tradition is, that the first square rigged vessel 
that ever sailed from the port, sailed from a wharf as 
high up as the canal market. That great and im- 
portant changes have taken place, not only in the 
depth, but in the course of the channel of the river, 
is frequently demonstrated, by excavations made at 
a great distance from the present channel. He who 
should examine a plat in the proprietors' office, made 
in 1718, would hardly recognize the places there de- 
signated. 



20G GENERAL HISTORY. 

Of a colony tax of £16,000, ordered in 1761, £972 
was assessed on Providence, and £3200 on Newport. 
A new estimate of the taxable property of the colo- 
ny was ordered this year, and completed in the fol- 
lowing one, the effect of which was to increase the 
taxes of Providence. In a colony tax of £8000, 
ordered in September, 1762, £500 was assessed on 
Providence, and £1560 on Newport. This estimate 
caused much trouble, both to town and colony ; the 
town refused to assess any tax, until a new estimate 
was ordered. 

WilHam Goddard set up the first printing office 
in Providence, in the year 1762. Among the earli- 
est inhabitants was a printer, Gregory Dexter, but 
he never followed his trade, here. The articles first 
printed in Providence, were a hand-bill headed "Mo- 
ro Castle taken by storm," and a play bill. In a let- 
ter written afterwards by Mr. Goddard to Isaiah 
Thomas, then at Worcester, he says he thinks this 
was in June. He adds in the same letter, " much com- 
pany from Boston, &c., attended the theatre and were 
highly gratified. The theatrical campaign was short. 
Party politics occasioned the suppression of plays." 
Mr. Thomas states, in his second volume of the His- 
tory of Printing, that the "first play, publicly per- 
formed, in New-England, was by Douglas and his 
company, at Providence, in 1762." David Douglas, 
the manager, was a Scotchman ; he brought with 
him the first company of players that ever perform- 
ed in North- America. This was about 1758. The 
place of performance, in Providence, was on Meet- 
ing-street, east of Benefit-street. The suggestion 



GENERAL HISTORY, 207 

that party politics caused the suppression of plays, is 
probably incorrect. The subject was debated by 
the town in July, and the deputies of the town in- 
structed to procure the passage of an act prohibiting 
them. Such an act was passed in August following. 
Party politics may have influenced the General As- 
sembly, but it is quite improbable that the town were 
moved, by the same cause. After the passage of the 
act, the tradition is, that the sheriff of the county, 
Paul Tew, brought a copy of the act from New- 
port, and attended the theatre with it in his pocket. 
The direction in the act was, that it should be pub- 
lished forthwith, and after the performance was fin- 
ished, he discharged this duty, by reading the act. 
The law remained in force for some time. After its 
repeal, theatrical exhibitions continued, at intervals, 
in different parts of the town. Plays were so much in 
vogue, at one time, that they were exhibited in the 
court house ; at another time, about 1 794, in a build- 
ing long since removed, which stood in the rear of 
the old coffee house, so called, between North Main 
street and the cove, near Weybosset bridge. Af- 
terwards, in 1795, the theatre, at the corner of West- 
minster and Mathewson streets was erected by a com- 
pany of proprietors. It was opened, under the man- 
agement of Mr. Harper, in September, 1795; the 
first evening's performance being " the Child of Na- 
ture," and " Rosina or the Reapers." The celebra- 
ted tragedian, George Frederick Cooke, finished his 
professional career in this house. This continued 
to be occupied, with varied success, until 1832, when 
it was disposed of, and converted into an Episcopal 



208 GENERAL HISTORY. 

church. From the sale of this house, up to 1839, 
there existed no theatre in Providence. Some en- 
terprising individuals associated themselves together, 
in the last named year, and erected the large and 
commodious theatre on Dorrance street. This 
building is of stone, 120 feet by 60, and cost about 
;^20,000. It has not, probably, yielded that pecuni- 
ary advantage to the proprietors which they antici- 
pated. 

No notice has been taken of the progress of the 
two wars which England waged with France and 
Spain, between 1739 and 1763. The English col- 
onies engaged in them, with their whole soul ; but 
neither the town of Providence, nor the colony of 
Rhode-Island, was distinguished from the other col- 
onies, either by sufferings or exertions. 



CHAPTER FOURTH. 

GENERAL HISTORY. 

FROM THE PEACE OF ]7G3, TO THE PEACE OF 1783. 

The period embraced in this chapter, is one of 
the most important and interesting in American his- 
tory. The war which ended in 1763, disclosed the 
mihtary strength of the British colonies, and inured 
them to the toils and privations of the camp. They 
acquired military skill, and became accustomed to 
military discipline, under the experienced command- 
ers which were sent here by the mother country. 
Instead of being exhausted, they were enriched by 
this war. Many valuable prizes, the product nei- 
ther of their industry nor care, were taken from the 
enemy and brought into their ports. The mother 
country paid them large sums for their personal ser- 
vices, and much of the money expended on her own 
troops in the service, centred here. All that Great 
Britain gained, were splendid victories, a vast ac- 
cumulation to her national debt, and jurisdiction over 
provinces, which all experience since, has shown to 
be more costly than valuable to her. 

These circumstances, with others, induced the 
British government to attempt raising a revenue 
from her colonies, by enforcing her navigation acts, 
which had always been a dead letter, and by impos- 
ing stamp and other duties. The colonists had riot- 
27 



210 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ed too long in the full enjoyment of liberty, to sub- 
mit tamely to these burdens. They insisted that 
they were entitled to all the rights of native born 
Englishmen ; among which, and, by no means the 
least valuable, was the right of taxing themselves. 
However the colonies differed in their origin, or in 
their political or religious constitutions, they all 
agreed in this, that the right of imposing taxes resi- 
ded in the colonial legislatures and not in the British 
parhament. The stamp duty was felt by every indi- 
vidual, in the common and ordinary transactions of 
life, and thus it aroused the whole mass at once, to 
resistance. Long before the stamped paper arrived 
the people had determined that it should not be used. 
Those appointed to distribute it, were generally 
compelled to resign their offices. In some places, 
they suftered personal indignities, and in others, their 
houses and property were destroyed, by the popu- 
lace. No open act of violence occurred in Provi- 
dence. A special town meeting convened on the 
7th day of August, 1765, to consider what steps were 
necessary to be taken. They appointed Stephen 
Hopkins, Nicholas Cooke, Samuel Nightingale, jr. 
John Brown, Silas Downer and James Angell, a 
committee to draft instructions to their representa- 
tives in the General Assembly. At an adjourned 
meeting on the 13th of the same month, they report- 
ed the following instructions which were adopted 
unanimously. 

" As a full and free enjoyment of British liberty and of our 
particular rights, as colonists, long since precisely known and 
ascertained by uninterrupted practice and usage from the first 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



211 



settlement of this country down to this time, is of unspeakable 
value, and strenuously to be contended for, by the dutiful sub- 
jects of the best frame of government in the world, any attempts 
to deprive them thereof, must be very alarming and ought to be op- ^ 
posed, although in a decent manner, yet with the utmost firmness. \ 

We conceive that some late resolutions of the Parliament of 
Great Britian, for taxing us without our consent, have a tenden- 
cy to divest us of our most valuable privileges as Englishmen ; 
and that the measures adopted by the ministry and the Parlia- 
ment, in this behalf, if carried into execution, will be a manifest 
infraction of our inherent rights as members of the British gov- 
ernment and unspeakably injurious in the present distressed and 
involved state of the colony. 

The ministry, in justification of this encroachment upon the 
incontestible rights of his Majesty's liege subjects in these parts 
of the world, have pretended that the colonies are represented in 
Parliament by the British members ; the contrary is so evident, 
that a bare denial is sufficient to refute it. 

The refusal of Parliament to hear the humble petitions of the 
colonies against the Stamp-Act, the enlargement of the admiralty 
jurisdiction and the burdening of trade, we look upon as a great 
grievance, and directly against our rights, as subjects. 

With the utmost concern and dread, we consider the exten- 
sion of the powers of the court of admiralty, and must freely de- 
clare to the whole world, that we look upon our natural rights 
to be diminished in the same proportion, as the powers of that 
court are extended ; and in this particular, we are unhappily 
distinguished from our fellow subjects in Great Britian. 

We think it needful in this critical conjuncture, to give unto 
you who are our deputies, some instructions to be by you ob- 
served in your representation of us in the General Assembly. 

In the -first place, we recommend it to you, in the most ex- 
press manner, to use your utmost endeavors that commissioners 
be appointed by the Assembly to meet with the commissioners 
from the other colonies on the continent, at New-York on the 
first day of October next, agreeably to the proposals and request 
of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, signified to this col- 
ony, in order to unite in a petition to the King, for relief from 
the Stamp-Act and other grievances. 



212 GENERAL HISTORY, 

In the choice of these commissioners, we are assured from 
our knowledge of your virtue, that you will pay more attention 
to merit, skill in public business and zeal for the welfare of 
the colonies, than to any other consideration. 

We likewise request you to do all in your power, consistent 
with our relation to Great Britian, toward postponing the intro- 
duction of the Stamp-Act into this colony until the colonies may 
have opportunity to be heard in defence of such just rights as 
they will be deprived of by an execution of it. And to this end 
that you endeavor to procure our essential rights and privileges 
to be asserted in General Assembly, by votes or resolves to the 
following effect, to wit. 

I. That the first adventurers, settlers of this his Majesty's col- 
onyand dominion of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, 
brought with them and transmitted to their posterity, and all other 
his Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his Majesty's colo- 
ny, all the privileges and immunities, that have, at any time, 
been held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great Britian. 

II. That by a charter granted by King Charles the second, in 
the 15th year of his reign, it is declared and granted unto the 
Governor and company of this colony and their successors, 
that all and every subject of his said Majesty, his heirs and suc- 
cessors, which were then planted within the said colony, or 
which should thereafter go to inhabit within the said colony, and 
all and every of their children, which had been born there, or 
which should afterwards be born there, or on the sea, going 
thither, or returning from thence, should have and enjoy all the 
liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects within any 
of the dominions of his said Majesty, his heirs or successors, to 
all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, as if they 
and every of them were born within the realm of England. 

III. That his Majesty's liege people of this colony- have en- 
joyed the right of being governed by their own Assembly in the 
article of taxes and internal police ; and that the same hath nev- 
er been forfeited, or in any other way yielded up, but hath been 
constantly recognized by the King and people of Britian. 

IV. That therefore, his Majesty or his substitutes, together 
with the General Assembly of this colony, have in their repre- 
sentative character, the only exclusive right to lay taxes and 



GENERAL HISTORY. 213 

imposts upon the inhabitants of this colony ; and that every at- 
tempt to vest such power in any person or persons whatever, 
other than the General Assembly aforesaid, is unconstitutional, 
and hath a manifest tendency to destroy British, as well as Amer- 
ican, liberty. 

V. That his Majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this col- 
ony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance 
designed to impose any internal taxation whatsoever upon them, 
other than the laws and ordinances of the General Assembly afore- 
said. 

And inasmuch as it hath lately been drawn into question, how 
far the people of this his Majesty's dominion of Rhode-Island, 
have the right of being tried by juries, we earnestly recommend it 
to you, to procure an act to be passed, if it may be done, de- 
claring that the courts of common law only, and not any court 
of admiralty, have and ought to have jurisdiction, in all causes, 
growing or arising in this colony on account of levying or col- 
lecting any internal taxes, or of any matters relating thereto. — 
And that such process and way of trial, shall hereafter be had 
and used in such matters, as have been usual and accustomed, 
time out of mind ; and further, that no decree of any court of ad- 
miralty, respecting these matters, shall be executed in thiscolony. 
We think that an address of thanks ought to be voted by the 
General Assembly to those gentlemen who distinguished them- 
selves at the last session of Parliament, in defence of liberty and 
the colonies ; in particular to General Conway and Colonel Isaac 
Barre. 

As to other matters, not of such general concernment as the 
foregoing, we leave their management to your prudence and 
judgment, in w'hich we put the greatest confidence." 

The first four of these resolutions are couched in 
nearly the same language with those passed by the 
house of Burgesses in Virginia. They were intro- 
duced there by the celebrated Patrick Henry, and 
were adopted with some slight amendments. He 
also offered there the fifth, which was rejected. They 
were introduced into the General Assembly of this 



214 GENERAL HISTORY. 

colony, at their session in September following, and 
adopted by them with the addition of a sixth, declaring 
" that the officers in this colony, appointed by the au- 
thority thereof, be and they are hereby directed to pro- 
ceed in the execution of their respective offices, in the 
same manner as usual ; and that this Assembly will in- 
demnify and save harmless all the said officers on ac- 
count of their conduct, agreeable to this resolution." 
The Assembly struck out from the fourth resolution 
the words " his Majesty or his substitutes," thus de- 
claring themselves to be the only body having right to 
impose taxes on the inhabitants of the colony. These 
resolutions fall little short of a declaration of entire 
independency of the British government. They go 
as far, if not farther, than any legislative proceed- 
ings of the same date in the country. They were 
soon followed, however, throughout the country, by 
votes of a similar character ; and such was the unan- 
imity of the inhabitants, and so great the opposition 
to these taxes, here as well as at home, that they pro- 
duced the repeal of the Stamp-Act in March 1766. 
This repeal might have restored peace to the colo- 
nies, had it not contained a clause declaratory of the 
right of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases 
whatsoever. — If the right existed, this clause in the 
act was unnecessary ; and if it did not, the act could 
not create it. The repeal, clogged as it was, was 
hailed with great joy throughout the colonies. The 
following notice of the first celebration of this event, 
is taken from the Providence Gazette. 

" To show our loyalty to our most gracious sovereign, as well 
as to express our love of liberty, the anniversary of his Majesty 



GENERAL HISTORY. 215 

birth-day was fixed upon for a day of public rejoicing. Accord- 
ingly the auspicious morn was ushered in by the ringing of 
bells and a discharge of several cannon from a battery planted 
on the parade. The court house, a most elegant structure, was 
beautifully ornamented with colors, and the shipping in the har- 
bor, hove out theirs, at a signal given. Joy and gladness shone 
in every countenance ; and nothing was to be heard but mutual 
congratulations, until 11 o'clock, when, according to the order 
of the day, there was a general gathering of the people on the 
parade. From thence they marched in order with drums beat- 
ing, trumpets sounding, and colors displayed, to the Presbyterian 
meeting house, where thanks were given to the Supreme Ruler 
of the universe, for his kindness to his people, in releasing them 
from the heavy burdens which were imposed on them, and for con- 
tinuing their liberties. There was an animated and well adapted 
discourse delivered by the Rev. Mr. Rowland, from Psalm cxxvi, 
3, and the religious exercises were concluded with a beautiful an- 
them performed by a company of musicians. The assembly re- 
turned in like good order as they came to the court house, where 
his Majesty's health was drank by many hundreds under a royal 
salute of twenty-one cannon, when the company adjourned to 
four o'clock. Upon their re-assembling, they drank thirty-two 
of the most loyal, patriotic and constitutional toasts, under a 
discharge of seven, five and three cannon, accompanied with the 
sound of drums, trumpets and the loudest huzzas of the loyal 
multitude, who were liberally treated by the gentlemen of the 
town. In the evening 108 sky-rockets, with a bee-hive containing 
106 serpents, was played ofi" before the court house, (which was 
most beautifully illuminated,) with divers other kinds of fire- 
works. At nine o'clock, there was an elegant boiled collation 
served up to the company, and at eleven, when every heart was 
full fraught with joy and loyalty, the company retired. And 
that the daughters of liberty might not be wholly excluded from 
rejoicing in a way agreeable to them, the evening after, there 
was a grand ball given by the gentlemen of the town, at which 
there was the most brilliant appearance of ladies this town ever 
saw. The whole was carried on to general satisfaction and with- 
out hurtful accident." 



216 GENERAL HISTORY. 

The following year, 1767, the event was celebra- 
ted on its anniversary, the eighteenth of March. 
The Gazette of the Saturday following states, that 
" the morning was ushered in by the ringing of bells 
and beating of drums." "In the evening a grand 
ball was given by the young gentlemen of the town, 
at which there was a very grand appearance of la- 
dies." The day continued to be observed for seve- 
ral years, with demonstrations of joy. In recaUing 
to mind, on this anniversary, the evils and burdens 
they had escaped, the sons of liberty throughout the 
colonies, kept alive the spirit of freedom, and pre- 
pared a way for that event, which their descendants, 
in more modern times, deem it their highest duty 
and pleasure to celebrate on each returning fourth of 
July. 

The parhament of Great Britain, at the repeal of 
the stamp act, having so wisely resolved that they 
possessed the power to tax the colonies, in May fol- 
lowing resolved to exercise it, by laying a duty on 
paper, glass, paints, tea, &c. imported into the colo- 
nies. Thisact went into operation, November 20th, 
1767, and it met with a most determined opposition 
from the colonists. Yet it did not require that open 
opposition which in case of the Stamp-Act, reached 
almost to treason. The duty was imposed only on 
imports. The Act did not make it imperative on the 
colonies to import, and combinations were readily 
formed, against importations ; thus rendering the act 
nugatory, as related to revenue. 

The subject was acted upon in a town meeting in 
Providence, on the 25th day of November. They 



GENERAL HISTORY. 217 

raised a committee to consider and report the most 
effectual means of promoting the interest of the col- 
onies and of avoiding the payment of these taxes. 
The committee reported in favor of obtaining sub- 
scriptions of the citizens, to an agreement not to im- 
port or use certain enumerated articles, after the first 
day of January then next, but to discountenance the 
excessive use of certain other articles which could 
be manufactured in America, and the use of mourn- 
ing apparel, and encourage home manufactures and 
the raising of wool and flax. The town unanimously 
accepted the report, directed the form of subscription 
to be printed, and appointed the town council a 
committee to procure signatures to it. The original 
report is in the files of the city clerk, in the hand 
writing of the late venerable Moses Brown. The 
subscription papers are not to be found. The fol- 
lowing notice of them was inserted in the Provi- 
dence Gazette of December 12th. 

" The subscription rolls for suppressing the unnecessary and 
destructive importation of European goods and foreign superflu- 
ities, and for the encouragement of industry and economy and 
manufactures, are now tilling up very fast, and there is not the 
least doubt but that they will be unanimously signed." 

The agreement went into effect on the first day 
of January, 1768. On the 13th of February, the 
following advertisement appeared in the Gazette. 

" The following tradesmen are wanted in the northern colo- 
nies in America, and from the universal spirit which now pre- 
vails, for extending our manufactures, there cannot be any doubt 
but that suitable encouragement would be given them, if they 
should transport themselves from Great Britain or Ireland, into 
these delightful regions, quite removed out of the reach of the 

28 



218 GENERAL HISTORY. 

paw of oppression ; that is to say : All sorts of tradesmen in the 
linen and woollen manufacture, stocking weavers, steel makers, 
nailers, locksmiths, gunsmiths, saw makers, cutlers, file makers, 
and in general all sorts of workers in the iron way ; clock and 
watch makers, paper makers, paper stainers, glass makers, ma- 
kers of blue and white and other sorts of earthen and stone 
ware, pipe makers, needle and pin makers, wire drawers, work- 
ers in brass and copper, buckle makers, button makers, manu- 
facturers of horn, makers of wool cards, brush makers, glue ma- 
kers, makers of painters' colors, glovers and engravers." 

The advertisement then states, that the chmate is 
very salubrious, enumerates many advantages which 
the tradesmen would enjoy, and annexes a price cur- 
rent of many of the necessaries of life. Wheat is 
stated at two shillings nine pence sterling, rye, two 
shillings two pence, Indian corn, one shilling six 
pence, per bushel ; beef, veal and mutton, a penny 
half-penny, pork, a penny three farthings, butter, five 
pence, and cheese, three pence, per pound ; salt, one 
shilling six pence, per bushel ; sugar, twenty seven 
shillings, per cwt. and firewood, in the cities, eight 
shilhngs per cord. The list of tradesmen included 
several arts in which considerable progress had al- 
ready been made. The design, so far as regarded 
these, was to induce more finished workmen, and in 
greater numbers, to enrich the country with their skill 
and knowledge ; and the result aimed at, was to ren- 
der the colonies independent of the mother country 
for any of the necessaries, or even conveniences or 
luxuries of social fife. 

No writer perhaps did more to arouse his country- 
men to a sense of impending dangers, than John 
Dickinson, in a series of letters, published at first in 



GENERAL HISTORY. 219 

a Pennsylvania newspaper, over the signature of " A 
Farmer." They were repubhshed in the Providence 
Gazette, and in almost every newspaper in the coun- 
try. The following letter from the freemen of Prov- 
idence to the author, shows the estimation in which 
they held his writings. It is inserted here as mark- 
ing their views, not only of the writer, but of the 
subjects of his disquisitions. 

" Sir — In your retirement, 'near the banks of the river Dela- 
ware,' where you are completing, in a rational way, the number 
of days allotted to you by divine goodness, the consciousness of 
having employed those talents which God hath bestowed upon 
you, for the support of our rights, must afford you a satisfaction, 
vastly exceeding that which is derived to you from the universal 
approbation of your letters. However, amidst the general ac- 
clamations of your praise, the moderator and freemen of the an- 
cient town of Providence cannot be silent ; although we would 
not offend your delicacy or incur the imputation of flattery in 
expressing our gratitude to you. 

Your benevolence to mankind, fully discoverable from your 
writings, doubtless caused you to address your countrymen, 
whom you tenderly call " dear and beloved," in a series of let- 
ters, wherein you have, with great judgment and in the most 
spirited and forcible manner, explained their rights and privile- 
ges, and vindicated them against such as would reduce these ex- 
tensive dominions of his majesty to poverty, misery and sla- 
very. This your patriotic exertioii in our cause and indeed in 
the cause of the human race, in some degree, hath rendered you 
very dear to us, although we know not your person. 

We deplore the frailty of human nature, in that it is necessa- 
ry, that we should be frequently awakened into attention to our 
duty in matters very plain and incontrovertible, if we would suf- 
fer ourselves to consider them. From this inattention to things, 
evidently the duty and interest of the world, we suppose despot- 
ic rule to have originated, and all the train of miseries consequent 
thereupon. 



220 GENERAL HISTORY. 

The virtuous and good man who rouses an injured country 
from their lethargy and animates them into active and success- 
ful endeavors, for casting off the burdens imposed on them and 
effecting a full enjoyment of the rights of man, which no human 
creature ought to violate, will merit the warmest expressions of 
gratitude from his countrymen, for his instrumentality in sav- 
ing them and their posterity. 

As the very design of instituting civil government in the 
world, was to secure to individuals a quiet enjoyment of their 
native rights, wherever there is a departure from this great and 
only end, impious force succeeds. The blessings of a just gov- 
ernment and the horrors of brutal violence, are both inexpressi- 
ble. As the latter is generally brought upon us by degrees, it 
will be their duty to watch against every, the smallest attempt 
to inovate an iota in their privileges. 

With hearts truly loyal to the King, we feel the greatest con- 
cern at divers acts of the British Parliament relative to these 
colonies. We are clear and unanimous in sentiment, that they 
are subversive of our liberties and derogatory to the power and 
dignity of the several legislatures established in America. 

Permit us. Sir, to assure you, that we feel ineffable grati- 
tude to you for your letters, at a time when the exercise of great 
abilities was necessary. 

We sincerely wish, that you may see the fruit of your labors. 
We, on our part, shall be ready at all times to evince to the 
world, that we will not surrender our privileges to any of our fel- 
low subjects, but will earnestly contend for them, hoping that 
the Almighty will look upon our righteous contest with gracious 
approbation. We hope, that the conduct of the colonies on this 
occasion will be peacable, prudent, firm and joint, such as will 
show their loyalty to the best of sovereigns, and that they know 
what they owe to themselves, as well as to Great Britian. 

Town meeting, June 20, 1768. 
Signed by order, 

JAMES ANGELL, Town clerk. 

To the author of a series of 
letters signed A Farmer." 



GENERAL HISTORY. 221 

To this he returned the following answer : 

" To the Moderator and Freemen of the Town of Providence, 
in New-England. 

Gentlemen — Words can but very faintly express the Senti- 
ments of Respect and Gratitude with which I receive the Kind- 
ness and Honor of your late Address to Me. 

" The consciousness of having employed" myself " in the 
Support of our Rights," through a dutiful Devotion to my 
Country, " affords" me indeed a great " Satisfaction ;" Yet it 
would be an unpardonable Affectation in Me to pretend, that 
such " Praises" as You have bestowed, by such Persons bestow- 
ed, did not give me a very sincere Delight ; For to be esteem- 
ed and commended by those, who themselves deserve to be es- 
teemed and commended, is one of the invaluable Rewards of 
well-meant Actions. 

So highly I prize the approbation of the Moderator and 
Freemen of" the ancient town of Providence," that I shall con- 
stantly and zealously endeavor to merit its continuance ; and so 
much I interest Myself in your Prosperity, that I most heartily 
wish, your generous Resolution " not to surrender your privile- 
ges to any of your Fellow Subjects," may meet with a success 
equal to such Virtue. 

May You, Gentlemen, as I doubt not but you will, by your 
wise and spirited Conduct, exhibit a noble Example, demonstra- 
ting, that these Colonies may, at the same Time, " shew their 
Loyalty to the best of Sovereigns, and that they know what they 
owe to themselves, as well as to Great Britain. 

July 7th, 1768. A FARMER." 

(Direction on envelope.) 
"To the Moderator and Freemen of the Town 
of Providence, in New-England." 

In July, 1768, the sons of liberty were called upon 
to attend the dedication of the tree of liberty. Al- 
most every town then had either its liberty tree or 
its liberty pole. The liberty tree of Providence was 
a httle north of the north side of Olney street, in 
front of a public house kept there by Capt. Joseph 



222 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Olney. Samuel Thurber, in a note kindly commu- 
nicated to me when in his 81st year, says : 

" He" Captain Olney " had a large, old fashioned, two story, 
low studded house, in the form of an L, with a large yard in 
front. In this yard stood the largest elm tree that I ever saw. 
A flight of steps was erected, leading perhaps twenty feet up to 
where three or four limbs set out. There, a convenient seat 
was fixed for, say, ten or twelve people to sit in and enjoy them- 
selves in the shade." 

The dedication of this tree took place on the 25th 
day of July. A large concourse of people assem- 
bled. An animated discourse was dehvered, from 
the seat or summer house on the tree, by Silas Dow- 
ner. After which the people in the summer house, 
laying their hands on the tree, the gentleman who 
gave the discourse pronounced these words aloud. 

" We do, in the name and behalf of all the true sons of liberty 
in America, Great Britian, Ireland, Corsica, or wheresoever they 
may be dispersed throughout the world, dedicate and solemnly 
devote this tree to be a tree of liberty. May all our councils 
and deliberations, under its venerable branches, be guided by 
wisdom, and directed for the support and maintainance of that 
liberty, which our renowned forefathers sought out and found 
under trees and in the wilderness. May it long flourish, and 
may the sons of liberty often repair hither, to confirm and 
strengthen each other ; when they look toward this sacred elm, 
may they be penetrated with a sense of their duty to themselves 
and their posterity ; and may they, like the house of David, grow 
stronger and stronger, while their enemies, like the house of Saul, 
shall grow weaker and weaker. Amen." 

This discourse was afterwards published in a pam- 
phlet, a copy of which is in the possession of the 
Historical Society. The liberty tree of Providence 
was long since cut down, but the principles that in- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 

duced its dedication have survived. They led to 
the subsequent independence of the colonies and all 
the blessings which have resulted from it. The ruth- 
less hand of time can destroy the monuments which 
man erects or consecrates, but it possesses no power 
over the principles which hallow such monuments. 
They will exist, and flourish, and increase, when the 
ruins of the monuments themselves, shall cover the 
graves of those who erected or consecrated them. 
It seems that further measures were deemed ne- 
cessary to counteract the measures of the British 
government, imposing duties on goods imported into 
the colonies. " The merchants, traders, farmers 
and mechanics, and in general, all the sons of liber- 
ty, in this and the neighboring towns," were desired 
to meet at the liberty tree, on the 25th of July 1769, 
to consult and agree upon effectual measures, to dis- 
courage the importation and consumption of Europe- 
an goods. What was done at this meeting, does not 
appear. Another meeting was holden, on the 17th 
of October following. The occasion of this meeting 
was the expected arrival of a vessel from England, 
with British goods, imported contrary to the agree- 
ment of December 2d, 1767. On the 24th of Octo- 
ber, a town meeting was called on the subject, and it 
was then resolved, 

" That they would not, directly nor indirectly, from that time 
until the act imposing duties upon glass, paper, &c. shall be re- 
pealed, give any orders for importing, by land or water, into this 
colony, either for sale, or for their own or families' use, or pur- 
chase of any other person importing, any of the articles enume- 
rated in an agreement, entered into and signed by a number of 
the inhabitants of this town, on the 2d day of December 1767, 



224 GENERAL HISTORY. 

similar to one entered into, about the same time, by the town of 
Boston ; and that they would strictly adhere to the measures 
thereby adopted, by endeavoring, most effectually, to discounte- 
nance luxury and extravagance, in the use of British and foreign 
manufactures and superfluities, and by exerting their utmost en- 
deavors to promote and encourage, by all laudable methods, our 
own manufactures, more especially the articles of wool and 
flax, the natural produce and staple of this colony. 

And, whereas, several merchants of this town have given or- 
ders for, and daily expect from England, in the Snow Tristram, 
David Shand, master, divers parcels of goods, among which are 
many of the articles enumerated in the aforementioned agree- 
ment not to be imported, they did then, in the presence of the 
town meeting, cheerfully agree and engage to deliver up, all 
such enumerated articles, which they shall import, in said Snow, 
or by any other way whatever, to a committee of three gentle- 
men appointed by said meeting, for that purpose, who are to re- 
ceive and store the same, till the aforesaid act, imposing duties, 
&-C. shall be repealed." 

Measures of this character, were pursued in most 
parts of the colonies. Their effects were so sensi- 
bly felt by the manufacturers and merchants in Eng- 
land, as to induce a repeal of some parts of the ob- 
noxious acts of Parliament. The ministry consent- 
ed to this, hoping, thereby, to satisfy their own citi- 
zens at home, and to distract the proceedings of the 
colonists, by exciting jealousies among them. At 
all times, in every colony, there were some individ- 
uals, who were ready to sacrifice, even the hberty 
of the country, to their own avarice. These were 
constantly evading the non-importation agreements, 
and proposing alterations in them. The partial re- 
peal of the obnoxious acts, furnished them with a 
pretence for selling the prohibited articles. In a 
communication of the Providence Gazette of Janu- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 225 

ary 20th 1770, some of the Boston Merchants are 
accused of breaking the non-importation agreement. 
Such reports, induced a meeting of merchants there, 
when it was agreed still to adhere to it. 

It seems that some of the merchants of Provi- 
dence came to a different conclusion. This led to 
a special town meeting, on the 31st of May, which 
resolved, 

" That no general importation of European and India goods, 
from Great Britian, take place in this town, until a oreneral im- 
portation take place in the neighboring colonies. 

It appearing, that at the late meeting of a number of the mer- 
chants of this town, when the non-importation agreement was va- 
cated, by a majority of those present, they were unacquainted with 
the sentiments of the neighboring colonies respecting that matter, 
and as it appears, the proposed alteration of said agreement, to the 
exclusion of tea only, is not satisfactory to the inhabitants of this 
town, nor to the neighboring colonies, nor will it have the desired 
effect, it is the opinion of this meeting, that the vacation of the 
said agreement was too precipitate, and as such, we apprehend, 
would not have been done by them, had the matter been postpon- 
ed to this time. Voted, that it is the unanimous opinion of this 
meeting, that no goods, excepting such as are allowed by said 
agreement, ought, by any means, to be imported into this town, 
until the duty on tea be repealed, or the other governments, gen- 
erally, import; and that a committee be appointed to wait on the 
three houses of merchants who are for importing and who have 
sent for their goods, and use every argument to induce them 
to countermand their orders, and report their doings at the an- 
nual town meeting, to be holden on Monday next ; and to pre- 
vent any disagreeable sentiments arising in the minds of our 
neighbors, against the inhabitants of this town, on account of the 
said late resolution, the proceedings of this meeting are hereby 
ordered to be published in the next Gazette, that the public may 
be assured we shall harmonize in the united endeavors of this 
continent, in this and every other measure so salutary to the 
general welfare. 
29 



226 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Voted, that Stephen Hopkins, Darius Sessions, Ephraim Bow- 
en, John Jenckes, Nicholas Brown, Nicholas Cooke and Job 
Sweeting, be and are hereby appointed a committee for the afore- 
said purposes." 

The following vote was also passed at the same 
meeting. 

" Whereas there are some persons in the towns of Boston and 
Newport, who have imported goods, contrary to the general agree- 
ments of the colonies, it is voted and resolved, that if any person 
or persons shall purchase, directly or indirectly, any such goods 
so imported, from thence or elsewhere, and bring them into this 
town, either for sale or their own use, their names be published 
in the Gazette, that they may, thereby, receive the displeasure 
and discouragement of their injured neighbors and country ; 
and that Jabez Bowen jr., John Brown, John Jenckes, Joseph 
Bucklin and Benjamin Gushing jr. be, and are hereby appoint- 
ed a committee of inspection for that purpose." 

The committee appointed to wait on the mer- 
chants, reported, at an adjourned town meeting, on 
the 6th day of June, that the merchants had agreed 
to countermand all goods, except those enumerated 
in a list then produced. 

" The said list not being satisfactory, a dispute arose and a 
vote was called in the following manner, viz : Whether the 
importers should be permitted to import agreeable to the new 
list exhibited by the committee, or continue under the restric- 
tions of their former agreement of October 1769? Upon a di- 
vision there appeared for the new list, only 19, and for the 
old list 39." 

Importers were however permitted to give orders 
for any articles not included in the old list, which 
the merchants of Boston, New-York, or Philadel- 
phia, imported, in consequence ot their agreements. 
The record concludes, " it therefore fully appears 
to be the sense of the town in general, that we har- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 227 

monize with the other colonies in their united agree- 
ments." 

Notwithstanding these proceedings, reports inju- 
rious to the town were widely circulated. The fol- 
lowing vote, passed at the regular town meeting on 
the last Tuesday in August, shows the extent of 
these reports, and how ill founded they were. 

" Whereas the committee of trade for this town, laid before 
this meeting, a letter, from the committee of trade in Boston, 
desiring the directions of this meeting, in giving an answer to 
the same, the town, having considered thereon, do vote, that the 
committee of this town, inform them, that, as a corporate body, 
we have constantly and strictly adhered to our votes respecting 
the non-importation agreement, and that the treatment of this town 
by the Southern and Western colonies, in refusing to trade with 
us, is unjust and without any foundation ; and in particular, the 
Philadelphians paying no regard to the letter from the merchants 
of this town, is injurious and highly reflecting upon the sincerity 
and veracity of the merchants here ; and that this town, notwith- 
standing the hard usage they have met with from the Southern 
and Western colonies, will yet adhere to their former resolutions, 
and will exert themselves in taking all prudent methods, in storing 
goods, if any shall come to this town ; and they do expect the said 
colonies will acknowledge their mistake and open a free trade 
with them as heretofore, and that they will not themselves b^eak 
the agreement by importing and selling goods." 

This vote being communicated to the commit- 
tee of trade in Boston, was laid before a meeting of 
merchants and others concerned in trade, on the 5th 
day of September, when the following vote was pass- 
ed by that meeting. 

" Voted, that it appears to this body that the town of Provi. 
dence hath faithfully adhered to the non-importation agreement, 
and that all reports to the contrary are without foundation." 

A copy of this vote was forwarded to the commit- 



228 GENERAL HISTORY. 

tee of merchants at Providence. This agreement 
continued in force until October following, when it 
was rescinded, apparently by common consent. 

In March 1772, the superior court of the colony 
in the county of Providence, were engaged in the 
trial of a most interesting cause, involving the legali- 
ty of the non-importation agreements. The commit- 
tee of inspection in the city of New-York, finding 
one David Hills, of Wrentham, Massachusetts, vend- 
ing goods embraced in the non-importation agree- 
ments, induced him to deposit them in the hands of 
a merchant whom they named, to be re-dehvered 
to him on the repeal of the acts of Parliament. The 
evening after they were so deposited, they were tak- 
en from the hands of the depositary by the populace, 
and burnt in the streets. Hills commenced an ac- 
tion for the value of the goods, against some of the 
committee, whose property he found in Rhode-Isl- 
and, alledging that he was compelled by threats to 
part with them. The most able counsel in the col- 
ony were employed on both sides. The claim of 
the plaintiff, was one not entitled to popular favor. 
The business in which he was engaged, was one 
which the whole community, with one accord, had 
decided to be unfavorable to the cause of liberty. — 
The judges of both courts before which the cause 
was tried, held their offices by annual appointment. 
The jurors in each court, were returned from the 
several towns in the county, and did not receive any 
charge from the court ; yet the plaintiff recovered 
in both courts, by the verdict of the juries. Under 
such circumstances, such a decision, of such a cause, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 229 

was very honorable to both court and jury. The 
reverence that they paid to law and justice, was such 
as to lead them to a conclusion against their own 
practices, and prejudices, and in favor of a stranger, 
whose conduct they condemned, as injurious to the 
best interests of the whole country. 

In the spring of 1772, the armed schooner Gas- 
pee, commanded by Lieutenant William Dudding- 
ston, arrived in Narragansett Bay, to aid in enforc- 
ing the revenue laws. These laws had never been 
much respected in this colony ; of course, the visit 
of this vessel, on such an errand, was far from being 
acceptable to the inhabitants, especially as her com- 
mander seemed inclined strictly to discharge his duty. 
Difficulties soon arose between the governor of the 
colony and Lieutenant Duddingston, in relation to 
their several duties ; the effect of which, was, to 
make the latter still more punctihous and energetic 
in relation to the revenue laws. He would not al- 
low even the river packets to pass up to Providence, 
without bringing them to ; and, in some instances, 
he disregarded the very laws he came to execute. 
On the 8th of June, the sloop Hannah, Captain Ben- 
jamin Lindsey, touched at Newport, on her way 
from New-York to Providence, and reported her 
cargo to the custom house, then the only one in the 
colony. On the day following, she started on her 
way up the river. The Gaspee followed her. Cap- 
tain Lindsey crowded sail to escape, and knowing 
well the channel, crossed Namquit Point, where 
there was water enough for the Hannah, but not 
enough for the Gaspee. The Gaspee followed him 



230 GENERAL HISTORY. 

and ran aground on the point. The Hannah pur- 
sued her course to Providence, and on her arrival, 
Capt. Lindsey gave notice of the situation in which 
he left the Gaspee. Narnquit is about six miles be- 
low Providence, on the west shore. In the evening 
of the same day, eight long boats, filled with ship 
masters and merchants, citizens of Providence, of 
high respectability, boarded the Gaspee, took out 
her crew and landed them at Pawtuxet, and set the 
vessel on fire. On approaching the Gaspee, the 
Lieutenant discharged his pistols at them, and, in 
return, was wounded by a musket ball, in the left 
groin. The vessel was wholly destroyed. The 
boats returned to Providence before morning. 

As soon as Gov. Wanton became informed of this 
transaction, he issued his proclamation, offering a 
reward of £100, for the discovery of any person en- 
gaged in it. After taking affidavits in relation to it, 
he transmitted an account of the whole aflfair, and of 
the measures he had pursued in relation to it, to the 
British government. They issued a proclamation, 
offering a reward of £500, for the discovery of any 
person engaged in it, and £500, additional, for the 
discovery of the " captain" of the enterprize, or 
" the sheriff" of the county of Kent," which last title 
was assumed on the occasion, by one of the most 
active among the assailants. Subsequently, they ap- 
pointed a special court of commissioners to inquire 
into the matter. They met at Newport. But nei- 
ther rewards nor judicial investigation, led to any 
discovery of the perpetators of the deed. Notwith- 
standing so many were personally engaged in the 



GENERAL HISTORY. 231 

transaction, that they were called together by beat 
of drum through the streets, that they met at Sabin's 
tavern, then one of the public houses more frequent- 
ed than any other in the town, that they embarked 
in their boats early in the evening, and without dis- 
guise of any kind, no person could be found base 
enough to betray them. John Brown, well known 
as one of the most enterprising and wealthy mer- 
chants in New-England, took an active part in this 
affair, if he did not originate it. Abraham Whipple, 
afterward a captain in the continental navy, had the 
command of the squadron. The last survivor of the 
company was Ephraim Bowen. He died in 1840. 

Here was the first open and armed opposition to 
the forces of his majesty, and here the first blood shed 
in the revolutionary struggle. A Providence man 
fired the first gun, and at a company of Providence 
men was the first ball discharged in that contest. 

The omnipotence of the British Parliament had 
long been exerted in vain, to compel the colonists 
to pay taxes imposed without their consent. The 
taxes were evaded, by the non-importation agree- 
ments. No power could compel them to import 
goods subject to the obnoxious duties. When com- 
pelled to retrace their steps, in 1770, and to repeal 
the duties on all articles, except tea, they still found 
it impossible to compel the colonies to use tliat arti- 
cle. They would not even drink tea, on compulsion. 
In 1 773, resort was had to the extraordinary measure 
of permitting the East India Company to export their 
teas to America, with a drawback of all the duties 
paid in England. Aware as the friends of liberty 



GENERAL HISTORY. 

were, that it would be impossible to stop the sale of 
the article, if once introduced, they came at once to 
the conclusion, that it should not be landed in the 
country. This they were unable to effect in Bos- 
ton, the consignees being friends of the government. 
They then came to the decision of destroying it ; and 
on the evening of the 16th December 1773, they 
emptied 342 chests of it into Boston harbor. 

The inhabitants of Providence were not called 
upon to act so decisively, in relation to the importa- 
tion of tea, as were those of Boston. No teas were 
shipped to this port. Soon after the Boston tea 
party, to wit, on the 19th of January 1774, a town 
meeting was called, at which the following resolu- 
tions were passed. 

" Inasmuch as the British parliament have undertaken to raise 
a revenue in the American Colonies by a duty upon tea; We, 
the freemen of the Town of Providence, legally assembled in 
town meeting, cannot be silent on so interesting an occasion. 
Should we, in this case, omit to assert and express the firmest 
resolutions to vindicate our rights, it might be construed as a 
cession of them into the hands of those who have wantonly in- 
vaded them in this instance. 

We do therefore, in justice to ourselves, our posterity and the 
sister colonies, openly and publicly make the following declara- 
tion ; hoping, that by a vigorous exertion in conformity thereto, 
we may, in some measure, contribute towards escaping the 
dreadful train of evils, which must be the consequence of a tame 
submission to any invasion of American freedom. We lament 
any seeming acquiesence which hath, at any time heretofore, 
been made in these colonies, under parliamentary usurpations of 
our liberties; but as any such concessions were made through 
fear, inattention, or without a due consideration of our rights, we 
strongly protest against any precedent being made thereby, to 
our disadvantage. When we consider, that many of our ances- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 233 

tors removed from Britain and planted themselves here ; that the 
religion, language and customs of the two countries are mostly 
similar, and that there hath been a long intercourse of trade and 
commerce between them, we are willing and ever desirous of 
a continuance of connexion between the Colonies and Britain, 
if it may be had upon terms, in any measure, equal. Upon full 
consideration of the matter upon which we have met, we do re- 
solve, 

1. That the disposal of their own property, is the inherent 
right of freemen ; that there can be no property in that which 
another can, of right, take from us, without our consent ; that 
the claim of Parliament to tax America, is, in other words, a 
claim of right to levy contributions on us at pleasure. 

2. That the duty imposed by Parliament on tea, landed in 
America, is a tax on the Americnns, oc levying contributions on 
them without their consent. 

3. That the express purpose for which the tax is levied on the 
Americans, namely, for the support of government, administra- 
tion of justice and defence of his Majesty's dominions in America, 
has a direct tendency to render assemblies useless, and to intro- 
duce arbitrary government and slavery. 

4. That a virtuous and steady opposition to this ministerial 
plan of governing America, is absolutely necessary, to preserve 
even the shadow of liberty, and is a duty which every freeman 
in America owes to his country, to himself, and to his posterity. 

5. That the resolution lately entered into by the East India 
Company to send out their tea to America, subject to the pay- 
ment of duties, on its being landed here, is an open attempt to 
enforce this ministerial plan, and a violent attack upon the lib- 
erties of America. 

6. That it is the duty of every American to oppose this at- 
tempt. 

7. That whoever shall, directly or indirectly, countenance this 
attempt, or in any wise aid or abet in unloading, receiving or 
vending the tea sent, or to be sent out by the East India Com- 
pany, while it remains subject to the payment of a duty here, is 
an enemy to his country. 

8. That no tea belonging to the East India Company, or any 

30 



234 GENERAL HISTORY. 

other person subject to a duty, or dutied tea, shall be unladed 
here, or brought by land. 

9. That this town will co-operate with the other towns in this 
colony, and with all the other colonies, in a resolute stand, as 
well against every other unconstitutional measure, as the tea 
act in particular. 

10. That Samuel Nightingale, Esq., Jahez Bowen, Esq., and 
Messrs. John Brown, John Updike, John Jenckes, John Mat- 
thewson and Daniel Gaboon, or the major part of them, be a com- 
mittee to correspond with the towns in this and the neighboring 
governments, on all such matters as shall be thought to affect 
the liberties of America. 

Voted, that this town highly approve of the proceedings of 
their brethren of Boston, Philadelphia and New-York, in their 
spirited and resolute opposition made to the introduction of tea, 
while subject to a duty laid by Parliament ; and that our thanks 
be given them for the same. 

Voted, that the committee wait on all the importers of English 
goods, in this town, and inform them of the resolutions which 
the town have entered into respecting tea while subject to a 
<Juty : and if any of them have ordered any tea to come next 
spring, that they be desired to send counter orders immediately. 

Voted, that the aforegoing proceedings be published in the 
next Providence Gazette." 

The committee proceeded immediately to the dis- 
charge of their duties. They found that only one 
chest of tea had been ordered, and that that order 
had been countermanded before the town meeting, 
and that only nine chests, on which a duty had been 
paid, had been imported since the non-importation 
agreement was rescinded. The rest of the towns 
in the colony passed similar resolutions, within a 
short time after this. 

The colonies made common cause with Massa- 
chusetts, in opposing the measures adopted by Par- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 236 

liament, against that colony, in consequence of the 
destruction of tea in Boston harbor. They felt too, 
that the crisis required a closer union between them, 
and a general Congress was suggested. 

The first act of any body of men in favor of this 
measure, may be found in the proceedings of the 
town meeting of Providence, holden May 17. The 
following resolution was passed at that meeting. 

" Resolved, that this town will heartily join with the Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay, and the other colonies, in such meas- 
ures, as shall be generally agreed on by the colonies, for the pro- 
tecting and securing their invaluable natural rights and privileges, 
and transmitting the same to the latest posterity. That the 
deputies of this town be requested to use their influence, at the 
approaching session of the General Assembly, of this colony, 
for promoting a Congress, as soon as may be, of the Represen- 
tatives of the General Assemblies of the several colonies and 
provinces of North America, for establishing the firmest union, 
and adopting such measures as to them shall appear the most 
effectual, to answer that important purpose : and to agree upon 
proper methods for executing the same. That the committee 
of correspondence of this town, be desired to assure the town 
of Boston, that we consider ourselves greatly interested in the 
present alarming conduct of the British Parliament, towards 
them, and view the whole English American colonies equally 
concerned in the event; and that we will, with the utmost firm- 
ness, act accordingly, whenever any plan shall be agreed on. 
In the mean time, we are of opinion that an universal stoppage 
of all trade with Great Britain, Ireland, Africa and the West 
Indies, until such time as the port of Boston shall be reinstated 
in its former privileges, &/C., will be the best expedient in the 
case, and that a proper time should be generally agreed on for 
the same, universally, to take place." 

The deputies of the town obeyed the instructions 
contained in these resolutions, and the General As- 



236 GENERAL HISTORY. 

sembly, at June session, appointed Stephen Hopkins 
and Samuel Ward, delegates from this colony to a 
continental Congress. As a proof of the unanimity 
that prevailed, it should be recollected, that these 
two gentlemen had, for a long series of years, been 
rival candidates for the office of Governor of the 
colony, and that the parties v^^ere so nearly balanced 
that they alternately filled the gubernatorial chair. 
There were two other acts passed at the same 
town meeting, which prove that the inhabitants were 
true to the principles of liberty they professed. The 
first is as follows : 

" Whereas, the inhabitants of America are engaged in the 
preservation of their rights and liberties, and as personal liberty 
is an essential part of the natural rights of mankind, the depu- 
ties of this town are directed to use their endeavors to obtain an 
act of the General Assembly prohibiting the importation of negro 
slaves into this colony, and that all negroes born in this colony 
should be free after attaining to a certain age." 

At the session of the Assembly in June, an act 
was passed prohibiting the future importation of 
slaves into the colony. The third resolution also 
relates to the subject of domestic slavery. They 
felt bound to enforce the law of the colony, for the 
benefit of the creditors of the deceased, but justice 
and consistency forbade their participating in any 
gain to be derived from the unwilling labor of their 
fellow men. It is as follows : 

" Whereas Jacob Shoemaker, late of Providence, died intes- 
tate, and hath left six negroes, four of whom are infants, and 
there being no heir to the said Jacob, in this town or colony, 
the said negroes have fallen to this town by law, provided no 
heir should appear. Therefore, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 237 

it is voted, by this meeting, that it is unbecoming the charac- 
ter of freemen to enslave the said negroes, and they do hereby, 
give up all claim of right or property in them, the said negroes, 
or either of them. And it is hereby recommended to the town 
council, to take the said negroes under their protection, and to 
bind the small children to some masters and mistresses. And 
in ease there should not be personal estate of the said Jacob 
Shoemaker, sufficient to pay his just debts, it is further recom- 
mended to said council to bind out either, or both, of the adult 
negroes, for that purpose." , 

The Assembly at May, ordered a census to be ta- 
ken of the inhabitants of the colony. The whole 
number was ascertained to be 59,686. The popu- 
lation of Providence consisted of 

White Males, above 16 years of age, 1,219. 

" " under " " " 850. 

" Females, above " " " 1,049. 

u a under " " " 832. 

Indians, 68. 

Negroes, 303. 



Total, 4,321. 

The number of dwelling houses was 421, and of 
families, 655. 

In August, the following instructions were given 
to the deputies of this town in the General Assem- 
bly. 

" Gentlemen, the sufferings and distresses of the people of the 
town of Boston, occasioned by a relentless execution of that cru- 
el edict for blocking up the port, awaken our attention and ex- 
cite our compassion. Their cause is our cause, and unless aid 
and succor be afforded them, they may be discouraged into a 
hurtful submission, and ministerial vengeance may be next di- 
rected against this colony, and in the end alight upon all. You 
are, therefore, requested to use your endeavors, at the next ses- 



238 GENERAL HISTORY. 

sion of the General Assembly, to procure a grant to be made 
from this colony of such a sum of money as they may think fit, 
toward relieving and mitigating the difficulties and distresses, 
which that town must experience from the operation of that most 
unrighteous inhibition, the hostile manner of carrying the same 
into force and a general arrest of their liberties. 

Permit us to observe, that in doing this, it will be evidenced 
that as a community we would do unto others as we would they 
should do unto us under a like circumstance ; and that it will be 
a greater testimony of unaminity in the general concernments of 
America, in this day of struggle and danger, than private con- 
tributions, and far more equal." 

Liberal contributions were sent them from all 
parts of the country. Many of the inhabitants re- 
moved to other places. Among those who came 
to Providence was John Simpson, hardware mer- 
chant. He rendered himself obnoxious, by espous- 
ing the cause of despotism. On the morning of the 
21st of August, he found his doors and window- 
shutters, tarred and feathered. He prudently re- 
turned to Boston. A Mr. DeShazro, tin-plate work- 
er, arrived here a few days afterwards, but the in- 
habitants being apprised that he was an enemy to 
the liberties of his country, intimated to him that he 
could not continue here in safety, and on the follow- 
ing day he returned to Boston. These circumstan- 
ces induced the town, on the SOtli of August, to pass 
the following resolution. 

" It is resolved by this meeting, that this town ought not to 
be made the asylum of any person or persons, of whatever town, 
place or city, within the British dominions, whose principles 
and practices, being inimical to the liberties of our country and 
its happy constitution, have rendered or shall render them ob- 
noxious to the inhabitants of such place or places from which 
they may emigrate ; and that all such ought to be discouraged, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 239 

by every prudent and legal measure ; and the honorable town 
council are hereby requested to exert themselves, for the remo- 
val and ejection of all such persons, so far as by lavi^ they may be 
warranted ; as their being admitted amongst us may tend greatly 
to endanger the peace, order and tranquility of the town, which 
has been manifested by recent instances." 

The following day another town meeting was hol- 
den, the cause and proceedings of which are embod- 
ied in the following vote. 

" Whereas, on the evening of the 30th of August last, a num- 
ber of persons imprudently and tumultuously assembled them- 
selves together, in a manner that did disturb the peace and or- 
der of the town ; and as such proceedings are of evil example 
and repugnant to the good and wholesome law.s of this town 
and colony, which if executed, we deem sufficient to support the 
quiet and tranquility thereof; and such doings being ever de- 
rogatory to the honor of the town and subversive of our rights 
and liberties, this town do protest against such proceedings, and 
desire the civil magistrates therein to exert themselves to their 
utmost, to prevent and suppress all such unhappy disturbances 
in future, in doing which they may rely upon the aid and support 
of the freemen and well disposed inhabitants, at all times." 

This prudent act undoubtedly prevented the oc- 
currence in this town, of many of those scenes, 
which were subsequently acted in different parts of 
the country. By insisting upon the supremacy of 
their laws, they honored both themselves and the 
cause in which they were engaged. 

The following month, the Light Infantry and Cadet 
Companies of this town were required, by the Sheriff 
of the county of Kent, at East-Greenwich, to disperse 
a mob there assembled, and threatening to destroy 
that town. An express arrived here about two in the 
morning, and these two companies reached the place 
of destination at nine the same morning. It seems 



240 GENERAL HISTORY. 

that the inhabitants of East-Greenwich had charged 
Stephen Arnold of Warwick, one of the judges of 
the inferior court in that county, with propagating 
principles unfriendly to American liberty and had 
hung him in effigy. He had called together his 
friends, to the number of some hundreds, to avenge 
himself for these insults. After the arrival of the 
military, he acknowledged that he had been indis- 
creet in his proceedings, being actuated by fear and 
resentment. He signed a paper, acknowledging 
these facts and declaring himself to be a friend to 
the liberties of his country, and that he disapproved 
of those measures which were intended to impose 
any taxes on America without her consent. Upon 
this, and his promising to discourage all such unlaw- 
ful assembhes for the future, peace Avas restored and 
the military returned home. 

The town in November, authorised their commit- 
tee of correspondence to receive £125, from the 
town treasurer, to be transmitted to the distressed 
inhabitants of Boston. Similar donations were sent 
from other towns, and from patriotic individuals, for 
the relief the inhabitants then suffering under the 
provisions of the Boston Port Bill. 

The committee of correspondence, of Providence, 
held a meeting on the 24th day of November. The 
following were their proceedings at that meeting. 

"The committee of correspondence for the town of Provi- 
dence, having met together, this day, and taking into consider- 
ation an article in the Association made at the late American 
Continental Congress, relative to improving the breed of sheep, 
increasing their number, killing them as sparingly as may be, 
especially those of the most profitable kind, and not exporting 



GENERAL HISTORY . 241 

them to the West Indies, do earnestly entreat and exhort, all per- 
sons within this town, to conform themselves exactly to this good 
and wise regulation, as it will have a manifest tendency to bring 
about and secure that freedom and happiness, which we so great- 
ly contend for. We would observe in particular, that those who 
shall so far act in opposition to the united sentiments of all 
America, collected in General Congress, as to kill any lambs, or 
young sheep, without the most evident necessity, or export any 
sheep at all to the West Indies, ought to be discountenanced, as 
persons who counteract the general welfare." 

They did more than resolve and pubhsh their res- 
olutions. Hearing that some merchants here were 
about shipping sheep to the West Indies, they wait- 
ed on them personally. The merchants, supposing 
that by the association agreed to by the continental 
Congress, they could export until the first day of 
December, had purchased a number of sheep, ex- 
pressly for the purpose of exportation, but on learn- 
ing that a different construction was put on the arti- 
cle, they immediately gave orders that they should 
not be shipped. About the same time, the bearers 
at a funeral accepted of gloves; upon recollecting 
that this was contrary to the recommendation of 
Congress, after the corpse was interred, they immedi- 
ately returned them, and the merchant of whom they 
had been purchased, received them back again. 

These incidents may seem like trifles. They were 
so regarded by the friends of the British ministry. 
Had they been duly weighed, trifling as they were, 
they ought to have convinced every one that the 
colonists were in earnest, and being so, were invin- 
cible. 

What cannot a people do, when impelled by pa- 
31 



242 GENERAL HISTORV. 

triotism, when self-interest gives place to the pub- 
lic good, when private emolument and gain lose 
their charms, being in opposition to the general 
welfare ? When any people are so virtuous as to 
yield implicit obedience to the simple recommenda- 
tions of their rulers, upon the ground that the well 
being of the community depends on them, they may 
be annihilated, but not subjugated. 

In pursuance of the recommendations of the Con- 
tinental Congress, a committee of inspection was 
appointed by the town, on the 17th of December. 
It consisted of WiUiam Earl, Nicholas Cooke, Ben- 
jamin Man, Zephaniah Andrews, Arthur Fenner, jr. 
Ambrose Page, Nicholas Power, George Corhs, 
Paul Allen, David Lawrence, Joseph Russell, Job 
Sweeting, Joseph Bucklin, Jonathan Arnold, Ber- 
nard Eddy, Aaron Mason, Joseph Brown and Na- 
thaniel Wheaton. They met at the chamber of the 
town council, on the third Wednesday of every 
month. At their first meeting, on the 24th day of 
December 1774, they pubhshed a synopsis of the 
association of Congress, designating the duties im- 
posed and recommended by it. They then add, — 

" In all and every of which matters, we request all persons in 
this town, to yield the strictest conformity, and in general, a full 
observance of every thing at large in the proceedings of the 
Congress, as they would avoid such contempt and inconven- 
ience, as otherwise they would incur ; recommending a frequent 
perusal of the said proceedings, to the end that they may fully 
know their duty with reepect to said agreement, entered into as 
a great means for extricating this country from impending ruin 
and slavery. 

And we earnestly request all persons both in town and coun- 
try, who deal or trade in this place, and all others, to give us in- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 243 

formation of the names of such as shall violate any part of the 
association, that they may meet with such discouragement as the 
Congress have directed. 

Voted, that all persons who shall in future bring goods into 
this town, either by land or water, shall produce a certificate 
from the committee of inspection, for the place from whence the 
goods may be brought, of their being imported before the first 
day of December ; or that they were bought at vendue, accord- 
ing to the regulation of the American Congress, as contained in 
the 10th article. 

Voted, that the chairman of this committee, or any three of the 
members, be empowered to give certificates to any person who 
shall apply, for goods imported into this town agreeable to the 
regulations of Congress." 

Congress, by the same association, agreed not to 
use or purchase tea, after the first day of March 
1775. As that day approached, the committee is- 
sued the following address to the inhabitants of Prov- 
idence. 

" We, the committee of inspection, of the town of Providence, 
besides the notice we have already given for your exact conform- 
ity to the association agreement of the General Congress, think 
it our duty, at this time, when the first day of March is at hand, 
to remind you, in special, that in the third article it is solemnly 
agreed and associated, not to purchase or use any East India 
tea whatever, from and after the first day of March next. This 
measure, among others, was thought necessary to gain redress 
of those grievances which threaten destruction to the lives, lib- 
erty and property of his majesty's subjects in North America. 
We hope that there will not be found in this town, any violator 
of this solemn agreement, respecting the purchase and use of a 
needless article, which hath proved so ruinous to the liberty, in- 
terest and health of the people. The united sense of the colo- 
nies in this matter, manifested in a general Congress, approved 
and ratified by the several governments, and this, in particular, 
we look upon to be equally obligatory with any other regulation 
entered into for common good ; and that no person can be coun- 



244 GENERAL HISTORY. 

tenanced in a departure therefrom, or in acting such part in so- 
ciety, under the pretence of liberty, as must, by the most evident 
consequences, be followed with the greatest mischiefs. 

We, therefore, most earnestly desire of all persons in this town, 
a most strict adherence to this most important regulation ; that 
they do not purchase, use or suffer to be purchased or used by 
any person, for or under them, any India tea, after the first of 
March next ; and that they would give information to us of the 
names of all such as shall sell, buy or use, or suffer to be sold, 
bought or used, any India tea, after the said time, that they may 
be published in the Gazette, so as that they may be known and 
universally contemned as enemies of American liberty, and that 
all dealings with them be broken off." 

To manifest their determination to conform to this 
address, the people assembled and burnt their tea, 
in the market place, on the second day of March. 
The solemnities of the occasion are thus described : 

"On Thursday last, about 12 o'clock at noon, the town crier 
gave the following notice through the town. 

" At five o'clock, this afternoon, a quantity of India tea will 
be burnt in the market place. All true friends of their country, 
lovers of freedom, and haters of shackles and handcuffs, are 
hereby invited to testify their good dispositions, by bringing and 
casting into the fire a needless herb, which, for a long time, hath 
been highly detrimental to our liberty, interest and health." 

About five in the afternoon, a great number of inhabitants as- 
sembled at the place, where there were brought in about three 
hundred pounds weight of tea, by the firm contenders for the 
true interests of America. A large fire was kindled, and the 
tea cast into it. A tar barrel. Lord North's speech, Rivington's, 
and Mills and Hicks' newspapers, and divers other ingredients 
entered into the composition. There appeared great cheerful- 
ness in committing to destruction so pernicious an article. 
Many worthy women, from a conviction of the evil tendency of 
continuing the habit of tea drinking, made free-will offerings of 
their respective stocks of the hurtful trash. On this occasion, 
the bells were tolled ; but it is referred to the learned, whether 



GENERAL HISTORY. ^5 

tolling or ringing would have been most proper. Whilst the tea 
was burning, a spirited son of liberty went along the streets with 
his brush and lamp black, and obliterated or unpainted the word 
" tea" on the shop signs. 

Thus the funeral of Madam Souchong, was observed. She 
was a native of China, and after travelling into several parts of 
Europe, where she found great notice among the great and lux- 
urious, she took a trip to America. She came into this country 
about forty years ago, and hath been greatly caressed by all 
ranks. She lived in reputation for several years, but, at length, 
became a common prostitute among the lowest class of people. 
She became very poor, and her price was so lowered that any 
one might have her company for almost nothing. The quality 
deserted her, and by hard living, in log houses and wigwams, her 
health was impaired. Broken spirits and hysterics seized her, 
and she died on the first of March 1775, at midnight." 

Had the biographer of Madam Souchong waited 
but a short time, he would have ascertained that she 
did not die at the time he stated. A sudden cata- 
lepsy seized her, at the time of her supposed death, 
occasioned no doubt by the heavy load of chains for 
America which the British ministry laid on her shoul- 
ders. She partially recovered in 1776, but in 
1783, wholly regained her lost powers, and has re- 
mained from that time to the present, as great a fa- 
vorite as when she first came to this country. 

These and the subsequent proceedings of the 
committee, are simply their recommendations of the 
course of conduct to be pursued. They had not the 
form, nor did they pretend to have the binding force 
and authority, of laws. In many respects they must 
have greatly interfered with individual interests, and 
in all, with that control over and use of private prop- 
erty, which the laws of the land conferred on the 
owners. They had the sanction of public opinion. 



246 GENERAL HISTORY. 

The committee were merely the organ to announce 
that opinion, and it was that, embodied in their re- 
commendations, which gave them hfe and power. 
All experience has shown, that laws enacted in a 
free government, against public opinion, cannot be 
executed, whatever may be the penalties annexed to 
breaches of them. Unless immediately repealed, 
they will be either openly and successfully resisted, 
or secretly evaded. They want the spirit of law, 
and are but a dead letter. These recommendations 
had the spirit, but not the form, and they compelled 
obedience by their own inherent power. Sensible 
of the value and importance of such a committee, 
and satisfied with the manner in which they had ex- 
ecuted their duties, the town, at their annual town 
meeting in June, re-appointed them, with the excep- 
tion of George Corlis, and added to their number 
Samuel Nightingale, jr. Jabez Bowen, John Brown, 
John Updike, John Jenckes, John Mathewson, Da- 
vid Cahoone, James Angell and James Black. A 
large proportion of the committee were the princi- 
pal merchants in the town. They entered immedi- 
ately on the discharge of their duties, and on the 
12th of June passed the following resolve. 

" It is voted, that all persons, venders of goods and merchan- 
dise in this town, sell the same, at the same rates they have been 
respectively accustomed to do. And if any vender of goods or 
merchandise, shall sell any such goods or merchandise on high- 
er terms than usual, or shall in any manner or by any device 
whatsoever, depart from the ninth resolve of the Continental 
Congress relative to venders of goods, that then and in such 
case, the public ought to neglect dealing with such persons or 



GENERAL HISTORY. 247 

his or her factor or agent, at any time thereafter, for any com- 
modity whatsoever. 

And, it is further voted, that if any person shall sell any goods 
or merchandise at a higher rate than they were heretofore ac- 
customed to do, the purchaser is hereby directed to give notice 
thereof to this committee, and to produce the goods or merchan- 
dise so purchased, in order that such person's name may be pub- 
lished in the Providence Gazette. 

And, it is further voted, that Messrs. John Updike, Samuel 
Nightingale jr., Paul Allen and James Black, merchants, be and 
they are hereby appointed a committee, to visit the several shop 
keepers in this town, to examine the several prices of their goods, 
and recommend to them that they sell the same at the usual pri- 
ces ; and if they find any goods marked at a higher rate than 
usual, they are to make report to this committee." 

Nothing but the peculiar circumstances of the 
times would justify such a resolution as this. A peo- 
ple who would submit to it rather than pay a three- 
penny duty on tea, are entitled to our highest praise, 
resolution, passed on the 17th of July, breathes the 
same spirit. It was as follows. 

" It is voted, by this committee, that no mutton or lamb be 
killed and brought to market in this town after the 22d day of 
July inst., until the first day of September next ; and that if 
any person shall, after this public notice, bring to market, or ex- 
pose to sale, any mutton or lamb, within the said limited time, 
the same shall be seized and given to the poor." 

These proceedings manifest the spirit which se- 
cured the hberty and independence of the colonies. 
Men who could design such measures, could not be 
slaves, and nothing but the purest patriotism, would 
ever induce a community of freemen to submit to 
them. 

There were some individuals, undoubtedly, who 
secretly evaded them, but very few were the instan- 



248 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ces of open violation. Public opinion was too unan- 
imous on the subject to be openly opposed. The 
author has been informed of one instance in which 
the committee of correspondence took a quarter of 
Iamb from before the fire where it was roasting, and 
sent it to the work house, to gladden its inmates, with- 
out asking the owner's consent or waiting the result 
of a judicial investigation of the matter. 

Providence, at this juncture, was not behind 
other places in making warlike preparations. It 
does not appear that any companies of minute 
men were organized here. Their place was sup- 
plied by the Independent Companies, so called. — 
These consisted of volunteers from the militia, in- 
corporated by the General Assembly and possessing 
certain privileges, among the most important of 
which was, that of choosing their own officers, subject 
only to approval by the Governor, or Governor and 
assistants. They were not attached to any particu- 
lar regiments of the militia, nor subject to the gen- 
eral or regimental officers ; but they received their 
orders immediately from the Governor, as Captain 
General. Hence the name of Independent Com- 
panies. An artillery company had been incorpora- 
ted in 1744. In June 1774, they assumed the name 
of the Cadet Company, by permission of the Gene- 
ral Assembly, and were commanded by a colonel. 
At the same session of the Assembly, a hght infantry 
company was also incorporated. Soon after this a 
grenadier company was formed. This was char- 
tered in October, and in December following, the 
Providence Fusileers, a company of horse, and anoth- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 249 

er of artillery. In April following, the Fusileers and 
Artillery were united and formed into the United 
Train of Artillery, now in existence, a well organized 
and disciplined company. The Gazette of Decem- 
ber 18, 1775, says " Not a day passes, Sundays ex- 
cepted, but some of the companies are under arms ; 
so well convinced are the people, that the complex- 
ion of the times renders a knowledge of the military 
art indispensably necessary." On the first Monday 
in April, a general muster of the militia of the colo- 
ny took place, on which occasion, there were about 
two thousand men under arms in the county of Prov- 
idence, besides the troop of horse. As early as 
January 1775, Stephen Jenckes, of North Provi- 
dence, had supplied several of the independent com- 
panies in Providence with muskets, of his own man- 
ufacture. Other persons in the colony were exten- 
sively engaged in making small arms, at the same 
time. 

News of the battle of Lexington reached Provi- 
dence on the evening of the 19th of April. On the 
morning of the 21st, the several independent com- 
panies of this and the neighboring towns, and a body 
of the militia, in all about one thousand men, had 
either marched or were in readiness to march, to 
the assistance of their brethren in Massachusetts. — 
A special session of the General Assembly con- 
vened on the 22d, at which, and at the May session 
which soon followed, energetic steps were taken 
not only to put the colony in a posture of defence, 
but also to assist the other colonies in carrying on 
offensive measures against the British troops in Bos- 
32 



250 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ton. Providence contributed her full share to these 
measures, and at the same time, exerted herself in 
adopting means for her own defence, in addition 
to those pursued by the colony. Several British ves- 
sels of war were in Newport harbor and cruising 
in the Bay. To prevent them from reaching Provi- 
dence and laying it under contribution for supplies, 
was the principal object of their immediate care. 
By the latter part of July, they had thrown up a 
breastwork and entrenchment between Field and 
Sassafras Points, and had erected a battery of six- 
eighteen pounders on Fox Point. At a town meet- 
ing on the 29th day of August, Esek Hopkins, af- 
terwards first commodore of the American Navy, 
was appointed commandant of this battery ; Samuel 
Warner, Lieutenant, and Christopher Sheldon, Gun- 
ner. Seven men were appointed for each gun. A 
floating battery was soon commenced. In October 
they prepared scows, filled with combustible mate- 
rials, and were engaged in stretching a boom and 
chain across the channel, when the colony assumed 
the direction and completion of these works. 

Pursuant to the recommendations of Congress, 
they erected a beacon on the east hill, near the junc- 
tion of Meeting and Prospect streets, for the purpose 
of giving notice to the surrounding country, in case 
of an attack on the town. The beacon was fired 
on the night of the 17th of August, to enable per- 
sons at a distance to ascertain its location. Its light, 
it was said, was seen in Newport, New-London, 
Norwich, Pomfret, Prospect Hill in Cambridge, and 
in almost all the towns within the same distance 



GENERAL HISTORY. 251 

from it. They soon had an opportunity of ascer- 
taining if they had any other defences, than the works 
which they had erected. On the morning of the 
22d of August, the Rose, Glasgow, and Swan, Brit- 
ish ships of war, with their tenders, were discovered 
opposite Conimicut Point, about ten miles distant. 
An alarm was given. The batteries were immedi- 
ately manned, as were also the entrenchments. 
The military companies of the town and vicinity 
appeared under arms. The ships, however, did 
not approach any nearer, and on the evening of 
the same day, moved down the bay to their for- 
mer station. The foregoing circumstances show, 
that they might have met with an over warm re- 
ception, had they made an attempt on this town. 
In February 1776, a census of the arms, and men 
able to bear arms, in Providence, was taken by order 
of the town. The report states, 

men, arms, families, inhab. 
On the east side the river, 419 305 431 2678 
On the west side the river, 307 192 310 1677 



Total 726 497 741 4355. 
After the British troops evacuated Boston, the 
American camp near there was broken up, and the 
regular army took up their line of march for New- 
York. General Washington arrived here on his way 
to that city, on the 5th of April. He was escorted into 
town by the Cadet and Light Infantry companies, 
and by two regiments of continental troops. The 
success which had crowned his exertions to expel 
the British troops from Boston, made him a welcome 
and honored guest. 



252 GENERAL HISTORY. 

In May of this year, the General Assembly of the 
colony repealed the act entitled " An act for the 
more effectual securing to his Majesty the allegiance 
of his subjects in this his colony and dominion of 
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations." 

The preamble of the repealing act is as follows : 

" Whereas, in all states, existing by compact, protection and 
allegiance are reciprocal, the latter being only due in conse- 
quence of the former ; and whereas, George the third, king of 
Great Britain, forgeting his dignity, regardless of the compact 
most solemnly entered into, ratified and confirmed to the inhab- 
itants of this colony, by his illustrious ancestors, and, till of late, 
fully recognized by him, and entirely departing from the duties 
and character of a good king, instead of protecting, is endeavor- 
ing to destroy the good people of this colony, and of all the 
united colonies, by sending fleets and armies to America, to 
confiscate our property, and spread fire, sword and desolation 
throughout our country, in order to compel us to submit to the 
most debasing and detestable tyranny ; whereby we are obliged 
by necessity, and it becomes our highest duty, to use every 
means, with which God and nature have furnished us, in support 
of our invaluable rights and privileges, and to oppose that power 
which is exerted only for our destruction :" 

The act then goes on to repeal the act referred to 
in the title, requires the name and authority of the 
king to be omitted in all commissions and judicial 
process, and that of the governor and company of 
the colony, to be inserted in lieu thereof. New 
oaths of office were also prescribed by the same act, 
omitting allegiance to the king. This act, by its 
terms, severed the connexion between this colony 
and Great Britain. It is virtually a declaration of 
independence, and it is believed to be prior in date 
to any act, of similar character, passed by any other 



GENERAL HISTORY, 25^ 

colony. Under its charter, the colony enjoyed many 
privileges above the rest of Nevi^-England. The 
hand of oppression had not been heavily laid on its 
citizens ; yet the enjoyment of these privileges made 
them alive to every encroachment on the liberties of 
the subject, and prompt to oppose the first approach 
of arbitrary power. Congress made their famous 
declaration of independence in July following. The 
General Assembly met to consider the same, on the 
1 8th of the same month. It received their sanction 
without any hesitation. The event was celebrated 
in Providence on the 25th. The governor, and 
such members of the Assembly as were in town, 
were escorted by the Cadet and Light Infantiy Com- 
panies, to the court house, where the act of the As- 
sembly, and the declaration of Congress, were pub- 
licly read. A salute of thirteen guns from the Ar- 
tillery and the Continental ships in the harbor, fol- 
lowed. A public dinner was provided, and spirited 
and appropriate toasts given. In the evening the 
king's arms were taken down from the pubhc offices 
and burnt. The keeper of the '^ Crown Coffee 
House," contributed his sign to the same fire. These 
proceedings evinced a determination to secure the 
independence which had been declared to exist. At 
this time the enemy's cruisers swarmed in the bay, 
and greatly interrupted the trade of Providence. 
Their numbers increased as the season advanced, and 
on the 8th of December, a large body of troops took 
possession of the island of Rhode-Island. Ships of 
war were there stationed, and in the harbor of New- 
port, and the passages each side of Rhode-Island 



254 GENERAL HISTORY. 

and Conanicut, were strictly guarded. The first ap- 
pearance of the enemy's fleet caused an alarm to be 
spread, and the independent companies and militia 
promptly repaired to their stations. Large bodies 
of soldiers arrived at Providence and remained 
here for some time ; it being supposed that the 
British troops intended to march through Providence 
to Boston. This was never attempted nor probably 
thought of. The salubrity of the climate of that 
beautiful island, the easy access to and safety of its 
harbor, the facility with which it could be defended 
against any attack from the main land, rendered it, 
in every respect, an important post for the enemies 
of America. The British retained possession of the 
island until the 25th of October 1779. Their pres- 
ence kept the whole colony in a continual state of 
alarm. Excursions were very frequently made by 
the tenders and small armed vessels to the neighbor- 
ing islands, and to the main. To guard against these, 
it was necessary to maintain a chain of posts all 
around Narragansett Bay. Though aided by some 
continental troops, and by soldiers from the adjoin- 
ing states, the inhabitants of this state were almost 
constantly engaged in keeping watch and ward. 
Providence, then next in size and importance to 
Newport, and at the head of navigable water, was 
supposed to be peculiarly in danger. The town ex- 
hibited the appearance of a camp. The college 
building was first used as quarters for the artillery, 
and the grounds around it for a parade, and after- 
wards for a hospital for the sick soldiery. The ordi- 
nary business of the town was suspended. Many 



GENERAL HISTORY. 266 

of the inhabitants removed to places of safety in the 
interior, and there was nothing but the din of arms, 
and the thrilhng sounds of martial music, to break 
the silence that reigned in the streets. Comfortless 
as the inhabitants were, they could still afford a ref- 
uge to their friends from Newport, who were driven 
from their homes by British troops there, and they 
did so, thus discharging the debt their ancestors in- 
curred, for hke kindness received in the Indian war 
of 1676. News of the treaty with France arrived in 
Providence on the 22d day of April 1778. It was 
received with every mark of joy. A salute was fired 
on the arrival of the news, from the battery on Fox 
Point, and from the frigate Providence, which was 
repeated at sunset by difeu dejoie from the Artillery 
Company, and troops here. 

Two expeditions against the British troops on 
Rhode-Island, were planned while they had posses- 
sion of the Island. One on the 16th of October 
1777, when Major General Spencer had the com- 
mand in this department, and the other on the 9th 
of August, the following year, under General Sulh- 
van. The first was not carried into execution at 
all. All necessary provision of military stores, am- 
munition, and boats, was made. A sufficient body 
of troops assembled, yet owing to some neglect in 
the arrangement of the boats and troops, it was aban- 
doned. After the arrival of the French fleet under 
Count D'Estaing, in the latter part of July 1778, 
great hopes were excited, that with his co-operation 
the enemy might be expelled from the Island. 

Major General Sullivan left Providence on the 



256 GENERAL HISTORY. 

7th day of August, to assume the immediate com- 
mand of the forces assembled and assembhng at 
Tiverton, for that purpose. The council of war of 
the state ordered out half of the whole military 
strength of the state, to do duty for twenty days. 
Two regiments of the Continental army passed 
through Providence on the 3d of August. Volunteers 
and levies from the adjoining states were flocking 
to the camp, and every thing seemed to promise 
success to the expedition. The American forces, 
soon after the arrival of General SuUivan at the 
camp, crossed over to the island, and advanced 
toward Newport, where the enemy lay. The French 
fleet had an encounter with the British, under Lord 
Howe, off" Point Judith, and did not return to the as- 
sistance of the army until the 20th of August. A 
storm, seldom equalled in severity at that season of 
the year, separated the fleets before either obtained 
any decisive advantage. On the 18th of August, 
General Sulhvan opened his batteries on the enemy, 
and the firing was kept up, on both sides, during 
the two following days. On the 22d, the French 
fleet sailed for Boston, to convoy two of their ships, 
which had been disabled in the previous encounter. 
Deprived of their support, and daily fearing the ar- 
rival of the enemy's fleet with reinforcements. Gen- 
eral Sullivan commenced a retreat on the night 
of the 28th. On the 29th he was attacked, and 
after a severe action evacuated the island. General 
Lafayette, in his last visit to America, spoke of this 
battle as the best fought one in the whole war. He 
was present a part of it, having rode from Boston, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 257 

where he went to induce Count D'Estaing to return, 
if possible, to Rhode-Island, with the fleet. After 
the evacuation of the island, the troops again sepa- 
rated. No critical examination was ever had as to 
the causes of the failure of this expedition. If the 
French fleet had rendered the assistance expected 
from them, the whole of the British forces on the 
island must have been taken prisoners. 

While the British had possession of Rhode-Island, 
the Pigot, galley, was stationed at the entrance of 
Seconet river, on the east of the Island. She carried 
eight twelve-pounders, and had forty-five men. It 
was deemed a matter of some considerable import- 
ance to remove this obstruction to the navigation of 
that river, and thus open a free passage to vessels 
from Providence and Mount Hope bay to the sea. 
The destruction of this galley was entrusted to, if not 
originally planned by Major Silas Talbut, of Provi- 
dence. He left Providence on the 25th of October, 
in the sloop Hawk, with two Lieutenants and fifty 
men, volunteers from the army, under Gen. Sulli- 
van. They passed the British battery on Rhode- 
Island, opposite Fogland Point, in the night of the 
28th, and about one o'clock on the mornino- of the 
29th, boarded the Pigot, and carried her, without the 
loss of a man. The Lieutenant who commanded 
the Pigot, expressed much chagrin that he should be 
taken by an "egg-shell," as he termed the Hawk, al- 
though commanded by a " Major." The prize was 
carried into New-London, and subsequently sent to 
Providence. Major Talbut received the thanks of 
the General Assembly of this State, and a sword, 
33 



258 GENERAL HISTORY. 

for this daring enterprise, and Congress promoted 
him to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. America 
had not a more active friend than Colonel Tal- 
but. Alternately, in the army and navy as his 
country called for his services, through the whole 
war, he devoted himself to her cause. 

General Sullivan left the command here, in March 
1779, and was succeeded by Major General Gates* 
Such had been the devoted attention of Gen. Sulli- 
van to his duties, his zeal for the cause of his coun- 
try, his vigorous exertions against the enemy, and 
his scrupulous regard for the rights of the citizen, 
while stationed here, that all classes of people uni- 
ted in addresses to him, at the time he left the com- 
mand. The following address was presented him 
by the town of Providence. 

" Sir, — As you have sustained the high office of commander- 
in-chief at this post for about a year past, and during that whole 
time have carefully attended to, and cordially promoted the 
peace, interest and safety of the state in general, and of this 
town in particular, all that prudence could suggest, that dili- 
gence could effect or valor attempt, has been done for us. But 
as the service of America is now to deprive us of your further 
continuance here, and calls you to fill the same high office, in 
more important commands, we can do no less than honestly to 
return you our sincere thanks and most grateful acknowledge- 
ments, wishing you the blessings of Heaven, success in all your 
efforts to serve your country, that you may happily tread the 
courts of virtue, and finally reach the temple of fame. 

We are. Sir, with every sentiment of gratitude and the high- 
est respect, Your Honor's most obedient humble servants. 
Signed by the unanimous order and in behalf of a town 
meeting of the freemen of the town of Providence, assem- 
bled on the 19th day of March 1779. 

THEODORE FOSTER, Town clerk." 



GENERAL HISTORY. 259 

General Sullivan returned the following answer. 

"To the respectable freemen and inhabitants of the town of 
Providence. — Permit me, Gentlemen, to return you my most 
sincere and cordial acknowledgments, for your very polite and 
affectionate address. The unanimous voice of so respectable a 
number of my fellow-citizens, approving my conduct as Com- 
mander-in-chief of this department, affords meu nspeakable satis- 
faction ; and it is with great truth and sincerity I assure you, 
that the parting with so spirited and virtuous a people, whose 
efforts to support me in my commands and to oppose the com- 
mon enemy have so well witnessed their zeal for the interests 
of America, gives me the most sensible pain ; and, in a great de- 
gree, damps the pleasure arising from a prospect of rendering my 
country essential services, in the department to which lam called. 
I have the honor to be, with the most lively sentiments of es- 
teem and gratitude, Gentlemen, your obedient servant. 

JOHN SULLIVAN." 

Major General Gates arrived in Providence on 
the third of April. Little opportunity had General 
Gates in this department, to add to the laurels he 
had previously acquired. The troops of the enemy 
exceeded in number those under his command ; and 
their station, in the midst of the state, aided by a 
naval force that enabled them to carry on a preda- 
tory warfare, in any part of it, at pleasure, made his 
situation no sinecure. After the enemy evacuated 
the island, new duties of a perplexing character en- 
gaged his attention. Then came the conflicting 
claims to property left by them, which in many in- 
stances had been taken from the inhabitants of the 
neighboring shores and was now reclaimed by the 
former owners. His services were esteemed too 
valuable by the Commander-in-Chief, to be devoted 
to such objects. On the eighth of November he 
left Providence, on his way to the grand army. 



260 GENERAL HISTORY. 

On the expected arrival of a French fleet and ar- 
my in this colony, Major General Heath was invest- 
ed with the command in this department. He ar- 
rived in Providence, on the 16th of June 1780. The 
French armament under the command of Count De 
Rochambeau and ChevaHer De Ternay, entered 
Newport harbor on the 9th of July. They were not 
suffered to remain long at rest. A British fleet un- 
der Admiral Graves soon appeared oflf Rhode-Island. 
This and a report of an intended attack on the 
French, induced the Governor of this state to call 
out the whole body of militia of the state, to assist 
in repelhng it. Massachusetts and Connecticut al- 
so despatched a large body of troops to their assist- 
ance. The alarm continued but a few days. On 
the 7th of August the Rhode-Island militia were dis- 
missed, the enemy having returned to New-York. 
The French army remained in Newport during the 
winter. Early in the spring. General Washington 
visited them there, for the purpose of maturing the 
plan of the next campaign. On his return through 
this town, he was met at the lower ferry and escort- 
ed to the house of the Hon. Jabez Bowen, by the 
citizens. A salute from the Artillery welcomed his 
arrival. In the evening the town was brilliantly illu- 
minated. The following day he dined at the state- 
house, and in the evening attended a ball given on 
the occasion. The following address indicates the 
esteem, and almost veneration, felt for General 
Washington, and the universal joy inspired by his 
presence. 



GENERAI, HISTORY. 261 

"To his excellency General George Washington, Command- 
er-in-chief of the armies of the United States. 

The subscribers, in behalf of the inhabitants of the town of 
Providence, beg leave to address your excellency, upon your ar- 
rival in this place. 

Your excellency's great military abilities, your unquestionable 
patriotism, and the perfect confidence of a free people, just en- 
tering into a war with a most formidable foe, induced Congress 
to place you at the head of the American armies. The appoint- 
ment gave us the most sincere pleasure, and we gratefully ac- 
knowledge that kind Providence, which in the most arduous en- 
terprises, and through all the dangers of your situation, hath 
preserved a life so important to the United States. 

We beg leave to assure your excellency, that we will manifest 
our attachment to your excellency, and the great cause in which 
we are engaged, by exerting the utmost of our abilities in en- 
listing and supporting such a force, as with the aid of our gene- 
rous allies, will be sufficient to bring the war to a happy issue. 

That your excellency may be the glorious instrument of effect- 
ing this most desirable event, which will deliver your name to 
posterity with a fame equal to that of the most celebrated he- 
roes of antiquity ; and that you may long enjoy the honors that 
will be paid you, by a grateful country, is the sincere prayer of, 

Your excellency's most obedient and most humble servants. 
Nicholas Cooke, Jonathan Arnold, 
Jabez Bowen, Nicholas Brown, 

John I. Clark, John Brown. 

His reply was as follows : 

"To the Honorable Nicholas Cooke, Esq. and the other in- 
habitants of the Town of Providence. 

I am happy in the opportunity which your address affords me, 
Qf testifying to you how deeply I am penetrated with those dem- 
onstrations of attachment, which I have experienced from the 
inhabitants of this town. The confidence and affections of his 
fellow-citizens, is the most valuable reward a citizen can re- 
ceive. Next to the happiness of my country, this is the most 
powerful inducement I can have to exert myself in its service. 
Conscious of a sincere design to promote that great object, how- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 

ever short of my wishes the success of my endeavors may fall, I 
console myself with a persuasion, that the goodness of my inten- 
tions, in some measure, justifies your approbation. 

The determination you are pleased to express of making every 
effort for giving vigor to our military operations, is consonant 
Avith the spirit that has uniformly actuated this state. It is by 
this disposition alone, we can hope, under the protection of Hea- 
ven, to secure the important blessings for which we contend. 

With sincere gratitude for your sentiments and wishes towards 
me, I beg you to accept the assurances of that perfect esteem and 
regard, with which I have the honor to be. 

Gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble servant, 

GEO. WASHINGTON." 

Soon after this, the French camp at Newport was 
broken up, and the troops marched through Provi- 
dence, and joined the army under General Washing- 
ton. A part of them encamped for a very short 
time on the west side of the river, on the plain near 
the burial ground of the Benevolent Congregational 
Society. The second division of this army spent 
the winter of 1782, in North-Providence. The re- 
mains of their encampment are now to be seen, 
on the rising ground to the east of the Pawtucket 
turnpike, extending from Harrington's Lane, almost 
as far north as the Turnpike gate. 

Occasional alarms disturbed the peace of this state 
during this and the succeeding year, especially after 
the predatory excursions of the traitor Arnold, into 
his native state of Connecticut. Soon after the sur- 
render of Cornwallis, hopes of an immediate peace, 
were wafted with every breeze across the Atlantic. 
Tired of a contest which she had pursued for years with 
no prospect of success, her internal peace threatened 
by her own citizens, and her external relations with 



GENERAL HISTORY. 263 

the kingdoms of Europe, daily assuming a more som- 
bre aspect, Great Britain entered into negotiations 
which resulted in restoring peace to Europe, and in- 
dependence to the United States of America. The 
preliminary articles were signed at Versailles, in 
January 1783, and a proclamation declaring a ces- 
sation of arms was issued by Congress, on the 11th 
day of April following. The celebration of this joy- 
ful event in Providence, took place on the 22d day 
of April. The morning was welcomed by a dis- 
charge of cannon and the ringing of bells. The 
Continental frigate Alliance, then in the harbor, and 
the rest of the shipping were decked with colors, 
and fired salutes in honor of the occasion. A civic 
procession, escorted by the Artillery, marched from 
the house of Deputy Governor Bowen, to the Bap- 
tist meeting-house. The Rev. Enos Hitchcock, 
pastor of the First Congregational Society, preached 
a sermon on the occasion, from Psalm cxv. 1. "Not 
unto us, O Lord, but unto Thy name, give glory." 
This was followed by an oration by the Hon. Asher 
Bobbins, now of Newport, then a tutor in the college 
here. After the services at the meeting-house, the 
procession moved to the Court house, where the 
proclamation of Congress for a cessation of arms was 
read from the balcony, and followed by a discharge 
of thirteen cannon from the state house parade, and 
a battery on the east hill near the beacon. The 
proclamation was also read in two other places, after 
which the procession returned to the state house, 
where an entertainment had been provided. After 
dinner, thirteen toasts, more patriotic than loyal, 



264 GENERAL HISTORY. 

were drank, each under a discharge of thirteen can- 
non. 

In the evening, the state house and market house 
were illuminated, and a display of fireworks closed 
the festivities of the day. The Artillery Company 
on this occasion paraded under Col. Daniel TilHng- 
hast. During the whole war, he was tlie command- 
er of this corps. Under him, they were always ready 
to meet the calls of their country. The old colors, 
now preserved by them with care, bear witness to 
the hard usage which they experienced, and the 
dangers to which the band exposed tliem. 

At the commencement of the troubles with the 
mother country, which led to the independence of 
the United States, the colony of Rhode-Island was 
deeplv engaged in commerce. AVhile the small ex- 
tent of the colony and the comparative unproduc- 
tiveness of its soil, impelled the inhabitants to other 
than agricultural pursuits, the long hne of sea coast, 
and above all, the Narragansett Bay, running up in 
its verv centre, induced them to turn their attention 
to commerce. From a representation made to the 
British government, it appears, that during the year 
ending December 31, 1763, 181 vessels from Eu- 
rope, Africa, and the West Indies, and 352 from the 
neishborino; colonies, cleared at the custom house 
in Newport, then the only one in the colony. These 
employed more than 2,200 seamen. To a colony 
thus situated, all acts of the British Parhament in- 
tended to restrict colonial trade, were pecuharly op- 
pressive. Hence in such a colony, might naturally 
be expected the first open opposition to such acts ; 



GENERAT, HISTORY. 265 

and here it was found, in the case of the Gaspee, 
the circumstances of which have been related ; and 
also in the case of the armed sloop Liberty. Mhich 
was burnt in the harbor of Newport, in 1769. 

The General Assembly, in June 1775, directed the 
committee of safety to charter two vessels to pro- 
tect the trade of the colony, one of ten guns and 
eighty men, and the other of less force. Abraham 
Whipple was invested with the command of both, 
with the title of Commodore. The smaller vessel 
was commanded by John Grimes. The name of 
the larger one was " Katy," that of the other is 
not known. In August they added to this naval 
armament, two row galleys, carrying sixty men. — 
The design of this measure, is equivocally expressed 
by the General Assembly, " to protect the trade 
of the colony." Commodore Whipple explains this 
phrase in a memorial wliich he subsequently ad- 
dressed to Congress. He stated that he received 
his appointment on the 15th day of June : that it was 
made his duty to clear the bay of the tenders belono-- 
ing to the British frigate Rose, then off Newport ; 
and that on the very day of liis appointment he dis- 
charged this duty by making prize of one of these 
tenders, after discharging at her the first cannon 
fired at any part of his Majesty's navy, in the revolu- 
tionary war. 

On tiie 26th day of August 1775, the General As- 
sembly instructed the delegates of the colony in 
Congress, " to use their whole influence, at the en- 
suing Congress, for building, at the continental ex- 
pense, a fleet of suflicient force for the protection of 
34 



266 (iEiNERAJ. HISTORY. 

these colonies, and for employing them in such 
manner and places, as will most annoy our enemies 
and contribute to the common defence of these col- 
onies." This, it is beheved, was the earliest move- 
ment in favor of establishing a continental navy. 
Cono;ress met on the 5th day of September, and 
these instructions were laid before them on the third 
day of October following. The proposition met 
with a favorable reception, and measures were soon 
taken to carry them into effect. A committee of 
that body, was instructed to procure three vessels, 
one of fourteen, one of twenty, and one of thirty- 
six guns, for the protection and defence of the uni- 
ted colonies. Esek Hopkins of North Providence, 
then a brigadier-general in the service of this State, 
received the appointment of commander-in-chief of 
this infant navy. He was desired by the marine 
committee of Congress to repair to Philadelphia, 
with as many officers and men as he could enlist in 
the service. The council of war of the State, dis- 
patched the Katy under the command of Commodore 
Whipple to Philadelphia, having Commodore Hop- 
kins with his men on board as passengers, with or- 
ders for her to remain in the service of Congress, in 
case the armed vessels were directed to cruise off 
New-England, and if not, then to return home. — 
She was retained in the service and her name chang- 
ed to the " Providence." The proposed naval 
armament was increased, and Commodore Whipple 
was appointed to the command of the ship Colum- 
bus. This fleet, under Commodore Hopkins, left the 
capes of the Delaware on the 17th day of February, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 267 

J 776. It consisted of the ships Alfred, Captain 
Dudley Saltonstall, and the Columbus, Captain Whip- 
ple, the brigs Andrew Doria, Captain Nicholas Bid- 
die, and the Cabot, Captain John B. Hopkins, and 
the sloops Providence, Fly, Hornet and Wasp. — 
Without paying very strict obedience to the public 
orders he received, Commodore Hopkins sailed to the 
Bermudas, and took from Nassau, all the cannon 
and military stores there, consisting, among other 
things, of 88 cannon, from 9 to 36 pounders, 15 
mortars, from 4 to 1 1 inches diameter, 5458 shells, 
and more than 1 1 ,000 round shot. They returned 
to New-London on the 8th day of April, and sub- 
sequently came up to Providence. This was the 
first naval expedition against the British government, 
under Congress. 

The committee appointed by Congress on the 
14th day of December 1775, to build the thirteen 
vessels of war, agreed upon the day before, appoint- 
ed Nicholas Cooke, Nicholas Brown, Joseph Rus- 
sell, Joseph Brown, John Brown, John Smith, Wil- 
ham Russell, Daniel Tillinghast, John [nnes Clarke, 
Joseph Nightingale, Jabez Bowen and Rufus Hopkins, 
all of Providence, to build the two directed to be built 
in Rhode-Island. This committee held their first 
meeting on the 8th of January following. On the 
eleventh, they agreed upon the dimensions of the 
vessels to be built, which were as follows. 





The Warren. 


The Providence. 


Gun deck, 


132 feet, 1 inch. 


124 feet, 4 inches. 


Keel, 


110 feet, lOf inches. 


102 feet, 8i inches. 


Beam, 


34 feet, 5^ inches. 


33 feet, 10| inches. 


Hold, 


1 1 feet. 


10 feet, 8 inches. 



268 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Benjamin Tallman, was master-carpenter of the 
Warren, and Sylvester Bowers, of the Providence, 
The first was launched on the 14th, and the other on 
the 24th day of May, 1776. These vessels were not 
ready for sea until late in October. By the journal 
of the committee, it appears, that on the 21st of that 
month, they received a letter from the Marine Com- 
mittee of Congress, blaming them for some of their 
proceedings ; in consequence of which, and of reports 
which they say " bear hard on the characters of the 
committee, as merchants and as gentlemen," they 
relinquished their authority, and delivered the vessels 
to Stephen Hopkins, then one of this state's dele- 
gates in Congress. They close the journal of their 
proceedings, by saying, that, " in the opinion of the 
committee they are fit and might proceed immediate- 
ly to sea, were they fully manned." Great difficul- 
ties and delays occurred in procuring men, for these 
vessels. The wages were fixed at eight dollars per 
month, and to share one third of all prizes, except 
armed vessels, and of them, one half. Privateers 
were then numerous and very successful. They of- 
fered a share of one half of all prizes taken, and 
monthly wages, of from twelve to sixteen dollars. 
Collisions frequently arose, between the officers of 
the Continental ships, and the captains and owners 
of privateers, about men claimed, on either side, as 
deserters. From these causes, Commodore Hop- 
kins did not hoist his flag on board the Warren, un- 
til about the first of December. At the mouth of 
Narragansett Bay, he met a British fleet of sixteen 
ships of the line, that compelled him to return to 



GENERAL HISTORY. 269 

Providence. The Continental vessels then at Prov- 
idence, were the Warren, Providence, Columbus, 
Hampden, and sloop Providence. In a letter to the 
marine conmiittee, he states, that the vessels were 
not then half manned. The collisions before spo- 
ken of, led to mutual criminations, to the marine 
committee. He charged the building committee, 
with withdrawing the men at work on the frigates, 
to labor on their own privateers. It was to reports 
of this kind, that they probably alluded, in their jour- 
nal. Commodore Hopkins was directed, in June 
1776, to meet the marine committee at Philadelphia. 
What were the charges against him does not appear, 
but whatever they were, he was acquitted of them 
and retained his command. On his leaving Phila- 
delphia, the committee gave him further general or- 
ders, in relation to the future operations of the fleet, 
on the Banks of Newfoundland and the Gulf of St. 
Lawrence. In another communication to him about 
the same date, they direct him to purchase a schoon- 
er he had taken, and add, " this schooner must be 
called the Hopkins." Such a comphment is seldom 
paid to an inefficient or unfaithful officer. In a letter 
from the famous John Paul Jones to him, under date 
of September 4th, from the sloop Providence, then 
at sea, under his command, he says, " I know you 
will not suspect me of flattery, when I affirm I have 
not experienced a more sincere pleasure, for a long 
time past, than the account I have have had of your 
having gained your cause at Philadelphia, in spite 6f 
party. Your late trouble will tend to your future 
a-dvantage ; by pointing out your friends and ene- 



270 GENERAL HISTORY. 

mies, you will be thereby enabled to retain the one 
part, while you are guarding against the others. You 
will be thrice welcome to your native land and to 
your nearest concerns. After your late shock, they 
will see you as gold from the fire, of more worth 
and value, and slander will learn to keep silence, 
when Admiral Hopkins is mentioned." He was 
frequently addressed as Admiral, but his title was 
merely Commander in chief. 

The following year, repeated complaints were 
made to Congress against him, for which he was at 
first censured, and subsequently dismissed the ser- 
vice. I have not been able to ascertain what the 
complaints were, but they did not affect his charac- 
ter as a brave man, and a patriot. 

After the American fleet arrived in Providence, 
from their first expedition, they never left together. 
The difficulty of manning them has been before al- 
luded to, and for a great part of the time a superior 
British force was at the mouth of the bay. Occa- 
sionallv a single vessel, would avail itself of a fog, or 
a dark night, and escape. This was the case with 
the sloop Providence, under Captain Jones, and the 
ship Columbus, Captain Whipple. After the ship 
Providence was completed, Captain Whipple was 
transferred to her. In the memorial of Captain 
Whipple before referred to, he states that he sailed 
from Providence on the 20th day of March 1778, in 
the ship Providence, and had a battle with one of the 
enemy's cruisers in getting out. 

During the war. Providence abounded in priva- 
teers. They were generally successful in eluding 



GENERAJ. HISTORY. 271 

the British cruisers which swarmed on our coasts, 
and in making prizes of merchantmen, transports 
and small vessels of war. Many of the resources of 
the American army and navy, were obtained by 
means of these, and most of the foreign merchandize, 
in the country, was introduced here, through their 
agency. By touching the pockets of British mer- 
chants, they did much toward influencing the British 
government to acknowledge the independence of 
these states, and to conclude peace with them. Pri- 
vateering was almost the only business in which 
American merchants could employ their vessels. 
Patriotism and private interest concurred in urging 
them to pursue it vigorously. Good men of those 
days never hesitated to engage in it, on account of 
any supposed moral wrong which it involved. Such 
an objection is of modern date. I would not be un- 
derstood as justifying privateering. I only desire to 
restore it to its proper rank. The same code which 
says, thou shalt not steal, says also, thou shalt not 
kill. 

In January 1777, a convention of deputies from 
the New-England States met in Providence, to state 
the prices of goods and labor. The colonies had 
reaped great advantages from the association, as it 
was called, of the Congress of 1774. The commit- 
tees of inspection, appointed in pursuance of it, by 
a diligent and faithful discharge of their trusts, had 
restrained individuals from demanding exorbitant 
prices, either for their labor or goods. The declar- 
ation of Independence, and the subsequent act of 
Congress opening the ports of the states, virtually 



272 GENERAL HISTORY. 

repealed the association. After an open resort to 
arms, it was unnecessary to regulate or restrain 
trade with Great Britain, for the very situation of 
the parties forbade the friendly interchanges of com- 
merce. Congress and the states too, had thus far 
carried on the war by issuing bills of credit. The 
issues of these were regulated by the wants of the 
army and navy. They constituted the currency of 
the country. Every successive issue of them, tend- 
ed to depreciate their value, as it necessarily in- 
creased the amount, and consequently rendered the 
day of payment more distant and less certain. This 
depreciation of the currency produced an apparent 
increase in the prices of all the necessaries of life, 
and this convention was called to regulate these pri- 
ces. They met, and after some deliberation, agreed 
upon certain prices to be paid and received, for la- 
bor and almost every necessary article. The Gen- 
eral Assembly of this state being in session, at the 
same time, the convention reported to them. They 
immediately passed an act with the following popular 
title. " An act to prevent monopohes and oppres- 
sion, by excessive and unreasonable prices, for ma- 
ny of the necessaries and conveniences of life, and 
for preventing engrossers, and for the better supply 
of our troops in the army, with such necessaries as 
may be wanted." This act embodied and adopted 
the report of the convention, and added other arti- 
cles to it, so that it included almost every article, 
called necessary or convenient, from a bushel of wheat, 
down to a quart of milk. He who bought or sold 
for a higher rate, was to "be accounted oppressive, 



GRNERAl. HISTORY. 273- 

an enemy to his country, and guilty of a breach of 
this act," and to be subject to a fine. The General 
Assembly were not unanimously in favor of this act. 
There were some who saw how futile must be every 
attempt to fix the prices of articles, when the curren- 
cy in which they were to be paid for was constant- 
ly depreciating in value, or in fact had no fixed val- 
ue. The town of Providence, in June following, ap- 
pointed David Howell, Welcome Arnold, and Theo- 
dore Foster, to draft instructions to the town's rep- 
resentatives, in relation to it. The following was 
their report, which was adopted by the town. 

" To Messrs. Jonathan Arnold, John Brown, John Smith, 
and William Rhodes, representatives for the town of Providence, 

Gentlemen. — Having chosen you our representatives in the 
General Assembly of this state, and not doubting but it must 
be agreeable to you, especially at this critical time, to be ac- 
quainted with the sentiments of your constituents, respecting 
sundry matters of weighty concernment to this and the neigh- 
boring states, we have thought fit to give you the following in- 
structions. 

You are directed to move for, and exert your influence in the 
General Assembly, to obtain an act for the more effectual and 
certain supply of the troops raised by this State, and their fami- 
lies, with such necessaries of life as they may want, at such 
rates as may comport with the wages allowed them by govern- 
ment ; because by the late acts of this state regulating prices, 
such articles are generally set higher than they were at the time 
of their enlistment, by which means, if said act should be car- 
ried into execution and no other provision be made in their be- 
half, they would be deprived of part of their dues ; and if not ex- 
ecuted, most probably of a much greater part : and, because, un- 
der the present embarrassments of trade, it is extremely difficult 
for them to procure some articles, with their money, at any rate. 

The following may be the outlines of the bill proposed, A 

35 



274 GENERAL HISTORY. 

sufficient number of commissaries or committees may be ap- 
pointed, in the most convenient towns in this state, who may 
buy or import such needful articles, on the best terms they can, 
for the use and on account of the state. Let these commissa- 
ries deal out as directed, and at such prices as may be affixed, by 
the Assembly, and keeping fair accounts of all their proceedings, 
exhibit them when required, and be paid for their trouble ; and 
let the state sink all the expense and loss upon the sale of such 
articles by a general tax upon the inhabitants. 

By this means, the burden which now falls heavily on some 
individuals, by whose industry and zeal in the common cause 
the public are supplied with articles much wanted, will fall 
equally upon all the interest in the state. A plan somewhat 
similar to this, was adopted last war. 

As soon as adequate provision shall be made for supplying 
our troops, in the abovesaid, or any other equitable mode, you 
are instructed and directed to move for and exert your best en- 
deavors to obtain, an immediate and total repeal of the late act 
of this state regulating prices, &lc. 

Because the great end of that law will then be otherwise 
answered and the only plausible reason of it removed; and, 

Because, we find by experience, that the subject of said act, 
is so intricate, variable and complicated, that it cannot be and 
remain any term of time equitable, and hath a tendency to frus- 
trate and defeat its own purposes. It was made to cheapen the 
articles of life, but it has in fact raised their prices, by produc- 
ing an artificial, and in some articles a real, scarcity. It was 
made to unite us in good agreement respecting prices, but hath 
produced animosity and ill will between town and country and 
between buyers and sellers, in general. It was made to bring 
us to some equitable standard of honesty, and make fair dealers ; 
but hath produced a sharping set of mushroom pedlers, who 
adulterate their commodities, and take every advantage to evade 
the force of the act, by the most pitiful evasions, quibbles and 
lies. It was made to give credit to our currency ; but hath 
done it much injury ; it tends to introduce bartering, and makes 
a currency of almost every thing, but money; and, 

Because, by experience, we, as well as the inhabitants of the 
other .states, find it almost impossible to execute such acts, at 



GENERAL HISTORY. 275 

least without a degree of rigor and severity heretofore unknown 
in these free states; and, while it remains in its present situation, 
it tends only to weaken government, and bring all laws into con- 
tempt, and even if it could be executed, it would operate as a 
very heavy and unreasonable tax upon the sellers, who are gen- 
erally the enterprising and the industrious : It would prevent 
foreigners from shipping goods to our coasts, and cause our own 
merchants to order theirs to the southern states, and, in general, 
discourage foreign trade, in carrying on which, the risk is great 
and very uncertain and variable, according to circumstances, 
from time to time, and therefore, not accurately computable 
three years before hand. It would also tend to discourage agri- 
culture and manufactures among ourselves, as the prospect of 
some extraordinary gain generally excites men to extraordinary 
exertions in all the different branches of business. It hath a 
tendency to exclude from our markets every thing extraordinary 
in its kind, and of course, to prevent all improvement ; to dis- 
courage industrious laborers, by allowing the indolent the same 
wages ; for the scarcity of laborers will find employment for all, 
as the scarcity of goods will bring nearly all qualities up to the 
prices of the first rate, by which means, articles of inferior qual- 
ity will be sold dearer to the poor, than what they would be 
afforded at if those of the first rate quality should be sold higher. 
It would multiply oaths and lawsuits, otherwise needless, and 
prove a strong temptation to perjury and knavery of every kind, 
and in some cases put a man to needless expense in the disposal 
of his own property. It would render a man's house and stores 
liable to be opened and searched in a manner most ignominious 
and unworthy of a freeman, and deprive him of the privilege of 
complaining of it, under the penalty of ten pounds. It would 
promote suspicion and jealousies in neighborhoods, and a med- 
dling with other folks' goods and business, ruinous to the peace 
and good order of society. If regulating acts should succeed 
one another, in time, as the last has the first, in this state, and 
some articles be raised accordingly in each succeeding act, they 
would rise faster than they did before any such acts were made, 
and at the end of three years, be higher than it is probable they 
would be were no such acts in being. The fact above referred 



276 GENERAL HISTORY. 

to, may convince all, that the t\se of prices in general, is not so 
much owing to a spirit of monopoly and oppression, as to the 
scarcity of goods and plenty of money ; as our harbor has been 
blocked up, and the goods formerly on hand chiefly turned into 
money. The act stipulating prices, &c. is an attempt to make 
an article, viz. money, worth as much when plenty, as when it 
was more scarce, and to continue it of an uniform value, for a 
term of time, notwithstanding the entire uncertainty of the quan- 
tity that may be thrown into circulation by future emissions, or 
gathered in by taxation or otherwise, and therefore cannot, with- 
out injustice, take place. Time was, when a pair of shoes in 
England, was commonly sold for four pence, and an ox for four- 
teen shillings ; but the price of those articles has, since, been 
greatly enhanced, owing to the great plenty of gold and silver 
introduced, which has depreciated the value of the coin. It is 
not therefore strange, that a similar event should take place, with 
respect to a paper currency, and that no law should be able to 
prevent it. The money in a country, is only the measure of the 
value of its transferable property. The decrease of property, 
or increase of money, will raise the price of commodities, and 
both operating at once, will produce a more sudden and sensible 
effect. This has been our case, and if the whole money only 
measure the whole property, a proportionable part of the money 
ought to measure the same proportionable part of the property, 
and neither more or less, for either would be injustice. There- 
fore, stipulating prices below this proportion, is as real injustice, 
as raising them above it, and this proportion is so nice a point, 
that nothing but the wants of mankind, can accurately hit upon 
it. Trade, when left free from fetters and embarrassments, will 
of itself settle down nicely to this proportion, and keep to it 
closer, than any force whatever can bring it. If the prices of 
commodities are arbitrarily fixed below this proportion, the re- 
dundancy of money will fix itself upon such articles as are not 
limited, and raise them as much above it, as the others are sta- 
ted below ; for the money will not satisfy, unless it circulates, — 
the whole of it, — till it is thrown into some form of drawing in- 
terest. 

You are also directed to move that innnediate application be 



GENERAL HISTORY. 277 

made to Congress, that all the states' money might be redeemed 
with continental currency, and each state charged by the conti- 
nent with what they receive. Should this be accomplished, and 
the money be redeemed by loan office certificates, it would take 
large sums out of circulation, and so raise the value of the re- 
mainder. Some such modes, together with heavy taxes, a free 
trade and domestic industry, would bid much fairer for lowering 
the articles of life, than any regulating acts that can be adopted. 
You are likewise directed, to move in the General Assembly, 
that the other New-England states be addressed upon the sub- 
ject of their late embargoes, and endeavor to obtain a general re- 
peal of all their land embargoes as soon as may be, and that ours 
be repealed immediately ; because, all embargoes, in measure, 
produce the same bad effects in trade, as the regulating acts, 
and ought never to be adopted, except in cases of the greatest 
necessity ; and because no such necessity will remain after the 
acts regulating trices are repealed." 

The representatives of Providence moved the re- 
peal of the act. But neither their instructions, their 
arguments, or their influence, could prevail in car- 
rying the measure. They were left in a lean minor- 
ity of seven, only three of the other representatives 
voting with them. 

In 1777, commenced adiflSculty and dispute be- 
tween the state and the town of Providence, in rela- 
tion to the town's proportion of state taxes. In 1767, 
an estimate of all the polls and rateable estate was ta- 
ken, by order of the General Assembly. This esti- 
mate continued to be the basis of the apportionment 
of colony and state taxes, until March 1777. Sup- 
posing that the rate adopted in 1767 was not then 
correct, the Assembly departed from it in the appor- 
tionment of a tax of £16,000, then ordered, and a 
larger proportion than the estimate warranted was or- 
dered to be paid by Providence. The representatives 



278 GENERAL HISTORY. 

protested against this increase of taxes, except upon 
a new estimate of the state. The difficulty was re- 
moved for the present, by the Assembly annexing to 
the tax-bill, a provision, that that apportionment 
should not be drawn in precedent, in future assess- 
ments. In August following, the treasury being 
empty, another tax of £32,000 was ordered. The 
estimate of 1767, had undoubtedly become unequal 
at that time, and the situation of affairs would not 
allow a delay till a new one could be taken, nor was 
the situation of the state such as would render it 
easy to obtain a fair one. This was directed to be 
apportioned in the same manner as the tax of March 
preceding. The town, thereupon, appointed a com- 
mittee to draw up a petition to the Assembly upon 
the subject. John Updike, John Brown, William 
Wheaton, Lewis Peck and David Howell were ap- 
pointed this committee. The petition drawn up by 
them, represented, that since the preceding Febru- 
ary, the number of polls had diminished 130, that 
real estate had sunk at least twenty-five per cent, in 
value, that it cost the inhabitants on an average three 
shillings per week more than their earnings, since the 
blockade ; and that this, added to the personal prop- 
erty removed from the town, ought to have reduced 
the town's proportion of the £32,000 tax. This pic- 
ture of poverty did not move the hearts, or rather the 
votes, of the General Assembly. In December, they 
ordered another tax of £48,000, to be apportioned in 
the same manner. This seems to have raised a spirit 
of opposition. January 23d 1778, the town directed 
the collector of the £32,000 tax, to pay one ninth of 



GENERAL HISTORY. 219 

the sum collected into the town treasury, and to pay 
over to the general treasurer, such part only of the 
£48,000 tax as would have been the proportion of 
the town, according to the estimate of 1767. On 
the thirtieth of the same month, another petition was 
presented. The committee of the town appointed 
to draw it up, consisted of John Brown, Wilham 
Rhodes and David Howell. The petition is in the 
hand writing of the latter, and is as follows : 

" To the Honorable the General Assembly of the State of 
Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. 

The address, petition and remonstrance of the freeholders and 
other inhabitants of the town of Providence, in town meeting 
legally assembled on the 30th day of January 1778, humbly 
showeth, 

That, whereas, the Honorable Assembly of this government 
at their session in June 1767, passed an act " for taking a just 
estimate of the rateable estates in this colony, in order that the 
rates and taxes may be equally assessed on the inhabitants," which 
containeth among other things the following clause : " And be 
it further enacted, that no colony tax shall be levied on the in- 
habitants of this colony, until the said estimate or valuation shall 
be completed and approved by the General Assembly ; and that 
the said estimate when completed, shall be the standard and 
rule, by which rates and taxes shall be apportioned unto and up- 
on the several towns in this colony, until a new estimate shall 
be taken ; " which said estimate or valuation was accordingly 
taken, with great labor, diligence and accuracy, as well as at no 
small expense to the government, by the worthy gentlemen, the 
committee appointed for that purpose, and being laid before the 
General Assembly, finally received their approbation and sanc- 
tion, and became and continued " the standard and rule for ap- 
portioning rates and taxes upon the several towns," for more than 
nine years ; and so, of right and justice, your petitioners, with 
beseeming deference, apprehend ought still to continue, be and 
remain, according to the express letter thereof, " until another 
new estimate," can in like manner be taken. 



280 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Your petitioners would beg leave to observe, that in their 
opinion and judgment the abovesaid act and order of Assembly, 
the only just and equitable mode of apportioning the rates 
and taxes to the several towns, being in its own nature prefera- 
ble to all others and being founded in example, custom and us- 
age, in this and all other free governments, time immemorial, 
became so essential a part of the laws and constituton of this 
state, that it ought not, neither could legally and constitution- 
ally, be set aside and annihilated, by the conjectural estimate 
madeand adopted, as it was by the General Assembly, in March 
1777, wherein the proportion of taxes upon the several towns is 
so widely different from the former, and manifestly unequal. — 
Legislative bodies, as well as individual persons, are subject to 
errors and mistakes, as well as prepossessions and prejudices. 
The objects, therefore, of that power, are no less defined and 
circumscribed, by the laws and constitution of their country, 
the rules of justice, common reason and humanity, than those 
of a judicial court or even an individual subject in the state. — 
Taxation being the most delicate and critical object before 
legislators, their conduct respecting the same ought always to 
be such as will bear the most strict and scrutinous examination of 
their constituents. Small deviations from the constitution, 
drawn into precedent, may in time, terminate in fatal innova- 
tions. It is an old maxim, that mankind are not to be trusted 
where they are interested against you ; and it is equally true that 
they are not, to act in matters whereof they are ignorant ; and it is 
no less evident, that it is the interest of a majority in the house 
to assign an undue proportion of a tax to any particular town, 
than it is, that they cannot know accurately what proportion to 
assign, without having before them an exact list of all the rateable 
estates, in all the towns. Such list or estimate therefrom, taken 
by good and sufficient men, is essentially necessary to perfect le- 
gal taxation. And no other way of apportioning a tax can be bind- 
ing, excepting it be adopted by all the inhabitants at large, and 
approved of by every particular town. No General Assembly, 
therefore, in the humble opinion and judgment of your petition- 
ers, have or ought to have, any legal power, of themselves, so far 
to alter the constitution and invade the privileges of their con- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 281 

stituents, as to take away their money at random, by lot, guess 
or conjectural estimates ; neither can it be expected, that free- 
men will easily part with their money upon so uncertain and 
precarious a footing. It savors too much of those capricious 
and arbitrary measures of raising money from their subjects, 
adopted by absolute monarchs. 

The town of Providence, through a singular zeal for introduc- 
ing taxation, though sensible they were overrated, submitted to 
pay the proportion assigned them in the conjectural estimate of 
March 1777, in the c£16.000 tax, confiding in the faith and hon- 
or of the General Assembly, expressed in the following clause of 
the act. " It is further resolved, that the proportion of the tax, 
in the act now laid upon each town, shall not be drawn in prece- 
dent or be considered as a rule for apportioning any future tax, 
but shall be reconsidered &:,c. as soon as a proper estimate can be 
made to ascertain the same," notwithstanding which resolve, a 
tax of <£'32,000 was ordered the next August and another tax 
of .£48,000 the next December, to be apportioned, levied and 
collected in the same manner, by the same uncertain conjectu- 
ral estimate, and notwithstanding our earnest entreaties and sup- 
plications to the contrary. Thus, that which was designed and 
intended, as only the creature of a day, is inflexibly adhered to 
and perpetuated, as though it had been the utmost effort of the 
united wisdom of the state, and established, like the laws of the 
Medes and Persians, irrevocable. 

When a tax is to be assessed upon the inhabitants of a partic- 
ular town, the law and constitution require, that the inhabitants 
render in to the assessors an exact list of all their rateable estates, 
that it may be levied upon them, according to equity and justice ; 
much more forcibly and strongly do the same reasons operate, 
where a tax is to be apportioned to the several towns by the 
General Assembly, the supreme assessors in the state; and as it 
would be inequity and injustice in the assessors of a particular 
town, to refuse an inhabitant the benefit and privilege of exhibiting 
a list of his rateable effects, so, your petitioners humbly apprehend, 
it can be no less in the General Assembly to refuse them the 
benefit and privilege of the only legal and constitutional esti- 
mate, taken in the year 1767, until another can be taken in like 

36 



282 GENERAL HISTORY. 

manner as that was. Were it needful to urge more argument 
in support of the above principles, of apportioning taxes only by 
just and legal estimates, your petitioners would produce the ex- 
ample and authority of the honorable the Continental Congress, 
in their order for apportioning the continental expenses to the 
several states. The following is extracted from the eighth arti- 
cle of Confederation and Perpetual Union. " All the charges of 
war and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the com- 
mon defence or general welfare and allowed by the United States 
in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasu- 
ry, which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion 
to the value of all land within each state, granted to, or survey- 
ed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improve- 
ments thereon, shall be estimated according to such mode as the 
United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to time 
direct and appoint." Thus the several states are to bear their 
true and just proportion of the continental expenses, according 
to an accurate continental estimate, and not to be saddled with 
burdens, hap-hazard and conjecturally ; and in the present con- 
tinental tax, the several states are only to be credited with what 
they pay until such estimate be taken. Here is the united wis- 
dom of all America, an ordinance truly worthy of so august an 
assembly. 

What has been said being sufficient to show, that the method 
of apportioning the three last taxes upon the several towns in 
this state was improper and illegal, your petitioners would beg 
your farther patience and indulgence, while they observe and en- 
deavor to make appear, that it has operated greatly to their dis- 
advantage in particular. 

In the year 1767, when the last legal estimate was taken, the 
town of Providence was in its most flourishing circumstances. 
Its trade was open to almost all parts of the world, its navigation 
extensive and prosperous, its stores and warehouses crowded 
with all sorts of merchandize, its streets thronged with foreign- 
ers who came hither to advance their fortunes by trade and com- 
merce. Shipwrights, housewrights, masons and all sorts of me- 
chanics and laboring men, pressed with useful and profitable 
business and employment, and its extensive foreign trade, which 



GENERAL HISTORY. 283 

is the very being and life of a seaport, furnished business and 
support for all its numerous dependents, and invigorated every 
class of people in town. But how amazingly is the scene now 
reversed. Our port has been blockaded for more than twelve 
months, our stores and shops are almost empty, our navigation 
demolished, our ship building at an end, our houses already 
built, many of them standing empty and going to decay by slow 
degrees, or more suddenly and wantonly ruined and destroyed 
by barracking troops in them, many foreigners resident among 
us as well as others our most wealthy inhabitants, who made the 
principal figure in our trade, have packed up their fortunes and 
removed to places of greater security. The common sort of 
people who are left behind are mostly out of employment, and 
the poor are yet among us to be supported by the remaining 
persons of property. This is but a brief and imperfect, though 
real and true representation of our circumstances, at these two 
periods of time ; notwithstanding which, and to crown all our 
distress, we find ourselves now burdened with a vastly larger 
proportion of the public expenses than what we bore in the year 
1767, and it is conjectured or guessed, that we are able to 
bear it. 

Your petitioners would beg leave further to observe, that a 
great part of their interest consisteth of houses, stores and 
wharves, the value of which hath depreciated more than any 
other kind of interest. The reason of paying taxes is prin- 
cipally founded in present rents and profits, excepting in the case 
of wild and uncultivated land, which however yieldeth its profit 
to the owner by its increasing value. This being an established 
principle of taxation, and upon which the valuation in 1767 was 
entirely founded, it is plain, that an interest in the town of Prov- 
idence of a house, stores and wharf, valued in 1767 at $2000, 
and bringing in five per cent, or $100 yearly profits, and a farm in 
the country of the same value, yielding the same yearly profits, 
ought to be taxed equally ; whereas, it is an undeniable fact, 
that such an estate in town, at present, would not rent for more 
than $50 per annum, and much less upon an average, and that 
the farm in the country would rent for at least $400 per annum, 
and therefore they ought now, in justice, to be taxed according to 



2S4 GENERAL HISTORY. 

said yearly profits or as one is to eight, and instead of the house- 
es, &/C. growing more valuable, as is the case with wild land, 
they are daily decaying and exposed to the ravages and destruc- 
tion of war more than any other kind of interest. This also ap- 
plieth in part to other sea-port towns, although none in the state 
have so large a proportion of this kind of interest as the town of 
Providence. We shall not mention the shipping which lies rot- 
ting in our harbor. 

As to the comparative advantages which town and country 
have derived from the late rise of the prices of things amongst 
us, it is obviously much in favor of the country. The profits of 
privateering were shared by few, some of whom have moved 
away and carried their wealth with them, others have laid out 
their money in land in other towns and states, so that it is not 
now here to be taxed ; and but few goods remain amongst us, 
which the country are disposed to purchase. They can, and do, 
live almost independent, while we are dependent upon them for 
nearly all the necessaries of life. The most rapid rise in prices 
was within a year past ; if the merchants withheld their sale for a 
high price, when they rose to a high price, the country had the 
good sense not to purchase, being able to do v/ithout them. But 
in favor of the farmer, nature withheld the bigger part of the years' 
produce till the last fall, when country produce equalled, if not 
exceeded, foreign goods, and necessity obliged us to purchase 
his produce at that exorbitant price, which hath most amazing- 
ly drained, and still continueth to drain the town of its money, 
by which it hath happened, that the country adjacent in gene- 
ral enjoys more benefit from the high prices of things [illegible.] 
town of late than nine-tenths of its own inhabitants, [illegible.] 

Having set forth many of these things at large in a former 
petition and remonstrance to the Honorable General Assembly, 
your petitioners will presume no further on your patience at 
present, trusting that we have sufficiently made appear, that the 
town of Providence ought not now to be taxed higher, if so high, 
as their proportion would be by the estimate taken in the year 
1767, and that the uncertain, conjectural estimate of March 
1777, is unjust and illegal and ought to be set aside and abol- 
ished. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



285 



Your petitioners, therefore, beseech and entreat you, by all 
the sacred obligations of reason, justice and humanity, that you 
would immediately and totally annul and abolish the said con- 
jectural and illegal estimate of March 1777, and establish, ratify 
and confirm, that only certain, just and legal estimate, taken and 
established in the year 1767, as a standard and rule for appor- 
tioning rates and taxes unto and upon the several towns, until 
another new estimate or valuation can in like manner, accord- 
ing to law and the constitution of this state, be taken, approved 
and adopted ; and that you would forthwith take such measures 
that the same be speedily brought about and accomplished as to 
your wisdom and discretion shall seem most suitable and con- 
venient." 

From the latter part of this petition, it may be 
surmised that a jealousy between the town and coun- 
try had been excited, growing out of the spirited 
action of the town relative to the act for stipulating 
prices of various articles. By repeated exertions 
and continual effort, that act had either been repealed 
or essentially modified before August 1777. This 
circumstance may, in part, account for the ill suc- 
cess that attended this petition. It surely could not 
have resulted either from any lack of argument in the 
petition itself, or from a conviction that the facts had 
been misstated. It produced a reduction in the town's 
proportion of a tax ordered in the following February, 
but not so great as to give satisfaction to the town ; 
besides, the estimate of 1767 seems to have been 
equally disregarded, in the apportionment of it. So far 
from producing a reduction in the taxes ordered in the 
preceding year, the equity of which seems to be ac- 
knowledged by this proceeding, they directed a suit 
to be brought against the town treasurer for the de- 
ficiency of the town's proportion of the tax of Au- 



286 GENERAL HISTORY. 

gust, which had been dh-ected to be lodged in the 
town treasury. Force met force. The town ad- 
vised their treasurer to be committed to jail on the 
execution. In May, a great number of the me- 
chanics and laborers of Providence joined in a pe- 
tition to the General Assembly for the reduction of 
the town's taxes. The representatives also propos- 
ed to exert their influence to have the arrears paid, 
in case subsequent taxes could be apportioned ac- 
cording to the estimate of 1767. The Assembly 
were inexorable. It appears by the proceedings of 
the town in June, that there was another execution 
against the treasurer for the town's proportion of 
the tax of December, for they then repeated their 
former advice to him, and John Brown and Ephraim 
Bowen agreed to be sureties for him in a bond for 
the hberty of the jail-yard. In case he acceded 
to this advice, he was to disregard the bounds and 
return to his home. Things remained in this un- 
pleasant situation, until October session of the As- 
sembly, when a new estimate was directed to be ta- 
ken, immediately after which, the town directed 
their treasurer to pay up their arrearages. Thus en- 
ded this inglorious struggle. So far as the town by 
petitions, remonstrances and protests, opposed the 
imposition and collection of a tax which they deem- 
ed improperly apportioned, it must be accorded to 
them, that they were but exercising their legal priv- 
ileges ; and so far as the Assembly insisted in appor- 
tioning taxes, without regard to the legal estimate of 
taxable property in the state, it may be safely af- 
firmed, they erred and exceeded their power. But it 



GENERAL HISTORY. 287 

lay with the same body to correct its errors by subse- 
quent legislation. An attempt to compel such legis- 
lation by abuse of legal means, was an endeavor to 
arrive at a right result, by the use of unwarrantable 
measures. As before observed, the estimate of 1 767 
had beyond doubt become unequal. That would 
not however make it any the less imperative on the 
state. The remedy for that inequality was in the 
hands of the legislature, and was finally pursued by 
them. In the then situation of things, it seems to 
have been no easy matter to procure an estimate 
satisfactory to all parts of the State. One was 
adopted in July 1780, amended in November the 
same year, and again in May following. 

In the year 1777 the occupation of so large a por- 
tion of the state by the enemy's troops, so interrupted 
the labors of the husbandman, that in the spring of 
the year following, there existed a great scarcity of 
corn. The prices had become extravagant, and 
there was a fearful prospect that the poor would se- 
verely suffer from want. To remedy the evil, the 
town, on the first of March, resolved to hire ^43,200 
to be sent to Connecticut for the purchase of corn. 
They directed it to be insured if sent by water, and 
oflfered fifteen per cent, premium for insurance, from 
Connecticut river to Providence. They subsequently 
directed 100 bushels of corn and 12 of rye to be 
stored and sold out to the poor in small quantities. 
The price of corn, was ^20, and rye %1b per bushel. 

The nominal amount of money raised on this and 
similar occasions, is much, very much larger than 
the real value. Paper money had suffered a great 



288 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



depreciation. Accounts were kept without regard 
to this depreciation. For the purpose of ascertain- 
ing the real value, different scales of depreciation 
were adopted by the General Assembly at different 
times. Annexed are two of them. 

Scale of Depreciation, as adopted Nov. 1780. 
1777^ Continental.! 1778 Continental. 



Jan. 100 


Spanish 


milled 




Oct. 100 


Spanish milled 




Dolh 


. equal 


to 


$105 


Doll 


s. equal to 


$500 


Feb. " 






107 


Nov. " 


(( 


545 


Mar. " 






109 


Dec. " 


<( 


634 


April, " 






112 


1779 






May, " 






115 


Jan. " 


(( 


742 


June, " 






120 


Feb. " 


(( 


868 


July, " 






125 


March " 


(( 


1000 


Aug. " 






150 


April, " 


(( 


1104 


Sept. " 






175 


May, " 


(( 


1215 


Oct. " 






'275 


June, " 


(. 


1342 


Nov. " 






300 


July, " 


(( 


1477 


Dec. " 






310 


Aug. " 


(1 


1630 


1778 








Sept. " 


(( 


1800 


Jan. " 






325 


Oct. " 


(( 


2030 


Feb. " 






350 


Nov. " 


(( 


2::i08 


Mar. " 






375 


Dec. " 


(( 


2593 


April, " 






400 


1780 






May, " 






400 


Jan. " 


(( 


2934 


June, " 






425 


Feb. " 


(( 


3322 


July, " 






450 


March," 


(( 


3736 


Aug. " 






475 


April, " 


(C 


4000 






Scale adopted in June 1781. 




From April 1, 


1780, to 


April 20, one 


Spanish milled 


dollar 


equal to $40 Continental 


, old emission. 






April 25 


equal 


to 


$42 


1780 






" 30 






44 


Sept 10 


equal to 


$71 


May 6 






46 


Oct. 15 


a 


72 


" 10 






47 


Nov. 10 


a 


73 


" 15 






49 


" 30 


It 


74 


" 20 






54 


1781 






" 25 






60 


Feb. 27 


<( 


75 


" 30 






62 


April 15 


C( 


76 


June 10 






64 


" 20 


<( 


77 


" 15 






68 


" 25 


(( 


78 


" 20 






69 


" 30 


(( 


79 


Aug. 15 






70 


May 15 


<( 


80 


to 








" 30 


(< 


160 



GENERAL HISTORY. 289 

Unaware of these facts, the taxes imposed by the 
state, during the years 1779 and 1780, would appear 
really immense, far exceeding in value the whole 
state. In the former of these years, they amounted 
to £495,000, and in the latter, to £1,940,000, be- 
sides #26,000 in silver. 

Such had been the alarming depreciation of the 
paper currency of the country, that Congress es- 
teemed it their duty, in May 1 779, to call the atten- 
tion of the states and of the inhabitants to that sub- 
ject. Meetings were holden, in relation to the mat- 
ter, in all parts of the continent. On the second of 
July, the subject was taken into consideration by the 
town of Providence, and the following resolutions 
passed. 

" 1. That we will, to the utmost of our power, give effect to 
the salutary purpose of Congress, expressed in their late address, 
for restoring the credit of the Continental currency. 

3. That, as, in our view, the most capital means of accom- 
plishing this, will be, effectually to supply the continental treas- 
ury, we will immediately promote subscriptions in this town, 
for the purpose of loaning money to the continent. And we do 
also recommend to all others, to pursue similar measures; par- 
ticularly those who have deposited money of the emissions of 
May 20, 1777, and April 11, 1778, that in lieu of their monies 
they receive loan-office certificates. 

3. That we will co-operate with our brethren, the worthy cit- 
izens of Philadelphia and Boston, in reducing the prices of the 
articles enumerated, as well as others. 

4. That the merchants and traders of this town be requested 
to convene, in order to ascertain the prices at which the several 
articles of merchandize ought to be sold in this town, so as ef- 
fectually to unite and well comport with what may be done in 
the same way, by the merchants and traders in other places, 
and our brethren in the country, and report the same to this 

37 



290 GENERAL HISTORY 

town on the 20th instant ; and it is recommended to the trades- 
men and mechanics, to reduce their prices from time to time, ac- 
cording to the prices of merchandize and country produce. 

5. That for the purposes aforesaid, we will appoint a standing 
committee, to address and correspond with the other towns in 
this state, as well as such committees in other states as may be 
appointed for similar purposes. 

6. That we most cordially invite our brethren in the coun- 
try, who command the necessaries of life, cheerfully to join us 
in so laudable an undertaking ; as without their spirited concur- 
rence, all our efforts must be ineffectual ; assuring them of our 
sincerity and fixed determination to persevere, till the good pur- 
poses of Congress aforesaid shall be fully accomplished. 

We must observe to the public, that we cannot entertain the 
least doubt but our present endeavors will be crowned with suc- 
cess ; 

Because, the United States have plighted their faith and 
pledged their estates, for the value of their currency, which soon- 
er or later, it must obtain ; and perhaps a gradual appreciation 
is best. 

Because, the success hitherto attending our arms in the pres- 
ent campaign, affords us the most flattering prospects of a spee- 
dy and final expulsion of the enemy from our country. 

Because, by the blessing of heaven, there is a prospect of the 
most fruitful season, for all kinds of produce, ever known in 
this country ; and should the crops answer our expectations,. 
their prices must of consequence be reduced. 

Because, the large continental tax of $60,000,000, and suras 
of money which we doubt not will soon be loaned to the conti- 
nent, must effectually supply the treasury and prevent the neces- 
sity of future emissions. 

Resolved, that the Hon. Jabez Bowen, Esq. Mr. John Brown, 
James M. Varnum, Jonathan Arnold, David Howell, William 
Wheaton, and Dwight Foster, Esqrs. or the major part of them, 
be, and they are hereby appointed a standing committee, to ad- 
dress and correspond with the other towns in this state, as well 
as the committees of correspondence in other states, agreeably 
to the fifth resolve of this meeting." 



GENERAL HISTORY. 291 

Another town meeting on the same subject was 
called on the 23d of the same month. It was then 
resolved, to hold a convention of delegates from 
the several towns in the state, at East Greenwich, on 
the second Tuesday in August following. The del- 
egates from Providence were Stephen Hopkins, Ja- 
bez Bowen, John Brown, Welcome Arnold, and 
John Innes Clark. 

The convention met on the 10th of August. Del- 
egates appeared from twenty-four towns. They 
proceeded to fix the prices of the necessaries of life, 
of domestic as well as of foreign growth, to take ef- 
fect on the first day of September. They resolved that 
he who demanded or received more for any article 
than the stipulated price, should be deemed an ene- 
my to his country, and the committee of correspon- 
dence for the town where he dwelt, was directed to 
publish his name to the world. The inhabitants of 
each town were requested to state the wages of 
tradesmen and laborers, in proportion to the rates 
stated by the convention for the necessaries of life. 
They recommended to the General Assembly, to 
take immediate steps for raising the state's propor- 
tion of the continental tax. They appointed another 
convention to be holden on the first Tuesday in No- 
vember. The doings of this convention were ap- 
proved by a town meeting holden on the 20th of 
August. On the following day, a committee of in- 
spection, consisting of twenty-four persons, was ap- 
pointed, and another committee to state prices for 
tradesmen and laborers. They reported on the 31st. 
The prices stated were generally twenty per cent. 



292 GENERAL HISTORY. 

lower than those previously demanded. At the same 
meeting, Nicholas Brown, Zephaniah Andrews, and 
John Mumford, were appointed a committee to open 
a subscription for loans to the continent. But, as in 
a previous attempt to regulate the prices of articles, 
and thus prevent a further depreciation of the paper 
currency, these measures were found ineffectual. 
They do not appear to have been pursued at Prov- 
dence, or in the state, with the same fervor that they 
were formerly. Perhaps the reasoning of a former 
town's committee on the subject had shaken the con- 
fidence in their utility or efficiency, and thus render- 
ed them even more inefficient than they otherwise 
might have been. The fundamental error was in 
endeavoring to fix the value of a currency, which 
currency itself should be the standard of value, by 
the prices of the articles of merchandize. 

By a census taken in 1782, it appears there were 
in Providence, 

White males, under 16 years of age, 
from 16 to 22 

« from 22 to 50 

" over 50 

White females, under 16 years of age, 

" from 16 to 22 

" from 22 to 50 

" over 50 

Indians, 6— Mulattoes, 33— Blacks, 252, 

Total, 4306 

News of the definitive treaty of peace between the 

United States and Great Britain, arrived in Provi- 



943 




205 




589 




176- 


-1913 


903 




293 




727 




179- 


-2102 


? 


291 



GENERAL HISTORY. 293 

(lence, on the second day of December, 1783. This 
treaty secured to the colonies, all that they demand- 
ed. The price they paid, for hberty and indepen- 
dence, perhaps cannot be estimated by any of the 
present inhabitants. We can count up the millions 
of dollars expended, and number the lives that were 
lost in that contest. But who can form an estimate 
of the sufferings of the inhabitants at large, and of 
the privations they bore, in raising that sum ^ or, 
of the affliction, and sorrow, and pain, that preceded 
and followed the deaths of the martyrs of freedom. 
Want and misery were not confined to the ranks of 
the soldiery ; they pervaded all parts of the country 
and all classes of society. Pain, and sickness, and 
sorrow, did not revel merely in the camp. They 
spread their devastating influence to the home of 
the soldier. If he returned himself, he bore with 
him the seeds of sickness and spread them in his 
family, to blast his hopes of future comfort and joy. 
If he fell in battle, the mother, the wife, the child, 
drank of the cup of sorrow and suffering. The idea 
that can now be formed of the scenes of the revolu- 
tion, must be very faint and imperfect. It may well 
be doubted whether the most vivid imagination can 
paint the picture with all its horrors. How grateful 
must have been the news of peace, under such cir- 
cumstances, to the war-worn veteran and his care- 
worn family — peace with hberty, liberty with inde- 
pendence, all that he wished, nay, more than he 
dreamed of, at the outset, wrung from the grasp of 
the mother country. 



CHAPTER FIFTH. 
GENERAL HISTORY. 

FROM THE PEACE OF ]783, TO 'CUE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITITTION OF 
THE UNITED STATES BY THE STATE OF RHODE-ISLAND, IN 1790. 

At the close of the revolutionary war, the situation 
of Providence differed but little from that of other 
parts of the United States. During that struggle, 
this town contributed its full proportion of men and 
means. It is entitled to a full share of all the glory 
of that contest, and it received a full share of loss 
and privation. Although it was not, at any time, 
the seat of actual war, yet, its immediate proximity 
to the large body of troops posted on Rhode-Island 
for a long time, and the facility with which they 
could, at any time, attack Providence, subjected its 
citizens to frequent alarms, and to repeated tours of 
military duty. The return of peace must, there- 
fore, have been hailed by them with great joy. 

While the war continued, external dangers ensur- 
ed the union of the states. The utter inefficiency 
of the articles of confederation, could never have 
been felt, under these circumstances. At the return 
of peace, individuals recovered their individuality. 
Different states ascertained that their interests were 
diverse and opposed to each other. Commercial 
enterprise engaged the attention of their citizens, 
and forced on them the conviction that further and 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



295 



uniform reijulations of foreign intercourse were ne- 
cessary for their success abroad, and a firmer, closer 
union, indispensable, to secure their happiness at 
home. So long as every state possessed all the at- 
tributes of sovereignty, controlled only by the articles 
of confederation, little advantage could result from 
the liberty and independence they had gained. As 
peace revealed the weakness of the articles of con- 
federation, it also disclosed the remedy for it, in the 
establishment of a general government, clothed with 
such powers as the states could not separately exer- 
cise, without ruin to themselves. It is believed 
that a large majority of the citizens of the United 
States were, at first, opposed to such a general gov- 
ernment. They had not felt, in their business, the 
evils which oppressed the other classes of their fel- 
low citizens, and they thought they saw in such a 
general government, the same foe to liberty which 
they had just vanquished. In the state of Rhode- 
Island, this majority was very large. It included far 
the greater part of all the inhabitants of the country 
towns, besides many of the inhabitants of the sea- 
ports. Generally, the seaport towns were in favor 
of such a central government, and none of them more 
so than Providence. In the state of Rhode-Island, 
these two parties had one cause to embitter them 
against each other, which did not exist in many of 
the other states. All the states were loaded with 
debt at the close of the war, yet most of them had 
the means of meeting their debts at some future 
time. It was not so with Rhode-Island. Almost 
from the first settlement of the state, all the expenses 



296 GENERAL HISTORY. 

of her government had -been defrayed, by direct or 
indirect taxation on its inhabitants. She had£no 
vacant lands within her limits, from the sales of which 
she could endow schools, establish charities, and de- 
fray her current expenses. For whatever of these 
was done, almost the only means, was the industry 
of her citizens, voluntarily taxed for these purposes. 
At the close of the war her state debt was very 
large, compared with that of other states. The 
principal part of it had centred in the hands of the 
merchants and traders. The landholders were also 
deeply in debt to them. Insolvency and ruin were 
before them. The most ready expedient for relief, 
was a new emission of paper money, the ultimate 
redemption of which should be secured by pledge 
of real estate. Debtors saw in this, the means of 
paying an old debt by contracting a new one, while 
creditors beheved that the paper which they should 
receive for their debts would very soon depreciate, 
and become of little value. Some of the debtors, 
apprehending this depreciation as a necessary con- 
sequence, saw in it the means of compounding their 
debts, without a statute of insolvency. Hence a 
struggle between debtor and creditor, the merchant 
and farmer, in relation to the emission of paper 
money. In this struggle. Providence, of course, 
took part with the merchant. Their views in rela- 
tion to the subject, are embodied in the following 
memorial and remonstrance prepared in Providence, 
signed by many of the inhabitants and others, being 
freemen of the state, and presented to the General 
Assembly at their February session, 1786. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 297 

" The memorial and remonstrance of sundry inhabitants of the 
town of Providence and others, freemen of said State. 

That as well from opinions industriously circulated in some 
parts of the state, as from the proceedings of some towns legal- 
ly assembled, there is reason to apprehend, that an attempt is 
soon to be made to induce the legislature of the state to put 
forth an emission of paper money. As this measure may involve 
the interests and fortunes of your memorialists, in common with 
their fellow citizens, and essentially affect the honor and well be- 
ing of the state, they conceive that it cannot fail to be agreeable 
to those who are advanced to seats in government, by the voice 
of their country, to receive the most free and full communication 
of the sentiments of their constituents, to the end that such mea- 
sures may be finally adopted, as may, in their issue, prove remedial 
of real grievances under which any class of citizens may labor, 
without entailing distress and ruin on others, or tarnishing the 
honor and character of a free and sovereign state. Notwithstand- 
ing the confidence that it becomes your memorialists to have, and 
which they are happy in this opportunity of expressing, in the abil- 
ities, integrity and information of the members of the present 
legislature, they beg leave to submit to their candid consideration, 
some remarks on the nature, tendency and operation of the 
measure in contemplation, relatively to several classes of citizens, 
as well as to the state ; preliminary to which, they cannot avoid 
calling to mind, 

That the better security of life, liberty and property, is the only 
reason for exchanging a state of nature for a state of government ; 
and that government which affords the greatest security for these 
enjoyments, at the least expense, has been justly esteemed the best. 
A confidence in the honor and virtue of our fellow citizens on 
this side of the Atlantic, induced us to commit our lives and 
fortunes into their hands, and inspired us with fortitude to throw 
off all foreign dependence. After an expensive and bloody war 
of many years continuance, Heaven has crowned us with suc- 
cess, and we are now to reap the fruits cf our labors under the 
mild and just administration of government, in the hands of men 
of our own choice — our neighbors, our friends and our brethren. 
It has happened in the course of the war, from various causes, 

38 



298 GENERAL HISTORY. 

that some states, as well as some individuals in the same states, 
have made advances to the public service, out of all proportion 
to their abilities, compared with others. The pl^riod of account 
has at length arrived, with returning peace and plenty. The 
states in advance expect a credit, and to throw a part of their 
burdens on their sister states. The individuals in advance ex- 
pect similar justice ; that their burdens be spread equally, on the 
the shoulders of their fellow citizens ; trusting that the equal and 
joint efforts of all, will sustain with ease, those burdens which, 
falling partially, would bring on partial ruin and distress. It is 
the prevailing opinion, whether well founded or not, that the 
eastern states are in advance to the federal union on a just set- 
tlement, which is hoped for soon. It is certain that this little 
state has been second to none, in her exertions. But waiving 
the consideration of state advances, the certificates issued from 
our loan office, and other federal certificates, held by our citizens, 
form an aggregate debt of from eight to nine hundred thousand 
dollars, on'a moderate estimation. If the actual circumstances 
of the United States could admit of our receiving a credit in the 
books of the federal treasury for this amount, or for the interest 
of it annually, this state's quota of the national debt would be 
settled, and no annual demand could arise against us, from Con- 
gress, other than for charges of the federal government. Is it 
not therefore the interest of the state to give effect to the just 
and constitutional measures of Congress for paying off this debt 
with honor ? On this head, your memorialists have learned with 
satisfaction, the measures adopted by the state. A debt has also 
been incurred, which is ultimately to full on the state. Your 
memorialists are not informed of the precise amount of this 
debt, but presume, that the care and fidelity of those in power^ 
have not suffered the state to acknowledge debts to individuals, 
without a just consideration. The evidences of this debt are 
held, it is to be presumed, by the citizens of this state : the avails 
of the two and a half per cent, impost have been applied to pay its 
interest, and it is now suggested, that the operations of paper mon- 
ey are necessary, to facilitate its final extinguishment. Your 
memorialists hope, that after a fair and candid inquiry into the 
nature, tendency and operation of this measure, it will not be 
adopted. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 299 

The inconveniences of barter, or a mutual exchange of those 
articles which mankind deem useful, introduced, in the progress 
of civilization, the precious metals, as a measure of the value of 
things ; but as commerce multiplied and extended the business of 
transferring the necessaries, conveniences and luxuries of life, in 
higher stages of improvement, evidences of the value of these 
precious metals were substituted in their room, such as foreign 
and inland bills of exchange, bank bills, bonds and paper money. 
The operations of this paper credit, under certain circumstan- 
ces, and to a certain degree, may be useful to a state, as well as to 
individuals. The single point of inquiry therefore is, whether, 
under the actual circumstances of this state, an emission of pa- 
per money is a wise and necessary measure. In whatever man- 
ner this measure be adopted, on whatever funds the paper is to 
rest, it must either remain at par with the precious metals, or 
depreciate. If its credit is supported, it will indeed be less in- 
jurious to individuals, but what good effects will it produce ? 
It will not increase our circulating medium, unless it augments 
our business ; for it is an established principle, that the circula- 
ting medium in a country, other things being equal, will always 
bear a proportion to the trade and commerce. The state there- 
fore, which wantonly adopts paper, foolishly banishes the same 
quantity of the precious metals ; and this consequence, your me- 
morialists apprehend, would take place here ; the silver and gold, 
which love not the society of paper, would be driven to our 
neighboring states. That a state paper money would not aug- 
ment our business, but on the contrary vastly diminish it, must 
be obvious to any one, who considers the smallness of the state, 
the vicinity of its Jarge towns to the large states of Massachu- 
setts and Connecticut, many of whose citizens now frequent our 
markets, but in that case, finding no use for our paper medium, 
would be compelled to divert their trade, to their own markets. 
Nay, might it not be expected, that the best of our own produce, 
allured by the charms of silver and gold, would take the same 
route? Add to this, that while 'the paper remains at par, it 
would not be more in the reach of distressed debtors, than pre- 
cious metals, if the dread of paper money was removed from 
the minds of monied men, and private credit restored, nor would 
any body be eased thereby, in payment of taxes, as produce 



300 GENERAL HIS'J'OKY. 

would fetch as much of one as of the other. For these reasons, 
your memorialists humbly conceive, that an undepreciating state 
paper money would do much hurt and could do no real good. The 
operations of a depreciating currency, then remain next to be at- 
tended to. Your memorialists humbly conceive, it would be a 
rare phenomenon in the political world, for a legislature to make 
paper money, with a direct and avowed intention to avail the pub- 
lic of its depreciation. What would this be, it may be asked, 
other than to make a promise, and at the same time confess you 
do not mean to fulfil it, or to fulfil' it only in part. In case paper 
money, so emitted, should be suffered to expire gradually, it is 
evident it would operate as a tax on the community to its full 
amount. Should it be redeemed, at a depreciated value, the tax 
would indeed be less, but no less unjustly levied from the people. 
In both cases, the people would be taxed, not according to their 
estates, but in the compound ratio of the money they took and 
the time they kept it. This, your memorialists conceive, would 
cruelly oppress various classes of people and injure the public 
wealth ; and this oppression would be still more intolerable.should 
the money, under such circumstances, be made a legal tender, so 
as to discharge the principal, or even to stop the interest of debts 
previously contracted. The operation of such depreciating pa- 
per, applied in payment betwixt individuals, would be no less 
unjust and cruel than its operation as a public tax. In this 
point of view, it would relax business, cut the sinews of indus- 
try, and enable sharpers and speculators to thrive on the plunder 
of the innocent and incautious. But here it may be thought 
unnecessary to enlarge, as it will doubtless be given out, and 
well stood to by many, that no depreciation is to take place. 
Your memorialists will not undertake to enter into the designs 
or secret thoughts of any, but as it has been already, as they ap- 
prehend, clearly stated, that an undepreciating paper money 
would not afford the relief aimed at, they cannot but be alarmed 
with an apprehension, that the money to be emitted is also to be 
depreciated. 

Whatever may be the intentions of the advocates of this mea- 
sure, your memorialists entertain no doubt but that the event 
will justify their present apprehensions. The quantity of paper 
in the hands of the citizens of these states, as evidences of the 



GENERAL HISTORY. 301 

federal and state debts, is already amazing. This cannot have 
escaped the view of any. Add to this, the bills or certificates 
issued by some states for payment of interest, the bank notes in 
circulation, and the obligations of individuals. All these de- 
scriptions of paper, do, in fact, obtain more or less circulation, 
and supply the place of a medium of commerce. The interest 
certificates to be issued under the requisition of September 27, 
178.5, and which are to have a general circulation, will make a 
great addition to this mass. Was there ever a time, it may be 
asked, before the revolution, when one fourth part so much paper 
was in circulation in this country ? And it may be further asked, 
was there ever a time, when the citizens had less transferable 
articles, to employ and give motion to it? 

. It may be said, that large quantities of paper money were 
pushed into circulation during the war ; but your memorialists 
conceive that to have been owing to a rare concurrence of cir- 
cumstances. In the first instance, the precious metals in circu- 
lation did not furnish a sufficient medium for transacting the 
business which arose with the commencement of the war. Add 
to this, that the enthusiasm of liberty, and the points of bayo. 
nets, greatly contributed to the circulation of that paper, which, 
nevertheless, finally expired, though there was at that time, little 
of any other descriptions of paper in circulation. If these ob- 
servations are well founded, it cannot be thought even within 
the possibility of things, that this state can now issue paper mon- 
ey, without depreciation. Whatever pains may be taken, by in- 
terested men, to divide the agricultural interest from the com- 
mercial, in this state, and to blow up the coals of faction and 
party, your memorialists entertain too high an opinion of the 
good sense and virtue of the substantial farmers in the country, 
to believe they can listen to the suggestions of a wily, selfish 
policy, or aim to build themselves up, at the expense of sacrific- 
ing the seaport towns and the commerce of the state. In that 
case, they must soon feel the sad effects of their ill-judged policy. 
Your memorialists presume that the landholders need not be 
told how intimately the rents of their estates, the prices of their 
produce, and even the rate of their taxes, are connected with the 
prosperity of commerce in the state, and that, to this prosperity 



302 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the solidity of the currency, the stability of public faith, and 
the punctuality in private contracts, are absolutely essential. 

Let us, therefore, inquire into the effects of this measure, on 
several classes of people. The merchant brings his merchandize 
from abroad, and must make punctual remittances, or his credit 
and his trade are at an end. Paper money will neither pay his 
debts in Europe, nor purchase the productions of other states, to 
enable him to make payment ; and it is well known, this state 
can furnish but very little. It cannot therefore, with any propri- 
ety, be expected that he should dispose of his goods, for an ar- 
ticle for which he has no use. View next the shopkeepers and 
country traders, they too must refuse it, because it will not sat- 
isfy the merchant who supplies them. The farmer cannot take 
it for his produce, because the merchants, shopkeepers and tra- 
ders have no use for it. The mechanics and common laborers 
may close the scene, for they will neither be able to pass it for 
food or raiment. 

But it is worth while to consider, how far it is within the 
compass of power to give circulation to paper, under these cir- 
cumstances, especially as there is reason to believe, from the 
prices of articles of produce in general, that there is no great 
real want of hard money, as a medium of commerce. It may 
indeed be made, and, if armed with penalties, be set in motion ; 
but unless it can obtain a voluntary circulation, it will not pro- 
ceed many stages, before it will meet with a dead set and expire. 

Notwithstanding the preceding remarks, which your memo- 
rialists have taken the liberty to make, they must also subjoin, 
that they grievously feel and lament the distresses of the times, 
which they conceive originated from the desolations of the late 
war and the heavy debt thereby incurred, as well as from the 
embarrassments of the trade of the United States in foreign 
countries, and some impolitic restraints among ourselves. To 
these causes may be added, the almost total stoppage of the cir- 
culation of hard money, which adds a great artificial, to some 
degree of real scarcity of that article, occasioned by the appre- 
hension of an emission of paper ; and with great deference 
they take this occasion to submit for consideration, the propriety 
of the following measures, in their humble opinion calculated 



GENERAL HISTORY. 303 

to afford some degree of relief: an addition to the impost, per- 
haps chiefly on specific articles to be enumerated — an excise on 
spiritous liquors and other luxuries — a tax on horses — laws to en- 
tourage the raising of wool and flax, for promoting our own 
manufactures, and for reviving industry and economy among all 
ranks of people. 

To conclude, your memorialists cannot take leave of the Hon- 
orable General Assembly, without assuring them, in the strong- 
est terms, that they are sincerely disposed to contribute their 
best endeavors, to give effect to all measures calculated to pro- 
mote and perpetuate the prosperity of this state and of the United 
States ; but that they do not consider an emission of paper 
money as coming within that description. And as in duty bound 
will ever pray, &c." 

As they anticipated, the project was debated at 
that session, and rejected by a vote of nearly two to 
one. Gov. Greene, who had been chief magistrate 
of the state from 1778, exerted himself against it, and 
as a means of meeting the requisitions of Congress 
and the current expenses of the state government, 
proposed and advocated the passage of an act es- 
tablishing an impost on certain articles, and an ex- 
cise on liquors. The friends of paper money in the 
state were not disheartened at their defeat. They 
ralhed at the spring election, displaced Governor 
Greene and his friends, and elected a Governor and 
Senate whose views accorded with theirs. At the 
May session, 1786, the project was again debated, 
and a bill passed, authorizing the emission of 
£100,000, securing its payment by pledge of the 
real estate of the borrower, and making it a tender in 
payment of all debts, then contracted. It did not 
pass without opposition, and the representatives of 
Providence entered their protest against it, reiterat- 



304 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ing the arguments which are contained in the memo- 
rial before copied. 

It required but a very short time, under these cir- 
cumstances, to verify the prediction that these bills 
would soon depreciate. The depreciation was sud- 
den and great. At the session in June, the friends 
of paper money undertook to sustain its sinking 
credit, and to force for it a circulation. They pass- 
ed an act, subjecting every person who should refuse 
to receive it at par with gold and silver, for goods, or 
who should do any act tending to discourage its cur- 
rency, to a penalty of £100 and to disfranchisement. 
Upon the passage of this act, the merchants and 
traders closed their stores, and discontinued their 
business, as the only way of avoiding the penalties. 
To counteract these proceedings, and to compel the 
merchants to terms, the farmers who had mortgaged 
their farms for these bills, resolved not to bring any 
of the produce of their farms to market. The re- 
sult was a total stagnation of all business. The dis- 
tress arising from a want of corn and breadstuffs 
was such, and the prospects so gloomy and discour- 
aging, that a town meeting was called, on the 24th 
of July, for the purpose of devising means of procur- 
ing a supply of these articles. The town then 
agreed to borrow $500 and send it abroad to pur- 
chase corn to be subsequently sold and distributed 
by the town council among the inhabitants. To 
counteract these measures, the farmers called a coun- 
ty convention, of the county of Providence, to meet 
at Scituate on the 10th day of August. This con- 
vention adjourned to unite with a state convention, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 305 

for the same objects, to be holden at East-Green- 
wich, on the 24th of the same month. Delegates 
from sixteen towns appeared in this convention. — 
They expressed their confidence in the state gov- 
ernment, their approbation of its proceedings, their 
resolution to aid it in carrying into effect the acts 
relative to the paper money then in existence, and 
such others as might be necessary. Providence was 
represented in this convention by David Howell, 
Welcome Arnold, Wilham Rhodes, Jabez Bowen, 
and Joseph Nightingale. They acted with a small 
minority. 

Upon the applicationof many citizens, the Govern- 
or called a special session of the General Assembly, 
to meet on the 24th of August. They still believed 
they could give currency to paper money by penal 
laws, and they amended the several acts before pass- 
ed, giving a more speedy and certain remedy for 
any breach of the same. So eager had the majority 
become, to enforce obedience to the laws on this 
subject, that they lost sight of the rights of the peo- 
ple and jeopardized, nay sacrificed, their highest 
and dearest privileges to it. The validity and con- 
stitutionality of these acts came in question before 
the Supreme Judicial Court of the state, sitting at 
Newport, in the case of Trevett q. t. and Weeden. — 
After a very patient investigation, the court pro- 
nounced the acts unconstitutional and void. This 
made another session of the General Assembly ne- 
cessary, and they convened early in October. After 
directing the judges to be cited before them, to an- 
swer for their decision, they proceeded to the form- 
39 



306 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ation of another bill, to repair, if possible, the injury 
done by that decision to the currency of their bills. 
It bore the title of " an act to stimulate and give ef- 
ficacy to the paper bills emitted by this state, in May 
and June last." It required every citizen, on or be- 
fore a day certain, named in the bill, to give his sol- 
emn engagement, that he would use his endeavors 
to give the paper bills a currency equal to gold and 
silver, and that he would not offer any article for 
sale, which he would not sell as cheap for the one 
as the other. He who neglected to give such en- 
gagement, was declared incapable of holding any 
office of honor or profit, of voting for any such 
officer, and of giving testimony in any court of law. 
Under all circumstances, the General Assembly 
deemed it advisable to ask instructions of their con- 
stituents, before they passed a law containing such 
extraordinary provisions. The bill was of course 
laid before a meeting of the freemen of Providence, 
and was by them referred to Jabez Bowen, Nicho- 
las Brown, Welcome Arnold, John I. Clark and 
Theodore Foster, to report instructions to the rep- 
resentatives in General Assembly. Their report 
was made on the 17th of October, in the following 
language. 

"Your committee have attentively considered the aforesaid bill, 
submitted to the sense of the freemen of this state, by order of 
the General Assembly, at their last session, and as it appears in 
form of a bill and not of a law, they conceive themselves justi- 
fied in expressing, with greater freedom, their apprehensions of 
its nature and tendency. 

Some preliminary observations seem necessary to introduce 
the subject. The right to property stands on a basis no less 



GENERAL HISTORY. 307 

firm, than the right of life itself, as the former is the means of 
preserving the latter. Your committee conceive, that no prop- 
osition can be more unquestionable, than that, in a state of na- 
ture, every man has a right, to enjoy the fruits of his own indus- 
try, or to exchange them for what in his opinion, is an equiva- 
lent ; extreme cases excepted. The social compact is entered 
into, to secure and protect this right, and not to supersede or 
take it away : and as in a state of nature, no individual could 
compel his neighbor to part with his property on any other than 
his own terms, it is clear, none could convey a right so to com- 
pel him, to his representative, in a state of government. The 
representative body, therefore, are not authorized to ascertain the 
value of the property of individuals and to decide on what terms, 
excepting by equal taxation, they shall part with it. In that 
case, there could be no private property, but all property would, 
in fact, be a joint stock and the property of the representative 
body ; the idea of private ownership being done away. This is 
the situation of property under despotism, whether exercised by 
one or many. No subject is owner or master of any thing, though 
earned by the sweat of his own brow, nor allowed to stipulate 
any terms for himself in parting with it. If these observations 
are well founded, the General Assembly of this state, however 
they may be authorized to impose common and equal taxes, im- 
posts and excises, and to ascertain the kind of money in which 
they shall be paid, will be found wholly destitute of power to 
touch the property of individuals, in the manner proposed by the 
test bill. It will, your committee conceive, be found no less 
out of their power, to compel the citizen to dispose of his vendi- 
ble commodities for silver and gold or specie, than for paper 
money. Barter was the first mode of exchanging property, and 
the moment a man is deprived of his right to barter, or to sell 
for silver only, or for gold only, or for paper money only, or for 
any other description of what he may deem an equivalent, and on 
his own terms, that moment he becomes a slave. 

Admitting it to be within the power of the General Assembly, 
to enact it a crime to refuse to take paper money of this bank or 
of any other, for others may and no doubt will be made, at par 
with silver and gold, your committee conceive, that the punish- 



308 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ment annexed to the crime, is excessive and against the rights of 
the people. The delinquent is to be " incapable to be elected to 
any post of honor or profit within this state, or to exercise the 
functions of any civil or military office therein, or of giving his 
vote or suffrage for electing any officer or representative within 
this state." This amounts to a very grevious disfranchisment, 
and in effect almost to a proscription. Your committee conceive, 
that citizens already under the sacred ties of allegiance to the 
state, and paying their just part of all public charge for their 
protection, ought not to be called to take further tests in this 
way, as conditions of retaining their freedom ; especially, tests 
that do not regard their quiet and orderly lives, or the safety of 
the state in time of war, but merely, as in the present instance, 
relate to the considerations for which they are to part with their 
private property. The establishment of such a principle, your 
committee apprehend, would lay a foundation for endless con- 
tention and vexation, and issue in a dissolution of government. 
Any measure, however unjust or romantic, and none could be 
much more so, than the present attempt to pass this bank at par 
with silver and gold, might be fortified by the party in power 
with a test act, and all those who refused to comply therewith, 
disfranchised. Even a minority, and as it might happen a very 
small minority too, perhaps only those in power, at the spur of 
the occasion, with a very few friends out of doors, might in this 
way perpetuate their measures, and hold their seats against the 
voice of the great bulk of the people. What are our liberties, 
if we are to bo deprived of them, in this way ? The principles 
of our constitution must rest on ground more firm and safe. — 
This mode of punishment, therefore, for crimes of this sort, your 
committee are assured, is not only oppressive to individuals, but 
hio-hly dangerous to the public weal, and so, unconstitutional. 

The impropriety of a test bill will further appear, from the 
nature of the thing thereby required. All the freemen of the 
state and others, are required to swear or affirm, " that they 
will use their endeavors to give the paper money a currency, 
equal to silver and gold, and that they will sell their vendible 
articles, for the same price in one as the other." And in case of 
failure, " are to be punished for wilful and corrupt perjury." — 
Your committee do not understand the intent of the word " en- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 309 

deavor," as used in this bill, and so are not capable of ascertain- 
ing the amount of that part of the obligation of the oath. But 
if it means, that the declarant should sell, what he has not to 
sell, it goes too far, and if it means that he should induce oth- 
ers to sell, who are not disposed thereto, it imposes an officious 
meddling in the business* of others. And what else can it mean, 
other than what is contained in the other clauses of the oath, 
your committee are utterly at a loss. It seems to be a general, 
uncertain and very exceptionable expression in the oath. Legisla- 
tors have power to take away money from the citizens, as much 
as may be wanted for necessary public uses. But no constitu- 
tion, within the knowledge of your committee, ever authorized 
a legislature to make the people take money of any kind. A 
tender of money, paper money as well as hard money, may stop 
interest on a lodgment of it in a court of law for the use of the 
creditor, or may extinguish the principal of the debt, if the ten- 
der or lodgment of the money, is the same as contracted for. — 
But in all countries, it is within the option of the creditor to re- 
fuse taking the money, in case he prefers subjecting himself to 
certain pecuniary penalties of a less grevious nature than dis- 
franchisment even in despotic states. How shocking then to 
the feelings of freemen must this test bill appear, which has it 
directly in object, to compel the actual taking of the money, 
not only for debts, but for all articles exposed to sale, and to do 
this by imposing a solemn oath for the purpose, and to impose 
this solemn oath for this purpose, under the unheard-of penalty 
of disfranchisement. Your committee are humbly of opinion, 
that this attempt is without a parallel in the annals of mankind. 

Your committee proceed secondly to consider the justice of 
the measure, and here, 

1. Either the paper money is, in fact, equivalent to gold and 
silver, or it is not. In the former case, the proposed test bill 
is clearly unnecessary ; for men readily enough discover and 
pursue their own interest, without laws to stimulate them there- 
to. In the latter case, if the paper money is not equal to silver 
and gold, every man who takes it at par is a loser thereby, and 
his loss will bear a proportion to the quantity of money he takes, 
and a compliance with the test bill would, in every instance, be 
a sacrifice of part of his interest. 



310 GENERAL HISTORY. 

2. It is incontrovertible that the paper money is already de- 
preciated to three to five for one. If it was possible then, by 
any exertion, to raise it to par on a sudden, an unreasonable 
advantage would be thrown into the hands of many of the 
present holders thereof, at the expense of those who have passed 
it at a depreciated value. But, 

3. From the principles and quantity of this bank of money, 
and from the actual circumstances of this state, if it was possible 
to give it a currency, in the first instance, equal to silver and 
gold, it would be wrong and unjust, because it must necessarily 
depreciate. 

In the third and last place, your committee attended to the 
policy of the measure. And 1. The multitude of oaths to be 
hereby introduced, would tend to familiarize and render common, 
that solemn appeal to heaven. And, as in this case, where private 
interest is so intimately concerned, would not the strongest and 
most influential temptations to perjury be, every day, presented 
to the minds of those under the test. And would not many be 
caught in this snare, thus spread before them by the legislature, 
and the crying sins of innumerable perjuries be added to those 
of injustice and oppression. 

2. There is no provision to give the measure a certain operation 
in any one instance. And, least of all, will it produce any 
effect where the chief malady lies. Merchants and wealthy 
farmers, who alone, by the articles they have for sale, influence 
money operations, will decline the test, for all may decline it, 
and what good effect will be the compliance of hundreds who 
have nothing to sell. In this position of affairs, would not the 
lav/ prove nugatory ? Would it not, in a short time, become 
obsolete, even though it should not be repealed or adjudged un- 
constitutional and void ? 

3. By the operation of this measure, all foreigners and their 
agents would be driven from the state, and their stocks and 
business wholly withdrawn. This would not only prove an im- 
mediate injury to many, who draw a subsistence therefrom, but 
would, in the event, throw a monopoly into the hands of a few 
designing men. 

4. Your committee could not avoid considering the policy of 
this measure, as it regards the present rulers and their supporters, 



GEiXERAL HISTORY. 311 

who, it is to be presumed, if they are serious in their proposal 
mean to take the test and live up to it. Will they not tie their 
own hands, and leave the hands of others loose ? While they 
are obliged, by solemn oath, to sell all their vendible articles for 
paper money at par, will they not see their neighbors, who refuse 
the test, selling for three or four prices, and accumulating 
interest at their expense ? Will the vain phantom of an imaginary 
rule and sway in public affairs, countervail the loss of solid 
interest ? But 

5. Lastly, as a compliance with this test will thus operate to 
the injury of all who take it, your committee are decidedly of 
opinion, that although some who have not thought deeply on the 
subject, may be serious in this business, it can never take effect 
and prevail. On the contrary, it carries its own condemnation, 
written in capitals, on its very forehead. 

Wherefore they beg leave to submit to the consideration of the 
freemen the following resolution. 

Resolved, that the bill entitled an "An act to stimulate and 
give efficacy to the paper bills emitted by this state in May last," 
appears to the freemen of this town to be unconstitutional, un- 
just and impolitic, and that John Jenckes, Esq., John Brown, 
Esq., Major Charles Keene and Benjamin Bourne, Esq., the 
deputies appointed to represent this town at the next session of 
the General Assembly, be and they hereby are instructed to vote 
against said bill, and to use their endeavors to prevent its being 
passed into a law." 

For the reasons in this report contained, or for 
some others as sound, the General Assembly, at the 
regular October session, negatived this bill, by a 
very large majority. This vote, however, is no evi- 
dence of any change of opinion in relation to paper 
money, or the proper means to secure it a circula- 
tion. The next state measure affecting particularly 
the town of Providence, was a bill introduced at an 
adjourned session, in March 1787, providing that 
each town in the state should have two representa- 



312 GENERAL HISTORY. 

tives in the General Assembly, and no more. This 
bill was also sent to the freemen of the several towns, 
for instructions to their representatives. The free- 
men of Providence referred the matter to David 
Howell, Nicholas Brown, Jabez Bowen, Paul Allen, 
and Levi Hall. Their report was as follows : 

" Your committee have been led to inquire into the constitu- 
tion or fundamental laws of this state, relative to the doctrine 
of representation in the General Assembly, and find, that in the 
charter granted to this state, then colony, in the 15th year of 
King Charles 2d, the principles of which they presume them- 
selves authorized to consider as forming the outlines of the pres- 
ent constitution, saving only such as were necessarily done away 
by the declaration of independence, among other things, it is 
ordained and declared, that " forever hereafter, twice in every 
year, that is to say, on every first Wednesday in the month of 
May and on every last Wednesday in October, or oftener in case 
it shall be necessary, the assistants and such of the freemen of 
the said company, not exceeding six persons for Newport, four 
persons for each of the respective towns of Providence, Ports- 
mouth and Warwick, and two persons for each other place, town 
or city, who shall be, from time to time, thereunto elected or de- 
puted by the major part of the freemen of the respective towns 
or places for which they shall be so elected or deputed, shall 
have a general meeting or assembly, then and there to consult, 
advise and determine, in and about the aff'airs and business of the 
said company or plantation." 

In virtue of this clause your committee are of opinion, that 
the town of Providence hath a constitutional right to send four 
deputies to the General Assembly of this state. 

Your committee also find, that in pursuance thereof, four dep- 
uties have been in fact chosen in this town, and have taken their 
seats in the legislature, at the sessions of the General Assembly 
in May and October annually, from the date of the said charter, 
down to the present time, and they do not learn, that it is even 
suggested, that said grant, privilege, and franchise, is or ought to 
be forfeited, either for non-user or mis-user, or for any other cause 
or pretext whatever. 



GENERAL HISTORY. SlS 

Your committee proceeded in the next place to inquire into the 
powers of the General Assembly, and of the freemen, by towns 
and individually, to alter the constitution of this state relative to 
this particular, so as to deprive this town of half the number of 
its deputies, agreeably to the bill now under reference to them. 
And here your committee humbly apprehend, that the General 
Assembly are restrained and limited in all their legislative acts, 
by the constitution. They are, in fact, the creature of the con- 
stitution ; they are brought into existence thereby, and em» 
powered to act agreebly thereto for a certain term, and then 
sink back again into the mass of their fellow citizens ; all 
their acts are liable to examination and scrutiny by the peo« 
pie — that is, by the supreme judiciary, their servants for this 
purpose — and those that militate with the fundamental laws or 
impugn the principles of the constitution, are to be judicially 
set aside, as void and of no effect. Here is the safety of rich 
and poor ; here is a rampart thrown up against arbritary power 
where it is most to be dreaded, as well as soonest to be expected j 
viz. in the hands of the sovereign. 

Precarious indeed would be the tenure of life, as well as of 
liberty and property, held at the mere will of a popular assem- 
bly, sole judges of their own powers, of their own acts, and of 
the people's liberties. Six months is a short term, but it would be 
long enough to enable a wicked and corrupt set of rulers, not only 
to enrich and aggrandise themselves, on the plunder and ruin of 
the people, but also to take eventual measures to perpetuate their 
power, by passing legislative acts, taking out of the hands of the 
people, every means of redress. Wherefore your committee are 
decidedly of opinion, that the General Assembly have no pow- 
ers adequate to the objects of this bill. 

The powers of the freemen in town meetings, by instructions, 
are to be considered, in the next place. Let it be here noted, 
that town meetings are also held under the constitution and pres- 
ent laws, and they are also restrained thereby. It is of danger- 
ous tendency, to let down the bars of the state and countenance 
town meetings in voting innovations in the constitution. It may 
be asked, what power the General Assembly has to throw out 
such a plan, by a legislative act, to the towns ? The charter 
gives them no such power, and if they have it, as a grant from 

40 



314 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the people, let it be shown. It may be convenient for the par- 
pose of a faction ; points may be carried this way. The party in 
power may require tests, and virtually disfranchise voters, and 
then call upon the towns to make such alterations in the con- 
stitution as to weaken their antagonists, to exclude half their 
members from the house. A bare majority of the towns may 
give such instructions, by a bare majority of votes, but to what 
purpose is all this ? Are these fair and candid measures to es- 
tablish a constitution 1 Do they not rather carry the appxear- 
ance of undermining and destroying the constitution 1 There 
may be thirty towns in this state, sixteen towns may contain 
only one third of the inhabitants of the state. Half only of the 
freemen of these sixteen towns may assemble in town meetings. 
A bare majority of those so assembled, or a little more than one- 
sixth part of the freemen of the state, may consent to the altera- 
tion, while the other fourteen towns, or two-thirds of the inhab- 
itants of the state, may vote against it, and in the event, instruc- 
tions for the alterations may be carried up in this manner to the 
General Assembly, when a far greater number of freemen actu- 
ally voted against them in town meeting, than voted for them, 
and when, perhaps, not half the freemen voted any thing about 
them ; and moreover, when all those who did vote for the al- 
teration, only voted away the privileges of the freemen of other 
towns, and thereby enlarged their own privileges in the state. — 
Whence it appears, that the very nature of this alteration is such 
as to render it an improper subject of such a reference to the 
towns, because, it is making them judges in their own cause. — 
It is in fact an adversary buiness, in which there are two parties 
in interest. The four original towns against twenty-six others. 
That the chance is clearly against the former, in this mode of 
decision, as twenty-six is to four ; therefore, if this alteration is 
necessary or desirable, it is to be accomplished in a more fair 
and impartial manner. 

It may be proper, in the third and last place, to consider what 
power the freemen at large have to alter or establish a constiLu- 
tion. Now it must be acknowledged, we have arrived at the 
true source and origin of power. The people can make or al- 
ter their fundamental laws at their pleasure. But here it is 
proper to pause and deliberate on the momentous undertaking. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 315 

To eftect this great object, difFerernt methods have been adopted 
in different countries. The United States afford rare instances 
of the voluntary formation and adoption of free constitutions, by 
the people. But no instance has occurred to your committee, 
of a constitution being formed by the General Assembly of any 
state, and sent down to the freemen of the several towns and dis- 
tricts to be adopted by their instructions, nor has any instance oc- 
curred of any alterations being attempted in any of their con- 
stitutions, in this way. This might be equally dangerous, for 
under the idea of an alteration, principles the most radical and 
essential might be affected, and, in a short time, a total change 
take place, by the address and management of an intriguing 
faction in power ; for which reason, this business seems never 
to have been entrusted to the rulers, for the time being, of any 
of the states. If a constitution is to be formed, or an alteration 
therein made, common prudence would suggest that the busi- 
ness should be committed into the hands of men specially ap- 
pointed for that purpose, and who are not connected or interest- 
ed particularly, in the administration for the time being, or dis- 
posed to make arrangements to favor the purposes of any fac- 
tion or party. Such an arduous and momentous affair should be 
considered and digested in a convention of the more wise, cool 
and independent freemen of the state, specially appointed and 
assembled for that purpose, before it ever ought to be laid be- 
fore the freemen at large, for their approbation. In such times 
as the present, whatever plan may be thrown out by the party 
in power, is almost sure to be adopted greedily by their support- 
ers, and the more injuriously it may operate on the minority, the 
more certain it will be adopted by their adversaries. This con- 
sideration alone, drawn from the mode of making the alterations, 
in the opinion of your committee, would be a sufficient objection, 
even if the matter of it appeared ever so unexceptionable. Has it 
not been objected against the recommendations of Congress for 
altering the confederation, that they were for enlarging their 
own powers, that they stepped forward with an ill grace, in a 
business wherein they were concerned themselves, that they 
might have prejudices or sinister views of their own to promote ; 
nay, have not these very objections dropped from the mouths of 



316 GENERAL HISTORY. 

members of the legislature, who are now fabricating alterations 
in the constitution and powers of the General Assembly, and 
uro-ino- them on the towns with great zeal and with all the weight 
of their infli^ence, as public men and men in power. 

Such has been the effect of these objections, whether well or 
ill founded, that not a single alteration proposed by Congress, in 
the confederation, has been adopted by all the states ; and a con- 
vention is soon to be holden, of the first characters in America, 
other than members of Congress, for the purpose of revising the 
federal constitution. In like manner, your committee conceive, 
that if ever any alterations should be made in the constitution of 
this state, they ought to originate in a state convention, appoint- 
ed for that special object and not otherwise. Your committee 
moreover are of opinion, that it would be unreasonable and im- 
proper to lessen the number of the deputies from the four oldest 
towns, even in case a new constitution should be framed, in the 
manner above proposed. 

1. Because this franchise, enjoyed more than a century by 
these towns, has been considered and has become the right and 
property of the inhabitants, as really and fully as the soil with 
the buildings, the appurtenances and easements thereof, which 
have passed into the hands of the present holders, so privileged, 
and have thereby been held in greater estimation and value. 

2. Because these towns, or at least two of them, being com- 
mercial places, have become very numerous, and as they have been 
heretofore, so they may become again, in better times, the re- 
ceptacles of great wealth, and be assessed accordingly in public 
taxes, and therefore, on both these accounts, are well entitled to 
some preferential distinction in the representative body of the 

state. 

3. Because the great number of small precincts in this state, 
incorporated into towns by the legislature, have exceedingly in- 
creased the number of deputies, and reduced the influence which 
the old towns had originally in the legislature, and as these little 
corporations have been created by the consent and votes of the 
deputies from the privileged towns, and under the expectation of 
their being protected in the continued enjoyment of this fran- 
chise, it would be ungenerous, and a breach of good faith, for 



GENERAL HISTORY. 317 

these little corporate towns, to turn against the old towns, in this 
particular, and to attempt to deprive them of the very franchise 
by the exercise of which, and on the grounds of which, alone, 
the little towns came forward with their claims, and were, in 
fact, brought into existence. 

4. The idea that all towns in a state, great and small, are en- 
titled to an equal voice in the General Assembly is chimerical, 
and unfounded in reason and good sense, as well as against the 
usage and custom of all places. 

Your committee are of opinion, that no sober man would risk 
his reputation for common sense, on the assertion that two 
hundred freemen ought to have the same weight, in the legisla- 
tive body, as four hundred, or that two hundred thousand pounds 
property is of the same consideration as four hundred thousand, 
in point of legislation. 

5. If alterations in the representation are necessary to the 
purposes of just legislation, your committee are humbly of 
opinion, that at a proper time and in a proper method, they 
may take place, on just principles, and without such o-ross and 
palpable injury to particular towns, as would be done by the 
present bill. Suppose, for instance, that some of the larger 
towns, which now send two deputies, should be indulged with 
one or more additional deputies, and some of the least towns re- 
duced to one deputy only. In some such method, and under 
proper authority, delegated for that purpose by the people, might 
not a scale be formed of six, four, three, two and one deputies 
for the several towns, much better according with their numbers 
and taxable property, than for every town, great and small, to 
send two deputies. 

Lastly, your committee attended to the reasons or matter of 
inducement of the bill before them. They cannot conceive 
that such a number of deputies was granted to the four old 
towns, " to make a sufficient number to do and transact the 
public business," for the same paragraph ascertains, that two 
deputies shall be allowed to every other town, and provides that 
these grants shall run together, without limitation of time. And 
it is a well known maxim, that grants shall hold most strongly 
against the grantors and most beneficially for the grantees, 



318 GENERAL HISTORY. 

therefore, it is not to be intended that the grants of six and four 
deputies to some towns were made, on any other or less weighty 
reasons, than the grant of two deputies to the other towns ; or 
that the former were to be of shorter duration than the latter. 
Moreover, your committee do not conceive the necessity of such 
numbers, at that time, to do the public business. They are not 
able to comprehend, how the public business is to be done, by 
main strength or by numbers, to better advantage than by wis- 
dom and moderation, and a very few men might suffice, for all 
the purposes of legislation, at that time of innocence and sim- 
plicity of manners. The true reason for allowing the several 
towns to be represented, even at that time, by six, four and tv/o 
deputies, appears to your committee to have been, in order to 
give the towns weight in the representative body, as nearly as 
might be proportioned, to their numbers and wealth ; and this 
reason, instead of losing, has gained strength from that period 
to the present time. 

Your committee observe, that another reason in support of the 
bill under reference to them, is drawn from the confederation of 
the United States in Congress, " that each state has an equal 
voice in Congress." But here it ought to be remarked, that the 
individual states are all sovereigns, and that sovereignty is a 
state and condition of such super-eminent and transcendant 
rank, that it acknowledges no superior on earth. There cannot, 
therefore, be a more or less sovereign state, although a state, 
which is sovereign, may be greater or less. If, therefore, dele- 
gates meet in a common council to represent sovereign states, 
from the necessity of the case, they must meet on a footing of 
equality and not otherwise. For if one state has two votes, 
and another but one, the latter cannot be more than half 
sovereign ; a solecism in politics, for sovereignty is one and in- 
divisible. There is, therefore, no analogy in the two cases, 
unless it is contended that the thirty towns in this state are so 
many sovereign bodies, possessed of independence and armed 
with the plenary powers of legislation and government, and that 
their deputies meet in General Assembly, as ministers plenipo- 
tentiary, or delegates, to advocate the sovereign rights and 
independence of the several towns. But this would be too ex- 
travagant to require a serious refutation. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



319 



Your committee cannot conclude, without expressing the 
pleasure they feel that the legislature hold the wisdom of Con- 
gress, in any particular, in such high estimation ; and they hope 
that another article in the confederation, will appear to the hon- 
orable legislature to be founded in equal wisdom, which provides, 
that no alteration shall ever be made in the confederation with- 
out " the consent of the legislature of every state." Should 
that wise provision be also adopted by the General Assembly 
relative to the constitution of this state, and the consent of 
every town held previously necessary to every alteration therein, 
your committee trust, that the town of Providence, as well as 
the other three original towns, will long remain in the enjoyment 
of all their just and constitutional rights and privileges. 

Whereupon, your committee recommend the following reso- 
lutions : 

Resolved, that it is inexpedient, in the opinion of the freemen 
of this town, at this time, to frame a new constitution for this 
state, or to attempt any alteration in the present constitution, 
and that it will be, at all times, of dangerous tendency for the 
General Assembly, for the time being, to frame a new constitu- 
tion, or to make alterations in the present constitution, with a 
view to lay them before the several town meetings in this state 
for the adoption of the freemen. 

Therefore, Resolved, that the deputies appointed to represent 
this town in the General Assembly, be instructed to reject the 
bill for depriving the towns ol Newport, Providence, Portsmouth, 
and Warwick of a part of the number of deputies they have a 
right to send to the General Assembly, under the constitution 
of the state." 

This proposition was also negatived by a large 
majority. Still the friends of paper money were 
a majority in the State. Yet, as they Hved in the 
smaller towns, and more remote from each other, 
they did »iot so readily meet to encourage each 
other, nor were they so well drilled as the minority. 
The latter being residents in the large towns, and 
representing, if not the whole wealth, still the per- 



320 GENERAL HISTORY. 

sonal property, in the state, could easily assemble 
and mature their plans of operations ; and they sel- 
dom lacked pecuniary means, where such could be 
supposed efficient to gain the end in view. In one 
other respect, the minority exceeded the majority — 
power in debate. Though many of the majority 
could at once detect the fallacies used by the mi- 
nority in their speeches, still, from want of early 
training in the war of words, they could not expose 
them in public. These circumstances rather in- 
creased the rancor of party. The occasional rebuffs 
which the majority received at the hands of the mi- 
nority, did not dishearten the one, while they excited 
the other to continue the contest. 

At the same March session, 1787, further matter 
of dispute and contention between the same parties, 
arose out of the recommendation of Congress to 
the several states, to appoint delegates to revise the 
Articles of Confederation. The General Assembly, 
by a large majority, dechned sending delegates ; 
nevertheless, the convention was organized, and 
performed their herculean labor in the course of that 
summer. The result was laid before the General 
Assembly, at their October session, with the general 
request that the constitution reported might be laid 
before a convention. They directed it to be pub- 
lished, and circulated among the inhabitants ; and at 
the February session, 1788, referred the question of 
the adoption of the constitution, to the freemen in 
their several town meetings. At this time, beyond 
a doubt, a very large majority of the citizens of the 
state were opposed to the constitution. Many who 



GENERAL HISTORY. 321 

heartily desired the estabhshment of a general gov- 
ernment, equally desired to make some amendments 
to the constitution, as prepared by the convention. 
As this could be done only in a convention, and could 
not be effected in town meeting, it was known that, 
in this mode of deciding the question, they would vote 
against its adoption. Aware of this, the friends of the 
constitution opposed the measure in theGeneral As- 
sembly, and after it was adopted there, generally 
combined not to vote on the question, in their several 
towns. Town meetings were holden on the 30th 
of March. The whole number of freemen who vo- 
ted, in the state, fell short of three thousand, while 
the whole number in the state exceeded six. The 
contest was carried on in earnest, in but very few 
towns. The friends of the constitution had a lean 
majority in Bristol and Little Compton, the only 
towns in which they succeeded. The meeting at 
Providence was holden at the Friends' meeting 
house. Soon after its organization, Samuel Samp- 
son, an attorney at law, presented his vote against 
the constitution. Upon this, James Field offered 
his vote in favor of it, exclaiming, that he would tie 
that. Subsequently they prevailed on Mr. Field to 
withdraw his vote ; and as no other person voted on 
tlie question, Mr. Sampson won for himself the 
honor of being the sole freeman of Providence who 
expressed his opinion on that subject. The repre- 
sentatives of the town were instructed, by a large 
majority, to vote for a convention to decide this ques- 
tion. The following petition from the town to the 
Assembly, on the same subject, embodies the views 
41 



322 GENERAL HISTORY. 

of the friends of the constitution, as they chose to 
express them. The committee appointed to draw it 
up, consisted of David Howell, John I. Clark, 
Thomas Arnold, Theodore Foster, and Benjamin 
Bourne. 

The petition of the freemen of the town of Providence, in 
town meeting legally assembled, by adjournment, on the 26th 
day of March A. D. 1783, humbly showeth 

That your petitioners, being assembled in pursuance of an act 
passed by the legislature of this state in February last, submit- 
ting to the consideration of the freemen of this state the report 
of the convention of delegates for a constitution for the United 
States, as agreed on in Philadelphia the 17th of September, A. D. 
1787, and feeling themselves deeply impressed with the weight 
and magnitude of the subject under reference to them, beg leave, 
with most respectful deference, to lay before the honorable leg- 
islature, the unanimous result of their most calm and deliberate 
considerations and discussions on this subject. 

The formation of a constitution or fundamental laws for a state, 
your petitioners consider as the most arduous, as well as the most 
important, work to which the people can be called. It therefore 
seems to require, not only the exercise of the wisdom and experi- 
ence of the people, but that this wisdom and experience should 
have full scope, to display itself to advantage, and that all the 
members should severally be put into a. situation to profit and be 
edified by each other. The most natural and simple idea of the 
mode of proceeding in this business, among a people resolved into 
a state of nature, would seem to be, that all the people should be 
assembled on some spacious plain to consult on the subject, dis- 
cuss and adopt a constitution for themselves. In ancient times 
and in small republics, this measure has been taken with success, 
but in the present case, where is the spot commodious for assem- 
blino- all the freemen of this state ? And where is the man who 
could be heard to advantage, by such a numerous assembly ? In 
this method, therefore, in vain do we seek for the benefit of the 
wisdom of our friends, in other parts of the state, to assist our 
reason and guide oiu' judgment, in this momentous affair. These 



GENERAL HISTORY. 323 

observations will yet become more striking, when applied to the 
federal union, and the doctrine of representation will force itself 
on our minds, in an instant. Such is the weakness of the hu- 
man mind, in its most improved state, and such the shortness of 
human life, that it has been found necessary to divide and par- 
cel out the business thereof into various hands, to the end that 
each may avail himself of the skill and experience of all others, 
in their various occupations, and a mutual dependence on each 
other, become the interest and safety of all. 

Your petitioners apprehend that representation is a fundamen- 
tal principle in the existing constitution of this state. The laws 
which operate throughout the state, are made by representatives 
of the people, and could not be regularly made by an assembly 
of all the freemen, or, acting at home in their several town meet- 
ings. In neither of which cases, could the parties to be affected 
more immediately by such laws, have an opportunity to be heard 
with convenience, and to have their reasons examined and dis- 
cussed with candor and deliberation. When, therefore, a sub- 
ject of universal concernment offers itself for the consideration 
and discussion of the freemen of this state, and which cannot regu- 
larly be passed upon by the ordinary representatives, assembled 
in their legislative capacity, in orderly pursuance of the existing 
principle of representation, other representatives, for the special 
purpose of deciding thereon, as it would seem to your petition- 
ers, should be appointed. 

The great federal convention held at Philadelphia, resolved 
that their work should " be laid before the United States in Con- 
gress assembled," and the President's letter adds, that it is 
" submitted to the consideration of the United States, in Con- 
gress assembled," by which expressions, it was clearly open to 
amendments by Congress at their pleasure, and we are informed, 
that such amendments were, in fact, proposed in Congress, but 
not adopted. The same great convention further give their 
opinion, that after their work shall have passed through the 
hands of Congress, it should be " submitted to a convention of 
delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the 
recommendation of its legislature." This submission, being in 
general terms, cannot be understood as confining such conven- 



3^ GENERAL HISTORY. 

tion to adopt or reject it in gross, and as precluding the consid- 
eration or proposal of amendments, nor has it in fact been so 
understood by the states of Virginia and Massachusetts. Before 
the convention of the former it is to be laid, by order of their 
legislature, for free and full discussion ; and the convention 
of the latter have actually proposed several amendments. The 
whole agency of Congress seems to have been, to lay it before 
the states, as they received it from the convention. If therefore 
the freemen of any state are precluded from the benefit of pro- 
posing amendments, it must be done by their own legislature, 
and by no other body of men who have taken measures relative 
to this work. From the prevailing opinions throughout this un- 
ion, from the acts of Congress as well as of most the legislatures 
of these states, and particularly from the acts of this state, grant- 
ing to Congress the power to levy and collect an impost and to 
recrulate trade, as well as from the actual embarrassment of pub- 
lic affairs and private distress and ruin of many individuals, your 
petitioners presume themselves authorized to believe, that the 
old confederation of the United States is not adequate to all the 
purposes of the federal union, and whether the proposed new 
constitution, is the greatest improvement thereon, remains a 
question to be resolved by this state, in common with her sister 
states in the union. The most eligible mode of proceeding in 
this business, therefore, is the simple point of enquiry. It oc- 
curs to your petitioners, that the mode pointed out by the act 
under present consideration is inexpedient and improper. Be- 
cause, 

1. In this mode the seaport towns cannot hear and exam- 
ine the arguments of their brethren in the country, on this sub- 
ject, nor can they in return be possessed of our views thereof; 
so that each separate interest will act under an impression of 
private and local motives only, uninformed of those reasons and 
aroruments which might lead to common utility and public good. 

2. Not only will much information be denied in this mode, 
but a full hearing of the cause will be impossible ; for other states 
are interested, and their interests in many cases opposite to ours. 
How far it may be proper to sacrifice a state interest to obtain 
federal protection, requires great and deep thought, and how 
much power ought to be vested in Congress, to enable them to 



I 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



325 



vindicate the national honor, is not easily determined by those 
who are best acquainted with the actual circumstances of both 
the friends and enemies of the United States ; yet, every indi- 
vidual freeman, ought to investigate these great questions in 
some good degree, before he can decide on this constitution. — 
The time, therefore, to be spent in this business, would prove 
a great tax on the freemen to be assembled in town meetings, 
which must be kept open not only three days, but three months 
or more, in proportion as the people at large have more or less 
information. 

3. All the letters and papers containing the information 
aforesaid, could not be conveniently copied and dispersed into 
all the towns in this state, to be read to all the freemen ; and in 
case they should decide, without an entire knowledge of the 
public affairs of the union, there could be no security for a just 
decision. 

4. The mode pointed out, may exclude many of the free- 
men from voting at all. Votes are only to be taken by yea and 
nay. All persons, therefore, who are not ripe for judging by 
themselves, and wish to devolve it on a convention, are excluded 
from a voice ; as likewise all others who may be decidedly in 
favor of certain amendments, and not willing to vote individual- 
ly by yea and nay. The votes and influence of both these de- 
scriptions of citizens, will be necessarily excluded ; and as those 
only who vote, can bind themselves individually, how are those 
to be bound, who do not vote ? They are not represented, nor 
can they be bound under that idea, by the doings of their neio-h- 
bors ; so that after three quarters of the state may have indi- 
vidually voted for the new constitution, a principle is yet to be 
sought for, to bind the other quarter. 

Sthly. This mode of voting is in other respects indecisive ; for 
the United States in Congress assembled, will not receive and 
count the votes of individuals, nor will they take a certificate 
thereof from the General Assembly, as a warrant to them to 
bind the state. They can only attend to the voice of a conven- 
tion, duly authorized to act on the subject, and to bhid all the 
individuals in the state, in virtue of their having been appointed 
their representatives for this purpose, agreeably to the line 
appointed by the federal convention. To what purpose then are 



326 GENERAL HISTORY 

all the towns to be put to this great expense of time and trouble, 
to investigate and vote in this important national concernment, 
when all their doings will be void, and a convention must be 
finally had, before Congress can receive any information from 
the state, whether the new constitution has been adopted or re- 
jected 1 

6. This method of voting deprives this state of the privi- 
lege of proposing amendments, which can be done and agreed 
to in a convention only. After having been excluded from a 
hearing, by the policy of the state, in the formation of the pro- 
posed constitution, would it not be a repetition of injury to the 
freemen of this state, to deny them the privilege of proposing 
such amendments as they might judge necessary, and of discus- 
sing the constitution, in the same mode as adopted by all the 
other states. Have they not a right, as composing one member 
of the Union, to have their voice heard on this subject, before a 
constitution shall be adopted by all their sister states, to which 
they must finally submit t This argument, in the view of your 
petitioners, will gain strength from the suggestion thrown out 
by some, in justification of the present mode, that the people 
are more enlightened here than elsewhere, and have a greater 
sense of freedom. If this suggestion is well founded, their voice 
was more wanted in our federal convention, and their remarks 
and improvements in a state convention to be brought forward 
and engrafted with the constitution, are more necessary. Have 
not the freemen of our sister states a right to claim this service 
at our hands, and have not the freemen of this state a right to 
demand it ? 

7. The present Congress, a body known and acknowledg- 
ed by the state, having recommended the calling a convention 
for this purpose, and twelve states having complied therewith, 
your petitioners cannot avoid expressing their regret, that a 
mode of deciding on this question, so novel, ineffectual and in- 
jurious to the people of this state, should have been substituted 
in the stead of one recommended by a legal body, and sanctioned 
by such great authorities, and which, in every point of view, 
promises to be the best and only mode of putting an end to this 
business. 

8. Your petitioners will only add, that in iH ^'"^•'* 



GKNKKAJ. HISTORY 327 

venlion will become necessary. This state, however sovereign 
and independent, cannot exist without a connexion with her sis- 
ter states ; and if a convention be not held, at a period when the 
proceedings of this state might have an influence on the federal 
councils, and the doings of other states, one must sooner or later 
be held, to join in the general American Confederacy, after havintr 
lost all opportunity of influencing, or having any direction in 
the formation of that confederacy. 

Whether, on the whole, it be advisable to adopt, reject or 
amend the proposed constitution, your petitioners beg leave to 
decline deciding in their individual capacities, for the foregoing 
reasons, which they have thought necessary to lay before your 
honorable body, in explanation of their conduct on this occa- 
sion. And they beg leave to offer the strongest assurance of 
their sincere love to their country, and attachment to the liber- 
ties thereof, as well as of their ardent wish for the establishment 
of an efficient federal government, on such principles as may se- 
cure to the states their necessary jurisdiction and power, and to 
individual citizens their just rights and privileges. And to ac- 
complish these great objects, in the most regular, safe and satis- 
factory manner, your petitioners humbly pray this honorable 
General Assembly to recommend the calling a convention in this 
state, at such time and place as they, in their wisdom, may judo-e 
most for the public welfare. 

No other state followed the example of Rhode- 
Island, in relation to the constitution. The legisla- 
tures of the other states, generally at the session 
next after the report of the general convention, call- 
ed state conventions to consider and decide upon 
the constitution. Notwithstanding the acknowl- 
edged existence, at first, of a large majority opposed 
to it, in almost every state, still, before the first of 
June 1789, eight out of the thirteen states had 
adopted it in convention. The general convention 
had agreed that it should go into operation when 
adopted by nine states, and that from that time, the 



328 GENERAL HISTORY. 

old articles of confederation should be considered as 
cancelled. As one state after another adopted it, 
and the prospect of its going into effect increased, 
an intense anxiety seized the community. The 
convention of New-Hampshire was the next to meet, 
after the first of June. At a previous meeting, a 
majority of the members appeared inclined to reject 
it, and the adjournment had been had for the pur- 
pose of enabling them to consult their constituents. 
They met and adopted it. News of this auspicious 
event reached Providence on Tuesday, the 24th of 
the month, and was received with every expression 
of joy. The bells of the different churches rang 
their merry peal during the whole day, with little in- 
terruption. A salute of cannon was fired from Fed- 
eral Hill at noon, and at other hours during the day. 
The schools were dismissed, and the students in col- 
lege paraded the college grounds in procession. On 
the 27th the inhabitants held a public meeting to de- 
cide, "upon the most eligible mode of commemora- 
ting the anniversary of Independence, and of cele- 
brating the auspicious event of the adoption of the 
Federal Constitution by nine states." They resolved 
to celebrate both events on Friday, the 4th of July. 
The Rev. Dr. Hitchcock, pastor of the First Con- 
gregational church, was requested to deliver an ad- 
dress on the occasion, at the First Baptist meeting- 
house. The Rev. Dr. Manning made the first prayer 
afid the Rev. Mr. Snow the concluding prayer, 
and the benediction was pronounced by the Rev. 
Mr. Stanford. After the services at the meeting- 
house, a procession was formed which moved to the 



GENERAL HISTORY. 329 

land of Job Smith, on the plain at the head of the 
cove, by the papers of the day called Federal Plain. 
There, there was a table laid, more than one thousand 
feet long, under an awning. An ox roasted whole 
formed a part of the provision made for the dinner. 
It was supposed that between five and six thousand 
people partook of the entertainment. They left the 
plain about six o'clock, marched to the court house 
parade, and there dismissed, after giving thirteen 
cheers. The former part of the day was exceeding 
rainy ; but there were other clouds which marred 
the festivity of the occasion. The nature, cause, 
and final disposition of these, will be learned from 
the two following communications, copied from the 
Providence Gazette. The first in order originally 
appeared in the United States Chronicle, at the re- 
quest of " Wilham West, one of the committee." 

" On the 24th day of June last, the account of New-Hamp- 
shire's adopting the constitution reached the town of Providence, 
when a number of the leading men in the town, caused the bells 
to be rung on the occasion and repaired to Beacon Hill, where 
they spent part of the day in joy and festivity, expressive of their 
feelings on this occasion ; but not content with thus solacing 
themselves in mirth and merriment, they soon concluded to have 
one general celebration of the adoption of the new constitution 
and the Independence of America, on the 4th of July inst., it 
being the anniversary of American Independence : which cele- 
bration was to be on the plain to the northward of the bay or 
cove. Here they proposed to have an elegant feast, consisting, 
among other things, of an ox roasted whole. To this celebra- 
tion or feast they proposed to give a general invitation to the 
town and country. Accordingly, in the next Saturday's Ga- 
zette and Thursday's Chronicle, was inserted a general invita- 
tion to the town and country to assemble on this occasion ; and 
likewise, special invitations were sent to his excellency the 

42 



330 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Governor, the Deputy-Governor and Assistants, the honorable 
Superior Court, the Treasurer, Secretary and Attorney General 
of the State, besides which the inhabitants of the town of Prov- 
idence were additionally invited by beat of drum and public out- 
cry, through the streets. 

The public at large, seeing preparations for so public a cele- 
bration of the adoption of the same constitution, which had al- 
ready received the disapprobation and disgust of at least four- 
fifths of the individual inhabitants of this state, as well as of the 
legislative authority of the state, did thereupon, at once, per- 
ceive, that said entertainment in such a public manner, was in- 
tended as a public insult upon the legislative authority of the state, 
as well as the body of the people at large, and that their invita- 
tion to the particular officers, as well as the general invitation 
to the country, was intended as an aggravation to the insult ; and 
that the celebration of Independence, as part of the occasion of 
said festival, was united in said invitation, merely for the pur- 
pose of alluring the country to join with the designing few at 
the social board, and thereby take occasion to represent to the 
other states, that town and country had joined to celebrate the 
adoption of said constitution, and insinuate that the opposition of 
this state to the constitution, was given up. On which consid- 
eration the country was roused with indignation and resentment 
against the artful and designing few, who would thus publicly 
insult the dignity of the state, and at the same time, thus crafti- 
ly endeavor to allure the unwary, ignorantly to assist them in 
the prosecution of their nefarious schemes, and were determined, 
if possible, to prevent the celebration of the feast on the propos- 
ed principles and to support the dignity of the state. Whereup- 
on, on the night previous to the intended celebration, they as- 
sembled in arms, to the number of about 1000 men, near to the 
plain where the ox was then roasting, and early in the morning 
of the 4th inst. numbers from all quarters of the country adja- 
cent were collecting, and had not a compromise taken place, be- 
tween town and country, it is reasonably supposed there would 
not have been less than 3000 men assembled under arms, by 
12 o'clock of the same day. About 11 o'clock in the evening 
of Thursday, the town sent a committee to enquire what the 
country demanded, whereupon they were informed, that the 



GENERAL HISTORY. 331 

country had no objection to the celebration of any occasion ex- 
cept that of the new constitution or its adoption by any of the 
states ; on which it was agreed, that a committee from each 
party should meet in the morning, with an endeavor to accom- 
modate matters to the satisfaction of the country. Accordingly 
the committees were chosen and met at about 7 or 8 o'clock in 
the morning. The committee from the town consisted of Ja- 
bez Bowen, David Howell, Welcome Arnold, John I. Clark, 
Benjamin Bourne, Esqs., Col. Zephaniah Andrews and Mr. 
John Mason ; the committee from the country consisted of Wil- 
liam West, Esq. Capt. Andrew Waterman, Abraham Mathew- 
son, John Westcott and Peleg Fisk, Esqrs., Col. John Sayles 
and Capt. James Aldrich ; and upon their conferring together 
about an hour, it was agreed, on the part of the town, that they 
would not celebrate the day on account of the adoption of the 
new constitution by nine states, or on account of said constitution 
in any respect whatever ; that no salutes should be fired or toasts 
drank in honor of said constitution, or in honor of any state or 
states which have adopted said constitution — that they would 
honor the day by a discharge of 13 cannon and 13 only — that 
the celebration of the day should be in honor of the indepen- 
dence of America and that only — and that they would not pub- 
lish or cause to be published any account contrary to said agree- 
ment. In consideration whereof, it was agreed, on the part of 
the country, that the men then under arms should withdraw 
from the field and suffer the town to go on with their feast, ac- 
cording to the aforesaid agreement, in peace and quiet. Then 
one member from each committee went to the troops under 
arms and declared to them the particulars of the aforesaid agree- 
ment, whereupon they retired, in pursuance of said agreement." 

" Mr. Carter, — Your last Gazette announced to the public the 
manner in which Friday, the 4th instant, was celebrated in 
this town. From a regard to the honor of the state, and to the 
feelings of some of our fellow citizens, no mention was made of 
the appearance of a number of persons under arms, from the 
country, on the morning of that day. But in vain was this 
friendly purpose to cast the veil of charity and oblivion over 
that rash and ill-judged attempt. 



GENERAL HISTORY, 

Whether from the vain glory of boasting of a supposed vie-" 
tory, or the still more unaccountable vanity of being known to 
the world as the leader of a mob, a lengthy publication on that 
subject has been thought necessary by one of the judges of the 
Superior Court of this state. It has therefore now become an 
indispensable duty to publish those proceedings, in their true 
light, as well for the reputation of the gentlemen who contribu- 
ted to defray the expense of the feast, as to vindicate that of 
those gentlemen who went out of town to disperse the rioters. 
On certain information received in the morning of that day, that 
some disorderly persons, with loaded guns, were lurking in the 
woods in the vicinity of the town, a number of gentlemen, 
about 7 o'clock, went out to treat with their leaders to disperse 
them. On their arrival at Col. Christopher Olney's, they were 
informed by William West, Esq., one of the judges of the Su- 
perior Court, Capt. Andrew Waterman, and John Sayles, Esq., 
both members of the Honorable General Assembly, who appear- 
ed to be their principal leaders, that their intention was to pre- 
vent any rejoicing on account of the adoption ot the new fed- 
eral constitution. On this occasion, the gentlemen from town 
remarked, that it gave them pain to think that the repose of so- 
ciety should be interrupted in such a manner, to effect a pur- 
pose of that kind — that had any persons dissatisfied in the coun- 
try, seasonably intimated that any demonstrations of joy on that 
account would be revenged by military execution, their regard 
for the apprehension and alarm in the aged and infirm, of the 
women and children of the town, which would necessarily be 
excited on such an occasion, and very distressing, would have 
induced them to have forborne a gratification so trivial, what- 
ever their martial feelings might have suggested to the contrary ; 
but that no intimation of this sort had been made, on the part 
of any dissatisfied in the country, till the preparations for the 
festival were completed — that the festival was to be held on the 
anniversary of Independence, an event, in the celebration of 
which, it was presumed, all could unite — that none were to be 
compelled to attend, nor to be molested by any of the transac- 
tions of the day — that the festival would be attended on lands 
which were private property, and by consent of the owners of 
the soil — that all the monies to be expended, were raised by 



OENERAL HISTORY. 



335 



voluntary contribution — that it seemed a stretch of power, 
alarming to freemen, to attempt in such a rude manner, with 
guns and bayonets, to surround and disturb persons only eating 
and drinking, and making merry on their own lands, at their 
own expense, in the peace of the governor and company, and 
free from even the suspicion of the actual breach of any known 
law — that if any law had been broken or should be broken, le- 
gal prosecution was open, and the present administration on 
their side, according to their account — that the laws would af- 
ford ample remedy for all offences, either against the state or 
individuals in this case — that a legal remedy would be more 
honorary to them, than any they could take by violence, as well 
as more for the credit of the present administration, several of 
whom were in the insurrection — that the liberty of thus sitting 
under our own vines and fig trees, without any to make us 
afraid, was an object for which we had long and obstinately con- 
tended, and in that contest, the independent corps in the town, 
as well as the town militia, had borne too conspicuous a part, 
to permit any apprehensions to take place derogatory to their 
military character, whenever an occasion might present, in 
which it might worthily be put to the proof — that it could not 
be expected that the ground would be yielded, or the property 
given up — that it was, however, the wish of all concerned, to 
pacify the minds of the persons under arms, and to disperse 
them, that the remainder of the day might be otherwise em- 
ployed — that no punctilio or affair of etiquette, would induce 
them to turn the day into a day of blood, in which case even a 
victory would prove a defeat, and would tend to fix and perpetu- 
ate animosity betwixt the parties, which the festival was calcu- 
lated to eradicate and destroy. They were then requested to 
reduce their grievances to precision, on which John Sayles, 
Esq., said that if thirteen cannon were fired, and thirteen toasts 
drank, and none of them in honor of the nine states, he should 
be satisfied. It was then remarked to them, that thirteen can- 
non had actually been fired at sunrise, and that no other num- 
ber had been ordered on any part of the day ; that thirteen toasts 
had been ordered originally, and a list of them was shown, 
\vhich were afterwards drank and published. In this list, an al- 



334 GENERAL HISTORY. 

teration had been previously made, to please Squire Sayles, of 
the thirteenth toast, from " the nine states," to " the day," 
the only alteration, and which was considered to be only an al- 
teration in words. This alteration, the gentlemen from the town 
agreed to observe, with which the other party was satisfied, and 
declared that they had no objection against the feast's being 
celebrated, in all other respects conformably to the original or- 
ders, and pledged themselues that their people under arms should 
be instantly dispersed, which was accordingly done. The gen- 
eral alarm, beat all over the country by ill-minded persons, had 
drawn a considerable concourse of people together ; but the 
number of persons who assembled with hostile purposes, was 
estimated, by indifferent persons, at about three hundred, and 
not more, nearly half of whom were armed with guns, others 
with clubs, &c. They were drawn together during the dark- 
ness of the preceding night. It was noticed that not a man left 
the cover of the woods, to show himself on the plain, although 
it was late in the morning before Col. Tillinghast's company of 
the train, and the militia under Col. Whipple, took their posts 
on the ground. 

Many of the people from the country, after their leaders had 
failed in carrying off the ox that night, roasting whole on the 
plain, which, it seems was their original purpose, for they were 
told that it was unnecessary to bring any provisions with them, 
and had made terms no more to their advantage or honor, left 
their arms behind them and joined in partaking of the entertain- 
ment. Some who had cash, bought victuals at Mr. Hoyle's tav- 
ern, and other places, and others, returned home in the rain, 
hungry, tired and repenting their folly. Those people in the 
country who were dissatisfied, seem to have been alarmed by 
misinformation, some apprehending that the feast was really to 
fix the new constitution on this state, while others apprehended, 
that the militia were actually ordered to assemble by lawful au- 
thority, and that either the Governor or Deputy-Governor was 
to take command of them. Many of those who had guns, came 
without powder, and were told that they would be supplied with 
stores in town. On better information, some returned before 
they arrived in the vicinity of the town, and many of those as- 
sembled near the plain appeared chagrined to find, that an affair 



GENERAL HISTORY. 335 

which, in the country, had been magnified into a mountain, on 
a nearer approach appeared to be only a mole hill ; and being 
glad of the appearence of an excuse for desisting from the rash 
attempt, on hearing the explanations given to their leaders, read- 
ily dispersed. Two reflections will close these observations. 

J. Unhappy indeed are the times into which we are fallen, 
when armed violence is preferred to the laws of the land, even 
by those whose duty it is to administer them. 2. Such is the 
nature of the human mind, that after a habit of sporting with 
the properties of mankind, it rises to such a pitch of depravity, 
as to sport with their lives. 

JABEZ BOWEN, ) ^ , , ,„ „ . 

JOHN I. CLARK, ( ^^ behalf of them- 

WELCOME ARNOLD, Mr T ^^ ^^'' 

ZEPHANIAH ANDREWS, J ""^ *^^ committee. 

It is painful to recall to mind the existence of such 
a state of feehng as the documents exhibit. That 
the citizens of Providence had a perfect right to 
roast an ox whole, or any other animal, on this or 
any other occasion, it is presumed the survivors of 
the army of the country will readily admit. Surely 
there would be little joy or rejoicing in the world, if 
we waited for an occasion, in which all could unite. 
They could far better judge of the expediency of 
their proceedings than we can at this day. But if 
they were over polite, or even if certain individuals 
of them used highly opprobrious language to certain 
of their opponents, it could not take from them their 
right to eat the meat they paid for, much less con- 
fer on any others, the right to dictate in relation to 
it. Certain it is, the threats used on this occasion 
did not deter the citizens of Providence from any 
manner of rejoicing they deemed expedient, at such 
times as they chose. For instance, the next day, 
July 5, the news reached Providence that the con- 



336 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



vention of Virginia, had adopted the constitution. — 
They rang their bells, and formed a procession sup- 
posed to contain one thousand persons, which para- 
ded through the principal streets of the town. The 
Artillery company fired a salute of ten guns, which 
was answered by some larger cannon from Federal 
Hill. On the 29th of the same month, they deemed 
they had further cause of rejoicing, on hearing that 
New- York had adopted the constitution. On that oc- 
casion the bells sent forth another merry peal. They 
decorated the south side of Weybosset Bridge with 
eleven large national flags, representing the eleven 
states which had adopted the constitution, in the or- 
der of their adoption, bearing the names of the states, 
the times of their adoption and the majority by which 
it was carried. On the north side of the bridge was 
a standard for North Carolina, the stafl" of which 
leaned about thirty degrees from a perpendicular, 
with a small banner below, bearing the motto, " It 
will rise." A bare pole, forming an angle of about 
forty-five degrees with the horizon represented, 
" Rhode-Island in hopes." A procession was formed 
of the citizens, which moved through the principal 
streets to Federal Hill, to do homage to the stand- 
ard borne in the revolutionary war by Col. Olney's 
regiment, which was there floating in the breezes of 
Heaven. The roar of eleven cannon, at three sev- 
eral times during the day, proclaimed the cause of 
their rejoicing. 

The new government of the United States, under 
the constitution was organized at New- York, on 
the 4th of March 1789. This event rendered a 



GENERAL HISTORY. 337 

session of the General Assembly necessary about the 
same time to provide for the foreign relations and 
commerce of the Empire of Rhode-Island. The 
representatives of Providence received the follow- 
ing instructions from their constituents, on this oc- 
casion. 

Gentlemen, Eleven states having acceded to and fully ratified the 
new constitution, and the government of those states under that 
system being completely organized, and in full operation, a new 
era, in the political affairs of this country, has taken place. The 
situation of the state of Rhode-Island in this conjuncture, is per- 
fectly novel, and, in the apprehensions of your constituents, ex- 
tremely critical. Separated as we are from the states which 
compose the present union, we stand perfectly alone, uncon- 
nected with any state or sovereignity on earth. As we can 
claim no right to the flag of the United States, our commerce 
and navigation are deprived of national protection. The bene- 
fit of commercial treaties, formed by European nations with the 
United States, will no longer be extended to the citizens of 
Rhode-Island. All trade with the new confederated states, 
will probably soon be interdicted to the citizens of this state, 
except on the footing of foreigners, and of course, on the pay- 
ment of exorbitant duties. Subjected to these injurious restric- 
tions and disadvantages, our commerce and navigation, already 
extremely embarrassed, must be annihilated ; and the ports of 
the state of Rhode-Island, which but a few years since were 
crowded with shipping, will afford shelter to only a few fishing 
craft. The loss of our commerce will inevitably be attended 
with the most ruinous consequences to agriculture and manu- 
factures. To this stage of degradation and wretchedness will the 
state, in all probability, be reduced, should the legislature persist 
in refusing to call a convention for adopting the new constitution. 
Indeed, in the apprehension of your constituents, a perseverance in 
this refusal will endanger the very existenceof the state. Should 
the state again negative the calling a convention, your constitu- 
ents are fully persuaded, that some of their fellow citizens will 
apply for the protection of the new government to be extended 

43 



338 GENERAL HISTORY. 

to their trade and navigation, under such discriminations as the 
wisdom of Congress may suggest. Your constituents antici- 
pate the most ruinous consequences, both to the state and indi- 
viduals, in a continuance of our separation from the other states. 
We most ardently wish, that this state may soon be re-united 
with her late sister states, under a form of government calculated 
to promote their mutual welfare and prosperity. As this state was 
deprived of a voice in the organization of the new constitution, 
we are the more solicitous that we may have some agency in the 
revision and amendment of it, which probably will soon take 
place, not in a national convention, as some have supposed, but 
in the Congress, in the first instance, who will form and pro- 
pose the amendments to the state legislatures ; and by them, in 
the second place, on whom it will be incumbent to ratify or re- 
ject the amendments proposed. Impressed with these senti- 
ments, anxious for a re-union with the other states, and dreading 
the ruinous consequences of a separation from them, we do 
again enjoin it upon you, to use every legal and constitutional 
means in your power at the present session, to obtain a legisla- 
tive act, for the calling, immediately, a convention of delegates 
from the several towns in this state, for the purpose of deciding 
on the new constitution. 

The phalanx of the majority in the General As- 
sembly remained unbroken. The vote against call- 
ing a convention was not diminished by the circum- 
stances which attended the state, nor by fear of any 
dangers in the future. At the following May ses- 
sion, the subject is again brought before them by 
the following petition. 

" We, the subscribers, citizens and freemen of the state, beg 
leave to assure your honors, that this address is not founded 
upon sinister or party views, but upon the purest sentiments of 
reorard for the welfare and prosperity of the state at large. 

We need not adduce many arguments, to prove the advanta- 
ges of commerce, to a people in our situation ; they are obvious. 
From thence, not only our numerous tradesmen, mechanics and 
laborers, citizens so useful to a state, derive subsistence for 



GENERAL HISTORY. 339 

themselves and families, but the cultivators of the land, who 
would otherwise raise nothing more than they consume, are, by 
finding a market for the surplus, excited to industry, and add in 
a much greater degree to the strength and importance of the 
state. In short, commerce, deriving reciprocal support from 
agriculture, is the great fountain from which flow our numbers, 
wealth and respectability. With the deepest concern, we have 
beheld it of late declining. Our youth, brought up in the hab- 
its of industry and knowledge of business, and promising to be- 
come most useful members of society, are driven to settle in 
other states, to look for that business they cannot find here. 
Many industrious tradesmen and mechanics, are compelled to 
emigrate for want of employment, and many more who once 
lived in a comfortable manner, are now distressed, and only 
waiting to dispose of their property, to remove also. All which, 
we conceive to have been principally occasioned for the want of 
competent power in the Congress of the late United States to 
preside over, regulate and direct, the whole of our trade, both 
foreign and domestic, upon a wise and uniform system. 

Melancholy as this picture is, our future prospects are worse, 
beyond comparison. The Congress of the eleven United States 
have already made great progress in framing a bill, laying such 
heavy imposts upon all articles transported from hence to any 
of them, as well those of the growth and manufacture of this 
state, as foreign merchandise, as will amount to a prohibition. 
The operation of this statute will necessarily and immediately 
cause a general stagnation of commerce, as we cannot supply 
cargoes for foreign markets, without the articles imported from 
the other states in the late union ; the consequence whereof, 
will inevitably involve us in a distress truly deplorable. Were 
it necessary, we might enlarge upon the following topics — that 
we have not an alliance or treaty of commerce with any nation 
upon earth — that we are utterly unable to defend ourselves 
against an enemy — and, that we have no rational prospect of 
protection and defence, but from the United States of America. 
We see no hope of relief but in joining the United States, under 
the new constitution. We are sensible of the many excep- 
tions that have been made to it. But as we have no doubt that 



340 GENERAL HISTORY. 

such amendments will take place, as will obviate all the princi- 
pal objections, and that it will, under the auspices of the most 
illustrious Washington, be carried into operation, with the gen- 
eral approbation of the United States ; and, as we cannot pos- 
sibly exist as an independent state, unless united with them, we 
are humbly of opinion, that wisdom and sound policy require us 
to send members, as early as possible, to the new Congress, as 
thereby this state will have a voice in proposing and making all 
necessary alterations in the constitution, as well as in levying 
imposts and making the necessary regulations of trade. 

We do, therefore, deeply impressed with a sincere regard for 
the public welfare, and with all the earnestness becoming the 
importance of the subject, humbly entreat your honors to call 
a state convention, agreeably to the resolve of the General Con- 
vention, held at Philadelphia, in September, A. D. 1787, and 
the consequent recommendation of Congress, for the purpose of 
joining the eleven states which have already united under the 
new constitution." 

Equally unavailing was this petition, with the 
other measures pursued. The petition was received 
and referred to a future session for consideration. 
Providence, at this session, renewed her instructions 
to her representatives, and as before, they obeyed to 
the very letter ; still they were in a minority. The 
legislation of the first Congress, it was expected, 
would be highly injurious to the citizens of Rhode- 
Island engaged in Commerce. Congress could 
consider them only as foreigners, and subject them 
to duties as such. Moved by fear of this, the free- 
men of Providence held a town meeting in August, 
and appointed a committee consisting of James 
Manning, Benjamin Bourne, Thomas Arnold, Nich- 
olas Brown, Theodore Foster, Welcome Arnold and 
John Brown, to draft a petition to Congress, pray- 
ing their mercy in this respect. They reported the 



GENERAL HISTORY 341 

following form, which was signed by the moderator 
and clerk, and transmitted by the hands of Dr. Man- 
ning and Mr. Bourne. 

" To the President, the Vice-President, the Senate, and House 
of Representatives of the United States of America, in Con- 
gress assembled. 

The petition of the freemen of the town of Providence, in 
the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, legally 
convened in town meeting, on the ^7th day of August, A. D. 
1789, most respectfully sheweth, 

That during the arduous struggle of our country for the pre- 
servation of her rights, liberties and independence, in the late 
war with Great Britain, this town was particularly noted for its 
attachment to, and its advances and exertions for, the support 
of the common cause of the United States. Sensible that our 
most essential interests depended on our being in the Union, 
and that the former confederation was unequal to its exigencies, 
we made every effort to obtain delegates to be sent from this 
state to the General Convention, which met at Philadelphia, in 
1787. After the proceedings of that convention were published, 
this town, pleased with the spirit of liberty, tempered with en- 
ergy and responsibility, which so strikingly pervades the new 
constitution, made the most unremitted exertions for obtaining 
a convention of the state for its adoption. 

We have not hitherto succeeded, but it is with great satisfac- 
tion, we have it in our power to inform Congress, that from the 
recent election of the members of our lower house of Assembly, 
there is a probability that this desirable event will soon take 
place. We now experience the unhappy consequence of our not 
belonging to the Union, in being subjected to the same imposts 
and tonnage, as foreigners, which, considering our intimate con- 
nexion with the United States, and our dependence upon them 
for the means of our subsistence, operates in a most grievous 
manner against the seaport towns of this state, who have been 
generally supplied, as well by land as water, with fire-wood, corn, 
flour and other necessary articles, from the states now in the 
Union ; and should oin- trade and communication with them 



342 GENERAL HISTORY. 

continue to be restricted, as at present, our situation will be truly 
wretched. 

We claim an original relation to the American Congress, and 
are fully sensible that we cannot exist independent of the friend- 
ship and good will of our sister states. And as we hope the 
formal accession of this state to the new constitution is not far 
distant, and as our separation from the union can by no means 
be imputed to the seaport towns, the inhabitants whereof are, 
almost unanimously, zealous advocates for the new constitution ; 
and as a continuance of the above mentioned restrictions on the 
inhabitants of this state will accumulate unmerited distress 
upon that part of the community which has been most firmly 
attached to the union ; and as we cannot but hope that the be- 
nign disposition of Congress, towards the agricultural part of 
the state, manifested in the admission of their produce and man- 
ufactures duty free, will also be extended to the seaport towns ; 

We therefore, most humbly entreat the attention of Congress 
to our distressed situation, and that they will be pleased to grant, 
for such time as to them in their wisdom shall appear proper, 
that the vessels belonging to the citizens of this state, may be 
admitted to entry in the ports of the United States, exempt from 
the payment of foreign tonnage in the same manner as vessels 
belonging to their own citizens ; and that foreign merchandize 
on importation by the citizens of this state, into the United 
States, by land or water, shall be subject only to the same duties 
and restrictions as by law are required of their own citizens. 
And as in duty bound will ever pray, &c. 

Signed, by the unanimous order of the town, 

WELCOME ARNOLD, Moderator, 
DANIEL COOK, Town Clerk. 

At the ensuing September session of the General 
Assembly, they prepared an address and petition to 
Congress on the same subject. As it comprises many 
of the arguments of the opposers of the constitution, 
it is inserted at length. 

The General Assembly of the state of Rhode-Island and Prov- 
idence Plantations — to the President, the Senate, and House of 



GENERAL HISTORY. 345 

Representatives of the eleven United States of America in Con- 
gress assembled. 

The critical situation in which the people of this state are 
placed, engages us to make these assurances, on their behalf, of 
their attachment and friendship to their sister states and of their 
disposition to cultivate mutual harmony and friendly intercourse. 
They know themselves to be a handful, comparatively, and al- 
though they now stand, as it were, alone, they have not separat- 
ed themselves or departed from the principles of the confedera- 
tion which was formed by the sister states in their struggle for 
fredeom and in the hour of danger. They seek, by this memorial, 
to call to your remembrance, the hazards which we have run, 
the hardships we have endured, the treasure we have spent and 
the blood we have lost together, in one common cause, and es- 
pecially, the object we had in view, the preservation of our lib- 
erty ; wherein, ability considered, they may truly say, they were 
equal in exertions to the foremost ; the effects whereof, in great 
embarrassments and other distresses consequent thereon, we 
have since experienced with severity ; which common sufferings 
and common danger, we hope and trust yet form a bond of un- 
ion and friendship, not easily to be broken. Our not having 
acceded to, or adopted the new system of government, formed 
and adopted by most of our sister states, we doubt not has given 
uneasiness to them ; that we have not seen our way clear to do 
it, consistent with our idea of the principles upon which we all 
embarked together, has also given pain to us ; we have not 
doubted but we might thereby avoid present difficulties, but we 
have apprehended future mischiefs. 

The people of this state, from its first settlement, have been 
accustomed and strongly attached to a democratical form of 
government. They have viewed in the new constitution, an ap- 
proach, though perhaps but small, toward that form of govern- 
ment from which we have lately dissolved our connexion, at so 
much hazard, and expense of life and treasure. They have 
seen with pleasure, the administration thereof, from the most 
important trust downward, committed to men who have highly 
merited, and in whom the people of the United States place un- 
bounded confidence ; yet even in this circumstance, in itself so 
fortunate, they have apprehended danger, by way of precedent 



344 GENERAL, HISTORY 

Can it be thought strange then, that with these impressions, they 
should wait to see the proposed system organized and put in 
operation, to see what further checks and securities would be 
agreed to and established by way of amendments, before they 
could adopt it, as a constitution of government for themselves 
and their posterity ? These amendments, we believe, have al- 
ready given some relief and satisfaction to the minds of the peo- 
ple of this state, and we earnestly look for the time, when they 
may, with clearness and safety, be again united with their sis- 
ter states under a constitution and form of government, so well 
poised, as neither to need alteration or be liable thereto by a 
majority only of nine states out of thirteen, a circumstance 
which may possibly take place against the sense of a majority 
of the people of the United States. We are sensible of the ex-- 
tremes to which democratical government is sometimes liable, 
something of which we have lately experienced, but we esteem 
them temporary and partial evils, compared with the loss of lib-- 
erty and the rights of a free people ; neither do we apprehend 
they will be marked with severity by our sister states, when it 
is considered, that during the late troubles, the whole United 
States, notwithstanding their joint wisdom and efforts, fell into 
the like misfortune ; that from our extraordinary exertions, this 
state was left in a situation, nearly as embarrassing as that 
during the war ; that in the measures which were adopted, gov- 
ernment unfortunately had not that aid and support from the 
monied interest, which our sister states of New-York and the 
Carolinas experienced, under similar circumstances, and especi- 
ally, when it is considered, that upon some abatement of that 
fermentation in the minds of the people, which is so common, 
in the collision of sentiments and of parties, a disposition ap- 
pears, to provide a remedy for the difficulties we have labored 
under on that account. We are induced to hope, that we shall 
not altogether be considered as foreigners, having no particular 
affinity or connexion with the United States, but that trade and 
commerce, upon which the prosperity of this state much de- 
pends, will be preserved as free and open between this and the 
United States, as ouj* different situations at present can possibly 
admit, earnestly desiring and proposing to adopt such conuner- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 345 

cial regulations on our part, as shall not tend to defeat the col- 
lection of the revenue of the United States, but rather to act in 
conformity thereto or co-operate therewith, and desiring also to 
give the strongest assurances that we shall, during our present 
situation, use our utmost endeavors to be in preparation, from 
time to time, to answer our proportion of such part of the inter- 
est or principal of the foreign and domestic debt, as the United 
States shall judge expedient to pay and discharge. We feel our- 
selves attached, by the strongest ties of friendship, of kindred and 
of interest, to our sister states, and we cannot, without the 
greatest reluctance, look to any other quarter for those advanta- 
ges of commercial intercourse, which we conceive to be natural 
and reciprocal between them and us. 

Notwithstanding the appearance of a threat at 
the close of the petition, this, with the preceding one 
from Providence, met with a favorable reception. 
The vessels and goods of the citizens of this state were 
for a hmited time placed on the same footing with 
like property of citizens of the United States. The 
earliest symptom of wavering or doubt on the part 
of the majority appeared at this session of the As- 
sembly, and consisted of a request to the several 
towns to instruct their representatives as to the 
course they should pursue in relation to calling a 
convention. This course might have originated 
from an expectation of strengthening themselves, by 
showing a great majority of the people on their side, 
rather than from wavering or doubt. Providence, on 
this occasion, refused to give specific instructions to 
her representatives, but directed them to act con- 
scienciously in the matter, and according to their 
oaths of office — instructions which neither they nor 
their opponents could have misunderstood. 

In November 1789, North Carolina adopted the 
44 



346 GENERAL HISTORY. 

constitution, and left Rhode-Island " alone in her 
glory ;" sovereign, independent, and alone — no state 
or nation bound to her by treaty, or by community 
of feeling, situation or interest. 

The January session 1790, was holden at Provi- 
dence. The motion for a convention was renewed 
by Benjamin Bourne, one of the representatives of 
Providence, and carried in the lower house by a 
handsome majority, on Friday. The Governor, 
Lieutenant Governor, and eight senators, composed 
the then Senate. Four senators voted to concur 
with the lower house, and the Lieutenant Governor 
and four senators against it, the vote being taken on 
Saturday evening. The Assembly adjourned to 
Sunday morning. Before the Assembly met, one of 
the senators who voted against the convention, left 
Providence before the hour of meeting arrived. It 
has been said in justification of this course of con- 
duct, that he had that morning been convinced that 
he ought that day to attend to his pastoral duties as 
a minister, and that he left for that purpose. For- 
tunate was it for the friends of the constitution, that 
he was so. The question was soon taken in the 
Senate. The associates of the departed elder, each 
stood firm in his place and in his opinion, but his ab- 
sence made it incumbent on the Governor, as the 
presiding officer, to untie the vote, which he did by 
voting to concur with the lower house. A remnant 
are living of those who thronged the state house that 
day, and thronged it was to overflowing. The sev- 
eral churches were almost vacated. The most in- 
tense anxiety pervaded the community, and when it 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



^7 



was known that the bill calling a convention had 
been passed into a law, vain was the attempt to stop 
the rising murmur of applause in the house, or the 
shouts of joy without it. They felt that there would 
be an end to their doubts and anxiety and fears, and 
that the true interests of the state would at last pre- 
vail. This was however but a short step toward the 
desired end. The views of a majority of .the free- 
men were still against the constitution, and there ex- 
isted no reasonable probability that the majority of 
the members of the convention would not be of the 
same opinion. The convention met at South Kings- 
town in March. Every member was at his post, 
and it was soon evident, that a majority of them op- 
posed the constitution. The dangers which threat- 
ened the state seemed too great for them to reject it. 
Their policy was to postpone, hoping that some- 
thing might transpire in the progress of the general 
government, which would afford new and tenable 
ground of opposition. The friends of the constitu- 
tion urged its immediate adoption. Those opposed 
to it succeeded in procuring an adjournment of the 
convention to the last Monday in May, then to meet 
in Newport. The result of this vote shows, con- 
clusively, that the convention could then have re- 
jected the constitution, had it dared so to do. On 
the day appointed for the adjourned meeting of the 
convention, the freemen of Providence met in town- 
meeting, and gave the following instructions to their 
delegates : 

Resolved, that, in case the convention of the state now con- 
vened in Newport, shall not, at the present session, adopt the 
constitution, but shall either reject the same or adjourn to some 



3418 GENERAL HISTORY. 

future day, that in such case, the delegates from this town in 
said convention, be and they are hereby instructed to enter a 
solemn and spirited protest against such rejection or adjournment. 
It is further resolved, that it is our opinion, that on the rejec- 
tion of the said constitution or further delay of a decision there- 
on, the respective towns of the state have a right to make ap- 
plication to the Congress of the United States, for the same priv- 
ileo-es and protection which are afforded to the towns under their 
jurisdiction; and in such case the delegates from this town, be 
and they are hereby fully authorized and empowered, to meet 
with the delegates from the town of Newport, and the delegates 
from such other towns as may think proper to join them, for the 
purpose of consulting and advising such mode of application, as 
they in their wisdom may think proper, and to carry the result 
of their deliberations into immediate effect ; and that they make 
report of their doings to the next town meeting. 

The committee who prepared these instructions, 
consisted of John Brown, Welcome Arnold, John 
Dorrance, Gershom Jones, Jeremiah Olney, George 
Benson, Zephaniah Andrews, Joseph Nightingale, 
and Daniel Cooke. The delegates had no occasion 
to use the extraordinary powers conferred on them. 
The right and power to give them, may well be 
questioned. Certainly, nothing but a most sure 
probability of utter destruction, or wilful disregard 
of consequences by the convention, could justify the 
use of them. The adjourned session commenced 
on Monday. The excitement among the inhabi- 
tants may be inferred, from the fact that their meet- 
ings, on and after Thursday, were holden in the sec- 
ond Baptist meeting house, the state house being 
too small to accommodate the spectators. On Sat- 
urday afternoon, the vote was put and carried in fa- 
vor of the constitution, by a majority of two. Per- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 349 

haps it would not be well to inquire too particularly 
how that majority was obtained. There were some 
patriots in those days, who acted as though the end 
would, sometimes, justify the means. 

The delegates from Providence to this conven- 
tion, Jabez Bowen, Benjamin Bourne, WilHam Bar- 
ton and John Innes Clark, reached their home on 
Sunday morning. The news of the auspicious ter- 
mination of their labors preceded them a few hours. 
Patriotism again encroached on piety, as when the 
vote for calling the convention passed in the prece- 
ding January, and the stillness of the Sabbath morn- 
ing was broken by the joyful roar of artillery. The 
Tuesday following was devoted to the commemora- 
tion of the event. The military paraded, flags were 
hoisted, salutes were fired, the bells were rung, and 
all classes of the community joined in testifying their 
joy at an event in which all were deeply interested. 

A desire to present, in an uninterrupted sketch, 
the proceedings of the town in relation to the paper 
money of 1786, and to the adoption of the Consti- 
tution of the United States, has necessarily led to 
the exclusion of other events happening at the same 
period. 

In the beginning of January 1784, the streets and 
bridges sustained great damage by a sudden freshet 
in Moshassuck river. The rain fell in torrents on 
Monday and Tuesday, the fifth and sixth days of Jan- 
uary. The weather being at the same time quite 
warm, the snow and ice were melted, so that the 
stream of the Moshassuck was higher than it ever 
had been within the knowledge of any of the oldest 



350 GENERAL HISTORY 

inhabitants. The mill dam of the old grist mill, 
which stood near where the lowest stone lock of the 
Blackstone Canal now is, remained undisturbed ; by 
which means, the water overflowed the west bank of 
the stream, just above the dam, cutting itself out a 
new channel, carrying away the bridge and eight 
buildings in the vicinity. Among the buildings was 
a new brick dwelling house belonging to Ehsha 
Brown, Jun. This stood just north of the bleachery 
on Charles-street, and the new channel passed 
through its foundation, so that all the materials of 
the cellar, as well as the house, were carried down 
stream into the cove. A large building, between 
the new and old channels, was left untouched, the 
inmates of which were removed with great difficulty. 
The inhabitants did not succeed in their attempts to 
cut away the old mill dam until Wednesday, nor 
were the waters turned into their old channel until 
the day following. According to tradition there was 
a similar freshet in the Moshassuck, about seventy 
years before this, in which the waters broke from 
their old bed in nearly the same manner. There 
was another freshet in February 1807, which will 
long be remembered by the citizens of Providence. 
It carried away the two bridges over the Seekonk, 
and Mill bridge and Smith's bridge, over the Mo- 
shassuck. 

The deaths in the year 1784 were one hundred 
and forty-one, including twenty-six blacks. It is 
matter of regret that a bill of mortality was not reg- 
ularly kept in the town. This is the first year in 
which I have been able to find even an account of 



GENERAL HISTORY, 



351 



the deaths, though it is presumed many facts could 
be collected from diaries &c. in the hands of individ- 
uals. The number of freemen in 1787 was 460. 

In the year 1785, the General Assembly conferred 
on the town the power of making " by-laws for the 
better regulating the said town." This power had 
been exercised from the first settlement without in- 
terruption. There must have existed some peculiar 
circumstance which induced the Assembly to make 
this grant at this time, but no such appears in the 
records. 

In December 1787, the ship General Washington, 
Captain Jonathan Donison, sailed from the port of 
Providence for Canton. It has been stated that this 
was the first vessel which bore the flag of the Uni- 
ted States into the Celestial Empire. This is a mis- 
take. That honor belongs to a sloop from New- 
York. She was followed by a ship from Massachu- 
setts. The General Washington was the first ship 
from this state. She completed her voyage in nine- 
teen months and a few days. Providence at this 
time numbered many enterprising merchants among 
her citizens. Commerce was esteemed, if not the 
only, at least the most direct road to affluence. 

The General Assembly erected a number of her 
citizens into a corporation, for the purpose of keeping 
the channel of the river open, andrgranted them the 
right to collect two cents per ton on every vessel 
over sixty tons burthen, entering the harbor, for 
the purpose of defraying the expenses. In a letter 
from this corporation to Congress, in 1790, praying 
a continuance of these privileges, they state, that 



352 GENERAL HISTORY. 

" there is a greater number of vessels belonging to 
this port than to New -York," and that " it is a place 
of more navigation than any of its size in the union." 
The president of the society, at this time, was Wel- 
come Arnold, a gentleman who would not have hazard- 
ed his high character, by giving currency to a false- 
hood. An account was taken of the shipping of 
Providence in March 1790. It consisted of 9 ships, 
36 brigs, 45 sloops and 20 schooners, being 110 sail 
in all, and of 10,590 tons burthen ; exclusive of riv- 
er packets, boats and shallops. 

In 1789, some individuals sought permission of 
the town to erect a tide grist mill at Weybosset 
Bridge. The proposition was rejected, and proba- 
bly to the pecuniary advantage of the proposers. 
At that time, foreign vessels occasionally landed 
their cargoes north of the bridge. Vessels were 
built at the ship yard near the foot of court house 
parade, and at the north end of canal basin, on the 
south side of Smith-street, for a long time after this 

In the same year, the representatives of Barring- 
ton, in pursuance of their instructions, moved the 
General Assembly to set apart a day for a public 
thanksgiving, which was done. The fact would not 
have been noted here, had it not been said, in con- 
nexion with it, that this was the first general thanks- 
giving ever appo^jted in the state. This is an error. 
There certainly was one appointed in 1759, and in 
other years. But since 1789, there has, it is believ- 
ed, been no omission of such an appointment, ex- 
cept in 1801. The newspaper notes, as worthy of 
example, that John Brown, one of the most wealthy 



GENERAL HISTORY. 353 

merchants of Providence, or in fact of New Eng- 
land, appeared in January 1789, dressed in cloth 
made from the fleeces of his own flocks. The 
paper added that the yarn was spun by a woman 
eighty-eight years of age. 

It is seldom one can meet with any pork statistics 
in New-England ; but in 1789, Knight Dexter took 
an account of the porkers raised in Providence, and 
slaughtered for omnivorous man. The number was 
four hundred and twenty-five, the weight, eighty- 
four thousand eight hundred and sixty-five pounds. 
In addition to these, he reported one thousand six 
hundred and thirty-nine, driven into town and killed. 
Another set of facts is stated in a newspaper of 
the same year, which should have induced the in- 
habitants to double their diligence in raising articles 
of food. A correspondent of the Providence Ga- 
zette, stated that the wife of Waterman Carpenter, 
at five successive births, had presented her husband 
with ten living children. The three with which she 
presented him at the sixth birth, were unfortunately 
dead. 

The census of 1790, shows that the population of 
Providence had increased to 6,380 ; that of the 
state having also risen to 68,825. 

In August, of this year, President Washington 
visited Providence. He came from New-York in 
the Packet Hancock, Capt. Brown, accompanied by 
his exellency Gov. Clinton, of New-York, the hon- 
orable Thomas Jeflerson, Secretary of State, the 
honorable Theodore Foster, one of the Senators of 
the state. Judge Blair, Mr. Smith, of South CaroHna, 
45 



354 GENERAL HISTORY, 

and Mr. Gilman, of New-Hampshire, members of 
Congress. Agreeably to previous arrangements, a 
procession escorted the President and suite from the 
wharf to his lodging, at the Golden Ball Inn, now 
known as the Mansion House. A federal salute, ac- 
companied by the joyful ringing of bells, announced 
his arrival. The college edifice was illuminated in 
the evening. The next morning, the President and 
suite, accompanied by his excellency Gov. Fenner, 
visited the several points of interest about the town. 
At three o'clock, about three hundred partook of 
an entertainment at the court house, after which he 
was escorted to Captain Brown's packet, in which 
he took his departure the same evening. The fol- 
lowing address was presented to the President, by 
Henry Ward, Enos Hitchcock, Welcome Arnold, 
David Howell and Benjamin Bourne, a committee 
appointed to draw up and present the same. 

" To the President of the United States. 

Sir — The inhabitants of Providence beg leave to offer you 
their congratulations for your safe arrival at this place. 

We are sensibly affected by the honor conferred on the state, 
and on us in particular, in the present visit ; and be assured sir, 
we shall think ourselves peculiarly happy, if by our utmost at- 
tentions, it can be made agreeable to you. 

We o-jadly seize the first opportunity, to express our most sin- 
cere satisfaction, in your election to the Presidency of the Uni- 
ted States. The unbiassed voice of a great nation, which unan- 
imously called you to that important trust, is an event, of which 
the annals of history afford no example, nor will future time see 
it followed, unless the most transcendent merit and the clearest 
fame, should be united in the same person. As general of the 
armies of the United States, and as their President, we are at- 
tached to you by every motive of gratitude and affection. To 
the conduct and management of her commander in chief, uni- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



355 



formly displayed in the course of a long and arduous war, Amer- 
ica is indebted, and to the smiles of Heaven, for her freedom and 
independence ; and the consummate prudence and ability mani- 
fested in the exercise of the power delegated to the President of 
the United States, exhibit to the world a character of no less ce- 
lebrity in the cabinet than in the field. 

From our most excellent constitution, and the benign influ- 
ence of those virtues which characterize your administration, 
we entertain the most pleasing hopes of the extension of com- 
merce, the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, and 
of the establishment of public faith and private credit, and that 
the liberties of America will be transmitted to posterity. 

We ardently pray, that a life so conducive to the welfare of 
millions, may be long protracted, and that when the fatal shaft 
shall be sped which shall deprive America of her great benefac- 
tor, you may ascend to those regions, where, only, exalted virtue 
will be fully rewarded. 

Done in town meeting, legally assembled, this 17th day of 
August, 1790, and in the fifteenth year of independence. 

Signed at the request of the town. 

JABEZ BOWEN, Moderator. 
Daniel Cooke, Town Clerk." 

To this Address, President Washington returned 
the following reply. 

"To the inhabitants of Providence. 

Gentlemen — The congratulations which you offer me upon 
my arrival at this place, are received with no small degree of 
pleasure. For your attentions and endeavors to render the town 
agreeable to me, and for your expressions of satisfaction at my 
election to the Presidency of the United States, I return you 
my warmest thanks. My sensibility is highly excited by your 
ardent declarations of attachment to my person and to the con- 
stitution. 

As, under the smiles of Heaven, America is indebted for 
freedom and independence, rather to the joint exertions of the 
citizens of the several states, in which it may be your boast to 
have borne no inconsiderable share, than to the conduct of her 
commander in chief, so is she indebted for their support, rather 



356 GENERAL HISTORY. 

to a continuation of those exertions, than the prudence and abil- 
ity manifested in the exercise of powers, delegated to the Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

Your hopes for the extension of commerce and the encour- 
agement of agriculture and manufactures, and the establishment 
of public faith, as reared upon our constitution, are well found- 
ed ; and it is my earnest wish, that you may extensively enjoy the 
benefits arising therefrom. 

I thank you, gentlemen, for your prayers for my future wel- 
fare, and offer up my best wishes for your individual and collec- 
tive happiness. GEO. WASHINGTON." 



CHAPTER SIXTH. 

GENERAL HISTORY. 

FROM 1790,' TO THE ADOPTION OF THE CITY CHARTER. 

The history of a town or other municipal corpo- 
ration, in a time of peace and prosperity, is embra- 
ced in a few words. The events which go to make 
up that history, the facts which constitute that pros- 
perity, are too minute for observation. A detail of 
them would be as useless and uninteresting as an 
enumeration of the several streamlets that feed and 
make up the resistless current of the father of rivers. 
We take occasion, therefore, to congratulate our 
readers, upon an approach to the close of this part 
of the annals of Providence. 

In 1791, several of the wealthy merchants, moved 
by the great advantages which had resulted to Bos- 
ton from the bank established there, called a pub- 
he meeting of such persons as were inclined to favor 
the establishment of a similar institution in Provi- 
dence. The meeting adopted a plan prepared for 
their examination, and the "Providence Bank" went 
into operation in October. This was the first insti- 
tution of the kind incorporated in this state. Since 
its incorporation, the General Assembly have, in 
their wisdom, at various times, granted other char- 
ters, in other towns in the state, as well as Provi- 



358 GENERAL HISTORY. 

dence. In 1842, the whole number in the state was 
sixty-two, having a capital paid in amounting to 
^10,159,999. The annexed table will show several 
particulars relative to the banks in Providence. 

,,,-i]p,, Am'tofcapi- Am't of capitiil 

Names of Banks. inmrnnratpri tal up to authorized by 

lULOrporatea. ^^^^ jg^_ Charter. 

American, Oct. 1833. $314,000 $500,000 

Arcade, June, 1831. 400,000 500,000 

Blackstone Canal, Jan. 1831. 434,6.50 500,000 

Commercial, Jan. 1833. 263,850 500,000 

City Bank, June, 1833. 200,000 500,000 

Eagle, Feb. 1818. 383,250 500,000 

Exchange, Feb. 1801. 500,000 500,000 

Globe, Jan. 1831. 400,000 500,000 

High-Street, June, 1828. 118,100 400,000 

Manufacturers, Oct. 1813. 408,800 500,000 

Mechanics and ) j^^ jg.^^ jg2,500 500,000 
Manufacturers, ) ' 

Mechanics, June, 1823. 459,200 500,000 

Merchants, Feb. 1818. 500,000 500,000 

National, Oct. 1833. 120,000 500,000 

North America, Oct. 1823. 220,050 500,000 

Phenix, formerly Far- ) j^^^ jg.^g ^gg ^^q 30^00^ 
mers and Mechanics, ) 

Providence, Oct. 1791. 500,000 500,000 

Rocrer Williams, Oct. 1803. 499,950 500,000 

Traders, June, 1836. 200,000 200,000 

Union, Oct. 1814. 500,000 500,000 

Weybosset, June, 1831. 300,000 500,000 

In 1819, the Providence Institution for Savings, 
received a Charter of Incorporation from the Gene- 
ral Assembly. In January 1 842, the number of de- 
positors was 2150, and the amount of deposites 
^297,547. The good effects of this institution have 
been extensively felt in this community. 

As exemplifying the means of communication with 
other parts of the United States, the arrangement 
of the mails at Providence, in 1791, John Carter be- 
ing postmaster, is here inserted. The western and 
southern mails closed on Mondays and Thursdays, 



GENERAL HISTORY. 359 

and arrived on Tuesdays and Fridays. The eastern 
mails dosed on Tuesdays and Fridays, and arrived 
on Mondays and Thursdays. The community then 
had Httle idea of raihoad speed, and were compelled 
to put up w^ith news from Boston, two days old. 
This year they had a military muster, the first in ten 
years. The inhabitants lost their relish for playing 
soldiers, after having been in the revolutionary war. 
In 1792, it became necessary to re-build Weybosset 
Bridge. The plan proposed, was a bridge fifty-six 
feet wide, with a draw, resting on wooden trussels, 
instead of the old stone pillars, which were to be 
removed. The estimated expense exceeded £900. 
The eastern abutment was to be removed westward 
and the channel narrowed about thirty feet, in or- 
der to make room for a street where South Water 
and Canal streets now are. Individuals beean 
to feel an interest in opening more convenient 
modes of access into the town from the eastward, 
than were afforded by the ferries at narrow passage 
and Fuller's ferry over the Seekonk. Meetings 
were called, and estimates made, of the expense of 
a bridge over that river, where Washington Bridge 
now is. Unavailing were all the attempts to raise a 
fund sufficient to build and maintain a free bridge. 
A similar ineffectual attempt had been made in 1773. 
At June session of the General Assembly, grants 
were obtained for both the toll bridges over the 
Seekonk River. The first team passed Washing- 
ton Bridge on the 12th April, 1793. The bridges 
were both carried away in the freshet of 1807. 
In 1793, the town proposed providing a place for 



360 GENERAL HISTORY. 

town meetings, by raising the market-house, at an 
expense of £750. The design was however rehn- 
quished and the " Old Town-House" bought for that 
purpose the following year, of the Congregational 
Society. The town directed the town clerk to keep 
his office in the market-house chambers, and the 
town-council to hold their meetings there. The 
clergymen in Providence, published the following 
address this year, on a hand bill, and circulated 
it through the town. The good advice it contains, 
and its affectionate admonitions and exhortations, 
entitle it to a careful perusal by citizens of the town, 
at all times. It evinces a spirit in the clergy of 
those days, of piety toward God, of love toward their 
fellow men, and of union among themselves, honor- 
able to them as christian teachers, and as individuals, 
and which should ensure them a grateful remem- 
brance. 

" A friendly address to the inhabitants of the town of Provi- 
dence. 

Friends, brethren and fellow citizens : 

Impressed by a sense of duty and actuated by motives of char- 
ity to our fellow men, we, the clergy of this town, beg leave to 
arrest your attention, to a few things which concern your wel- 
fare. Deeply affected, at beholding the growth of impiety and 
immorality, we desire in a most affectionate and respectful man- 
ner, unitedly, to address you on the importance of taking some 
effectual measures to prevent their further progress. In this ad- 
dress we feel secure in the approbation of every liberal and can- 
did mind. To be silent with these impressions, would be crim- 
inal. It would be to betray the trust reposed in us. In this 
joint attempt, we shall, at least, manifest our affection for you 
and your children, and show that our exertions have one common 
object in view, viz. your and their good. 

Accept, then, this office of friendship. We wish no man any 



GENERAL HISTORY. • 361 

ill. We are desirous of the good of all. Vice is a bane of so- 
ciety. Virtue is the source of order, of happiness among men. 
Give countenance to the latter. Frown upon the former. Does 
not profaneness, awfully abound ? This loosens the bonds of gov- 
ernment, by taking away the fear of GOD, that powerful princi- 
ple of order. Intemperance, which debases the man, entails 
poverty and wretchedness on families' and casts many burdens 
on the public. The many and great violations of the law of the 
Sabbath, open the way to licentiousness and profligacy of man- 
ners. To invite your attention to these enormities, to entreat 
your exertions to check, to frown them out of countenance, is 
the object of our address. In this you are not called upon to 
espouse the schemes of a party. You are most earnestly en- 
treated to attend to that which is especially connected with the 
well being of society. It is the cause of human happiness. — 
Yes, Friends and Brethren, the cause we plead with you is the 
cause of virtue, against the strong prevalence of vice and iniqu- 
ity, which marks the character of our times. It is the cause of 
man. It is the cause of GOD. Society, in general, your fami- 
lies, in particular, and yourselves individually, are interested in 
it. To the vicious, immoral and irreligious, of every class, we 
offer our most affectionate admonition. We commend to their 
serious consideration, the importance of amendment. 

But in vain do we speak, unless parents, magistrates, men of 
influence, will second our advice. These form the manners of 
a people and give a stamp to public opinion. In vain do we in- 
treat and persuade, while these who give a tone to public char- 
acter, do not co-operate with us. How many throw the weight 
of their influence in the opposite scale ? Remember, sirs, your 
responsibility at the tribunal of the public, at the bar of GOD. 
In proportion to power and influence, are your obligations to 
extend the weight of your example. Where much of this pow- 
er is given, much will be required. Example speaks louder than 
words. Example extends its influence further than instruction. 
Encourage our hearts. Strengthen our hands. Let your influ- 
ence favor the cause of virtue. 

Two things are immediately within your reach. These are a 
greater care of the education of children and the rising genera- 

46 



362 t GENERAL HISTORY. 

tion, and a more orderly and regular observation of the Sabbath.- 
Your honor, as a town, requires attention to the latter, the cred- 
it and comfort of your families, to the former. The laws of 
God and of the government require a greater attention to both. 
Your children are dear to you. They will be your glory, or 
your reproach and pain. Their passions early spring up and 
show themselves. They need to be soon checked and controll- 
ed. Their minds need much instruction and cultivation, to pre- 
vent the growth of evil principles. Their manners require the 
constant watch of parents. They profane their Maker's name, 
most awfully, in the streets. Let them be admonished of the 
danger of such wickedness. Let them know the worth and ami- 
ableness of good manners, of good language. Let them be 
" trained up in the way they should go," and they will be your 
ornament and crown of glory. 

This cannot be done, but with great difficulty, without the 
reo-ular observation of the Sabbath. This is the greatest barrier 
ao-ainst vice, the best method to introduce order and decorum, 
among all classes of people, old and young. It affords the best 
means of education. The appointment of one day in seven as 
a day of rest, the Consecrating the seventh part of time to relig- 
ious purposes and for the improvement of the human mind, was 
an appointment, worthy of him who made it, and is most suita- 
ble for man. To spend this day in a way most agreeable to the 
original design of it, is the directest way to improve in those 
things, that are useful, most excellent and praiseworthy. It pol- 
ishes and refines the manners. It excites to acts of benevolence 
and kindness. It strongly tends to promote the great ends of so- 
ciety. To pass over the many advantages it affords the pious 
and the devout, to exercise their minds in a religious manner, 
it gives parents and house-holders, a favorable opportunity to in- 
struct their children and families. By teaching them to spend 
one day in seven, with that decency and propriety, which ought 
always to distinguish the Sabbath from the other days of the 
week, the government of them is rendered more easy. It tends 
to preserve them from the snares of vice and to impress on their 
minds a reverence for God and his institutions, a regard for vir- 
tue and religion. Under the influence of such a steady prac- 
tice, they would be ripening in those useful and amiable quali- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 363 

ties which will enable them to act their part well on the stage 
of life and to become good members of society. The present 
degeneracy of morals, the very great relaxation of virtuous sen- 
timents and principles, appear in no circumstance so much as 
by the great contempt cast upon the institutions of religion, by 
the manner in which the law of the Sabbath is violated and pro- 
faned. To disregard whatever has an air of principled devo- 
tion, to neglect those plain duties which are necessary for the 
support of religion, must be productive of most pernicious con- 
sequences. Such examples produce effects dangerous to socie- 
ty. Their effects cease not with the present generation. They 
make an early impression on the minds of youth and have a 
most corrupting tendency on the rising generation. They viti- 
ate the morals of your children and entail the wretched inherit- 
ance of depraved manners, with its long train of dreadful conse- 
quences, upon posterity. 

How great the call for this address, how great the necessity 
of taking speedy measures for the redress of these evils, is sub- 
mitted to your most serious consideration. 

That our attempt may be crowned with success, and your 
own and your children's good may be promoted hereby, and a 
divine effusion of His richest blessings be showered down upon 
you and them, by the Supreme Ruler of the world, is the ardent 
wish and fervent prayer of your affectionate friends. 

JOSEPH SNOW, 
ENOS HITCHCOCK, 
STEPHEN GANO, 
ABRAHAM L. CLARKE, 
JONATHAN MAXCY, 
JAMES WILSON. 
Providence Dec. 19, 1794." 

In 1795, the General Assembly directed a new es- 
timate of taxable property to be made, as the basis 
of future taxation. The committee for Providence 
consisted of Wilham Larned, William Richmond, 
Thomas L. Halsey, Thomas Arnold, and Thomas P. 
Ives. The general committee consisted of John L. 



364 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Boss, John Davis, Moses Brown, Noah Mathewson, 
Joseph Stanton, jr., Ehsha R. Potter, Ichabod Cole, 
Thomas Allen, William Green and Isaac Johnson. 
It was the duty of the town committee to call on the 
inhabitants for exact hsts of all their rateable prop- 
erty, and from these and all other sources to make 
an estimate of the rateable estate in the town. The 
state's committee visited each town, and upon exam- 
ination of the estimate made by the town committee, 
and comparing it with all other evidence given them, 
varied or established it, as the circumstances of each 
town seemed to require. This committee reported 
at the June session, 1796, but their report was not 
signed by either of the committee from the county 
of Providence, and by only one from the county of 
Bristol. The valuation of the state was fixed at 
;§f 15,500,000, and that of Providence, at #2,950,000. 
The adoption of the report was vigorously opposed 
by a respectable minority in the General Assembly. 
Fifteen members of the House of Representatives, 
from various towns in the counties of Providence, 
Newport and Bristol, presented a protest against its 
adoption. The Assembly immediately ordered a 
state tax to be apportioned according to the estimate. 
The subject was brought before a town meeting in 
Providence, on the 25th of June. They resolved 
that the apportionment was unjust and unconstitu- 
tional, and directed their assessors not to assess the 
town's proportion of it. They also appointed a com- 
mittee to draft a circular to the other towns in the 
state, which felt themselves aggrieved by the esti- 
mate, inviting them to meet in convention, to devise 



GENERAL HISTORY. 365 

measures for its revision, and also, to take into con- 
sideration the expediency of forming a written state 
constitution. On the day appointed, delegates from 
eight towns in Providence and Bristol counties, met 
at Providence, and organized themselves by the 
choice of Daniel Mo wry for chairman, and James 
Burrill, jr. for secretary. The convention subse- 
quently adjourned to the 15th of August, when they 
agreed upon two circulars to the different towns in 
tlie state, one in relation to the estimate, and the 
other in relation to a state constitution. In the first 
it is asserted that the state estimate was based upon 
" conjectural calculations and selfish views," and 
partial and unjust to several towns. They express 
their belief that if the General Assembly can be in- 
duced to revise it, these errors would be pointed out, 
and would be removed and tranquillity restored ; and 
they close by announcing their determination, to ac- 
quiesce in the decision of the Assembly, whatever it 
might be. In the second circular they urge the ne- 
cessity of establishing a firmer government in the 
state, upon a written constitution. The town of 
Providence followed up these proceedings of the 
convention, by corresponding instructions to their 
representatives. Those in relation to a state consti- 
tution were postponed to a succeeding session of the 
Assembly, and the other towns requested in the mean 
time to instruct their representatives on the subject. 
As the state records are silent in relation to further 
proceedings on this, and in relation to all proceed- 
ings on the other subject, it is presumed the town 
was unsuccessful in both. In September the town 



366 GENERAL HISTORY. 

repealed the vote refusing to assess the state tax. 
Upon comparing this estimate with that adopted by 
the Assembly in 1782, one cannot but be struck with 
the great changes that had taken place in property, 
or in opinions in relation to property. The estimate 
of the state was then footed at £2,990,486, and that 
of Providence, at £217,000. Compared with the 
estimate of 1 824, the change is no less great. The 
state was then valued at ;$f32,640,000, and Provi- 
dence at ^9,500,000, being considerably more than 
half the valuation of the state in 1796, and nearly the 
valuation of the whole state in 1782. 

In February 1796, the General Assembly incor- 
porated a company to build a navigable canal from 
tide water in Providence, to the north line in the 
state. The company proposed to continue that 
canal in Massachusetts, through Worcester to Con- 
necticut river, and apphed to the legislature of Mas- 
sachusetts, for a charter for that purpose. This was 
refused, and of course put an end to the whole pro- 
ject. The project originated with John Brown, an 
eminent merchant of Providence, who was so san- 
guine of the successful operation of such a canal, 
that he subscribed ^40,000 toward the stock. Not- 
withstanding the great advantages which it was be- 
Heved both Providence and the county of Worcester 
would derive from a work of this kind, no further 
attempt was made to accomplish it, until 1 823. In 
January of that year, the legislature of Massachu- 
setts incorporated a company for that purpose ; and 
in June, that of Rhode Island incorporated a similar 
company, both of which were united in interest, by 



GENERAL HISTORY. 367 

the legislatures, on their petition. Subscriptions 
for the stock were soon filled. The company of sub- 
scribers organized themselves in May, 1 825, chose 
Edward Carrington, Stephen H. Smith and Moses B. 
Ives, for their commissioners, under whose auspices 
the work was commenced, with every prospect of 
success, and completed with all reasonable despatch. 
The summit level at Worcester, is 450 feet above 
tide water in Providence. This is overcome by forty- 
nine locks, forty-eight ot which are of hewn stone, 
costing about ^$^4,000 each. The length of the 
canal is forty-four miles and three quarters ; its 
depth, four feet ; its width at the bottom, twenty 
feet ; and at the surface, forty-five feet. The esti- 
mated cost of the work was ^500,000 ; the actual 
cost exceeded the estimate about ^250,000. It was 
opened for use, on the first day of July, 1828, when 
the packet boat Lady Carrington passed over the 
whole line in one day, and returned the next. The 
hopes of the stockholders, of deriving a pecuniary 
advantage from this work, have been cruelly disap- 
pointed. The investment has been a total loss to 
them. The canal being erected along the valley of 
the Blackstone river, whose banks are lined with 
manufacturing estabhshments fully equal, at least, to 
the power of the river, has occasioned much mis- 
understanding and difficulty between the stockhold- 
ers and mill owners. 

In 1797, the yellow fever made its appearance 
for the first time in Providence, with such violence 
as to cause it to be noticed in the journals of the 
day. It commenced its ravages in August, and in 



368 GENERAL HISTORY. 

that and in the succeeding month, thirty-six persons 
fell victims to it. It was confined principally to a 
small part of the south end of the town. The next 
year, the citizens were called to sympathise with the 
inhabitants of Philadelphia, who were suffering 
under great ravages of the same disease. Their 
sensibilities were so aroused, by the recollection of 
their dangers the year before, that they generously 
contributed nearly fifteen hundred dollars, for the 
relief of the poor and destitute in that devoted city. 
In 1800, Providence was again visited with that 
scourge of the human race, and their poor then 
found that sympathy which had been excited toward 
Philadelphia, exercised in their behalf by the citizens 
of Philadelphia, and the sum of ^2,000 remitted 
for their relief. It commenced this year in the same 
neighborhood as in 1797, but was not equally severe. 
President Adams, with his family, passed through 
Providence, in August 1797. This was the first op- 
portunity the citizens had had to pay their respects to 
him, after his election to the presidency of the Uni- 
ted States. He was escorted into town by the Prov- 
idence Light Dragoons, a company which had been 
formed about five years, and welcomed by the ring- 
ing of bells and firing of cannon. The following 
address was presented to him on his arrival. 

"The citizens of the town of Providence, voluntarily assem- 
bled to tender their respects to the chief magistrate of the na- 
tion, on his arrival in this town, beg leave to approach you, by 
their committee, with sentiments of joy on the present occasion, 
and with assurances of the sensible pleasure they feel, in com- 
mon with their fellow-citizens, that the suffrages of this great 
community have met in a person whose long tried virtues and 



GENERAL HISTORY. 369 

talents pre-eminently qualify him to succeed the illustrious Wash- 
ington. With the highest satisfaction they have observed, in 
the measures of your administration, indubitable proofs of re- 
publican lirmness and political wisdom, which dignify the nation 
and endear its government to the people. We have to add their 
ardent wishes that your journey may be prosperous, your life a 
continued blessing to the world, and as happy to yourself as use- 
ful to the nation. We are, in behalf of the town, very respectfully, 
Your most obedient servants, 

ENOS HITCHCOCK, ) 
BENJAMIN BOURNE, } Committee." 
JAMES BURRILL, Jr. j 

To this he returned the following reply : 

"Gentlemen, — The civilities of the inhabitants of the town of 
Providence, to me and my family, are the more flattering, as 
they were unexpected ; and I beg leave to communicate to them 
through their committee, my hearty thanks. 

The satisfaction they express on my advancement in the gov- 
ernment, affords me much consolation ; and their approbation of 
my conduct in the discharge of the duties of my station, is, as 
far as depends upon them, the completion of my wishes from my 
fellow citizens. In return for their kind wishes, I pray them to 
be assured of mine for the prosperity and happiness of the citi- 
zens of Providence, individually and collectively. 

JOHN ADAMS." 

In the evening the college edifice and some private 
dwellings were brilliantly illuminated. The next 
morning he proceeded on his journey, escorted to 
the line of Massachusetts by several of the independ- 
ent companies, and many citizens. 

The following address from citizens of Providence 
to President Adams, in 1798, is inserted as expres- 
ive of the views of the citizens on that great ques- 
tion which was then agitating, not only America, 
but Europe. 
47 



370 GENERAL HISTORY. 

"To the President of the United States. 

Sir, — The underwritten inhabitants of the town of Providence, 
voluntarily assembled in pursuance of public notice, beg leave to 
address you, with sentiments of personal and profound respect. 

The late disclosure of the views and designs of France, in 
contrast with the pacific dispositions of the United States, has 
excited the most disquieting apprehensions of hostilities from that 
republic, and the most unlimited confidence in the wisdom, in- 
tegrity and patriotism of the administration of our government. 
In the progress of the negociation with that republic, whose le- 
gitimate origin we were the first to acknowledge — a republic, 
which at the dawn of its political day, seemed elevated to the 
sublimest height of virtue, and disclaimed, in the first exercise of 
its power, all right to interfere in the internal concerns of other 
nations — we observe, with regret a departure from the great prin- 
ciples of liberty and justice ; and we observe this, with the deeper 
regret, because that country received its first lessons in liberty 
from ours. After the numberless and trying proofs, which the 
United States had given of their sincere desire to preserve an 
impartial neutrality, their repeated applications for redress, 
might, at least have been answered with professions of amity 
and of a love of justice, instead of an avowed intention, still fur- 
ther to impoverish us and pursue a studied system of universal 
domination. 

While we lament that some of the inhabitants of this country 
have too much attached themselves to European politics, we be- 
lieve this dangerous mistake proceeded, not from a treacherous 
defection from the cause of their country, but from the fascina- 
tion of the brilliant spectacle of a nation victoriously contending 
for its liberties. We rejoice that the scales are fallen from their 
eyes ; they must now see, what enlightened statesmen have seen 
before, that the sacred name of liberty is profaned, to disguise 
projects of ambition and conquest. Your late communications 
must cement the public councils, and increase the energy of 
government. The inadmissable and exhorbitant demands of 
France, will not only deprive them of every American advocate, 
but convince the world, that an adjustment of the differences 
between the two countries was impracticable on any other basis 
than the prostration of America at the feet of France. The re- 



GENERAL HISTORY 371 

suit in the mind of every American, must be a manly determi- 
nation to vindicate the honor and interest of his country. Should 
we be driven to the last appeal, we have an extensive country, 
full of resources : and we trust in God, who has so signally fa- 
vored us, that he will again inspire us with that glowing zeal 
and undismayed courage which, in a period not remote, this peo- 
ple so successfully displayed ; and in such an exigency we de- 
rive additional confidence from the firm moderation, the long 
tried integrity, the ripened wisdom, which induced an enlighten- 
ed nation to place you at the helm of government. 

We cannot conclude, without assuring you of our entire ap- 
probation of your conduct, in relation to the foreign concerns of 
this country, of our prayers for your personal health and happi- 
ness, and of our readiness, with our lives and fortunes, to support 
the dignity and independence of the United States." 

This address was signed by nearly one thousand 
citizens. The reply to it was as follows : — 

"To the inhabitants of the town of Providence, in the State 
of Rhode Island : 

Gentlemen, — This respectful address, from the inhabitants of 
Providence, who have been my friends and neighbors from my 
youth, was by no mean^ necessary to convince me of their af- 
fectionate attachment. 

Imagination can scarcely conceive a stronger contrast than 
has lately been disclosed between the views of France and those 
of the United States. I will not distinguish between the views 
of the governments and those of the nations. If in France 
they are different, the nation, whose right it is, will soon show 
that they are so. If in America they are the same, this fact 
also will be shown by the nation, in a short time, in a strong 
light. I cannot, however, deem this contrast a sufficient cause 
of disquieting apprehensions of hostilities from that republic : 
hostilities have already come thick upon us, by surprise, from 
that quarter ; if others are coming, we shall be better prepared 
to meet and repel them. When we were the first to acknowl- 
edge the legitimate origin of the French republic, we discov- 
ered at least as much real sincerity and honesty of heart, as we 



372 GENERAL HISTORY. 

did of knowledge of the subject, or foresight of its consequen- 
ces. The ill success of those proofs which the United States 
have given of their sincere desire to preserve an impartial neu- 
trality, and of their repeated negotiations for redress of wrongs, 
have demonstrated, that other means must be resorted to, in 
order to obtain it. I agree entirely with you in acquitting, in 
general, those of our citizens who have too much attached 
themselves to European politics, of any treacherous defection 
from the cause of their country. The French revolution was a 
spectacle so novel, and the cause was so complicated, that I 
have ever acknowledged myself incompetent to judge of it, as 
it concerned the happiness of France, {or operated on that of 
mankind. My countrymen in general were, I believe, as ill 
qualified as myself to decide. The French nation alone had 
the right and the capacity, and to them it should liave been 
resigned. We should have suspended our judgments, and 
been as neutral and impartial between the parties in France, as 
between the nations of Europe. The honor of our nation is 
now universally seen to be at stake, and its independence in 
question, and all America appears to declare, with one heart 
and one voice, a manly determination to vindicate both. 

The legislature, by the late publication of instructions and 
despatches, have appealed to the world; and if the iron hand of 
power has not locked up the presses of Europe, in such a man- 
ner that the facts cannot be communicated to mankind, the im- 
partial sense and voice of human nature must be in our favor. 
If perseverence in injustice should necessitate the last appeal, 
whatever causes we may have to humble ourselves before the 
Supreme Tribunal, we have none for any other sentiment than 
the pride of virtue and honest indignation against the late con- 
duct of France toward us. I thank you, gentlemen, for your 
personal civilities to me, and return your kind wishes for my 
happiness. 

Your noble declaration of your readiness, with your lives and 
fortunes, to support the dignity and independence of the United 
States, will receive the applause of your country, and of all 
others who have the feelings and sentiments of men. 

April 30, 1798. JOHN ADAMS." 



GENERAL HISTORY, 373 

The news of the death of Washington clothed the 
citizens of Providence with sadness. Upon its ar- 
rival, measures were adopted, by the military com- 
panies, for the celebration of his funeral solemnities. 
They appointed a committee to make the necessary 
arrangements, and the freemen, in town meeting, 
soon after elected the same persons, to wit. Nathan 
Fisher, Henry Smith, Robert Taylor and Amos M. 
Atwell, with the addition of Jeremiah Olney, John 
Whipple, Christopher Olney, Charles Lippitt and 
Jeremiah F. Jenkins. The 7th of January 1800, 
was appointed for the celebration. A national sal- 
ute was fired in the morning in quick succession, 
and after that, a cannon every half hour, and minute 
guns during the moving of the procession. The 
muffled bells were tolled during the whole day, and 
until 9 o'clock in the evening. A procession was 
formed in Broad street, composed of civil and mih- 
tary officers, most of the incorporated societies in 
the town, and the masonic brethren, escorted by the 
Light Dragoons, the Independent Volunteers and 
the United Train of Artillery. From Broad street 
the procession moved to the house of Jeremiah 
Olney, where they received the bier. Jeremiah 
Olney, Wilham Allen, Christopher Olney, Ebenezer 
Macomber, John Spurr and John S. Dexter officia- 
ted as pall bearers. They then proceeded to the 
Baptist meeting house, where George R. Burrill de- 
livered an elegant funeral oration, which was after- 
wards published. After the ceremonies here the 
procession moved to St. John's church. Rev. Abra- 
ham L. Clark delivered a short address, while 



374 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the bier was set down, after which it was deposited 
under the church. 

The Baptist meeting house was dressed with 
black on the occassion. On the preceding Sabbath 
most of the churches in the town exhibited the same 
signs of mourning. Great as was the parade on 
this occasion, it by no means equalled the grief it 
was intended to express. Had Washington hved 
but a few ages earlier, he would have been deified 
at his death, if not worshipped while living. A 
nation's tears bedewed his new made grave ; when 
shall a nation's gratitude build him a monument ? 

On the 21st of January 1801, the town was visit- 
ed with fire. The alarm was given about ten o'clock 
in the forenoon. The fire commenced in the loft 
of John Corlis' large brick store, situated on the 
west side of South Main street, nearly opposite the 
foot of Planet street. It extended along both sides 
of South Main street, between No. 101 and No. 143, 
and was finally, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, 
stopped by blowing up and pulling down several 
buildings to the leeward of it. It destroyed thirty- 
seven buildings, consisting of 16 dwelling houses, 
10 stores and 11 out-buildings, valued at ^300,000. 
The weather was excessively cold, and the wind 
high. A larger amount of property then fell a sac- 
rifice to the fiery element than at any time previous, 
and it is familiarly spoken of, down to the present 
day, as "the great fire." Long may it retain undis- 
puted title to this appellation. 

In 1804, sundry citizens petitioned the town for 
a market house, to be estabhshed in Broad street. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



375 



This gave rise to much discussion. It was, subse- 
quently, after having been referred to a committee, 
rejected by the town. It seemed then to be desir- 
able to have but one pubhc market house, it being 
supposed, that the competition which would be ex- 
cited, by having more than one, would be injurious 
to the citizens, both by diminishing their income 
from the rents of the old market, and by increasing 
the prices of country produce, then almost univer- 
sally sold at the market house by the producer. 

Some of the same feehng existed in 1826, when 
a company applied to the General Assembly for a 
charter of incorporation with leave to erect a mar- 
ket house, at the junction of Mill and North Main 
streets ; but it was finally granted in June of that 
year. The company proceeded at once, to erect 
the necessary building. It is of brick, three stories 
high above the basement. The basement is occu- 
pied by stores, the main floor, by a market and store, 
the story above, by the Mechanics' and Manufactur- 
ers' Bank, and in the third, is a large hall, occasion- 
ally used for public meetings. The cost of the 
whole was about ^8,000. In 1827, a number of 
persons combined to erect another market house at 
the junction of Pawtuxet and Broad streets. They 
obtained the requisite authority, both from the state 
and town, to carry their design into effect. This 
building is two stories high, measuring seventy feet 
by forty on the ground. The lower story is appro- 
priated for a market. 

The evils which it was feared would result from 
the erection of more than one market, were either 



376 GENERAL HISTORY 

visionary when suggested, or the increase of the town 
in population, business and wealth, has more than 
neutrahzed them. 

An attempt was made, in 1 806, to have a bill of 
mortaUty kept, but without success. Dr. John 
Mackie, then a physician in full practice, kept bills 
of mortality for the years 1810 and 181 1, which were 
published in the Rhode-Island American. The re- 
sults were as follows : 

Deaths from December 31, 1809, to December 
31, 1810 — men 40, women 53, children 43, total, 
136. Births during the same period, 334. In 
1811, the deaths were, of males 91, females 87, 
total 178. Births— of males 191, females 204, to- 
tal 395. These returns are not so satisfactory as 
though derived from returns required by law, yet 
there is little doubt they are, in the main, correct. 

In the great national questions which divided the 
American people, in relation to the embargo, the 
non-intercourse, and the subsequent war with Great 
Britain, the citizens of Providence uniformly sided 
against the executive of the United States. Their 
opposition to those measures never extended beyond 
petitions, resolutions and remonstrances. The news 
of the declaration of war reached here on the 24th 
of July 1812. It was received not only as a great 
national calamity, as war always is, but as peculiarly 
calculated to excite sorrow and regret. The bells 
were tolled, and the flags floated at half mast. On 
the 7th of August, the freemen assembled in town 
meeting, and unanimously passed the following reso- 
lutions : 



GENERAL HISTORY. 377 

Resolved, That it is the duty of every citizen promptly to aid 
in repelling all invasions of enemies, made for the purposes 
either of plunder, bloodshed, or devastation, or with any view to 
infract the rights, usurp the privileges, or interrupt the political 
freedom of any person whatever. 

Resolved, that we consider it most indispensably needful, at 
this time, to give all aid for suppressing all riots, tumults and 
mobs, believing that however horrible war may be, between nation 
and nation, his terrible features almost soften with mercy, when 
compared with the grim and bloody visage of civil commotion. 

Resolved, that we will, at the hazard of all things, aid in the 
support and complete execution of the laws, knowing that safety 
cannot be found, when law is trampled under foot, and believing 
that neither life, liberty or property can be secure, when once 
secret threats or open force have with impunity violated the free- 
dom of speech, of the press, and of election. 

Resolved, that we do all pledge ourselves, promptly, and on all 
occasions, to resist, and if possible, repel, all hostile invasions 
from the enemy, that we will assist in quelling riots, tumults and 
mobs, and do all in our power to discourage and discounte- 
nance every thing tending to those direful conflicts, hereby 
guaranteeing to all persons, so far as our influence and the effect 
of our exertions can extend, the perfect protection of the laws, 
so that they may, at all times, in all places, and on all occasions, 
freely speak and publish their opinions, and nominate and elect 
their public officers, nor be amenable therefor to any man or 
collection of men, nor to any tribunal on earth but such only as 
are established by the laws of the land. 

Resolved, that for obtaining the objects aforesaid, we do re- 
commend to all persons, capable of bearing arms, forthwith to 
furnish themselves with arms and ammunition, and be ready at a 
moment's warning, to aid in defence of themselves, their families 
and their country. 

These embody their creed. In 1814, when there 

was reason to fear that the enemy might visit the 

town, a meeting of citizens was called, and a com- 

mitte, appointed to superintend the erection of for- 

48 



378 GENERAL HISTORY. 

tifications and breastworks, for the defence of the 
town. The citizens turned out, eii masse, at the call 
of this committee, and engaged personally, without 
respect to age, standing, property or profession, in 
erecting these works. They forgot their differences 
in opinion, about the causes or justice of the war ; 
their only strife was, who should manifest the most 
works of patriotism. Their fellow citizens from the 
neighboring towns volunteered their services, and 
who will forget the spirit stirring songs, showing 
their union in heart and hand to defend the soil of 
the state from the invading foe. They caught the 
feeling and the words of their brethren at the south 
and west, and prolonged, as in echo, the chorus, 
while at their labors — 

" Better not invade, 
Yankees have the marrow^."' 

Nevertheless, they welcomed the return of peace 
with every demonstration of joy. The news reach- 
ed here on the 12th day of February, 1815. The 
bells and cannon proclaimed the tidings, and it is 
amusino; now to recall to mind the crowds that at 
that inauspicious season of the year, were patrolling 
the streets, hurrying from place to place, with no 
definite object in view. The 13th was thus spent, 
in going from place to place, and from house to 
house, merely repeating to each other what all had 
learned the day previous. In the evening, a gene- 
ral illumination of the town took place. Gradually 
the people regained their former sobriety of man- 
ners and movements, and returned to their wonted 
occupations. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



379 



On the 22d and 23d days of September, 1815, 
the town was visited with one of the most destruc- 
tive and terrific storms on record. In 1818, the 
town appointed Moses Brown, Tristam Burgess, 
Samuel Eddy, George Jackson, and John Howland, 
a committee to draw up a historical and topographi- 
cal description of this storm. They never reported. 
One of the committee, Mr. Brown, drew up a state- 
ment in relation to it, a copy of which is now lodg- 
ed in the Cabinet of the Rhode-Island Historical 
Society. The following extracts are made from 
that statement : 

" The storm of rain commenced on the 22d, from 
the N. E. ; moderate through the day, but at night 
the wind increased. On the morning of the 23d, 
the wind blew with increased severity from the east, 
and about 9 A. M. veered to E. S. E., at 10 or be- 
fore, to S. E., and from this time to half past 11, the 
storm was tremendous, and beyond, far beyond, any 
in the memory of any man hving. Before 12, tlie 
wind veered to S. W. and greatly abated." " The 
ebb tide, commencing near an hour before the regu- 
lar time of high water, relieved the minds of our in- 
habitants from their apprehension of a more over- 
whelming calamity." " The damage by the extreme 
violence of the wind, extended to driving from their 
anchors and fastenings all the vessels, save two or 
three, that lay in the harbor and at the wharves ; 
some against* the bridge with such force as to open 
a free passage for others to follow to the northern 
extremity of the cove above the bridge, to the num- 
ber of between thirty and forty, of various descrip- 



380 GENERAL HISTORY. 

tionS from five hundred tons, downwards." " Other 
ships and smaller vessels were lodged below the place 
of the bridge, on each side of the river, on the 
wharves. Scarcely a store that stood below Weybos- 
set bridge, on both sides the river, round the harbor 
to India bridge, but what was damaged or entirely 
broken to pieces. Many houses and barns were 
blown down by the excessive violence of the wind, 
and many others removed or broken by the height of 
the tide and violence of the waves ; by which India 
Point bridge and the east and lower end of central 
bridge, were carried off, and by their joint influence 
the Second Baptist meeting-house on the west side 
of the river was destroyed from its foundation." 
" The wind alone blew down, unroofed and damaged 
many houses that stood out of the reach of the wa- 
ter." " A number of persons were wounded, and 
two lost their lives, David Butler and Reuben Wins- 
low." " A sloop of about sixty tons floated across 
Weybosset-street and lodged in Pleasant-street, her 
mast standing above and she by the side of a three 
story brick house." "The amount of damage in this 
town has never been ascertained, but was estimated 
to be near a million of dollars." " The violence of 
the wind was such as to take up the spray of the sea 
water and waft it through the air to that degree as 
to appear on glass windows, salt to the taste, forty 
miles in the country, even to Worcester." " On 
measuring the height of the tide from a well known 
mark of the highest tide ever before known by our 
oldest people, this tide of 1815, appeared to be seven 
feet and five inches higher than any before known 



GENERAL HISTORY. 381 

by them." It must continue to be matter of deep 
regret that this committee had not been appointed 
earher. They might then have collected many 
particulars not now included in this statement, and 
even at the time of their appointment, it is probable, 
more facts would have been gleaned up, if the com- 
mittee had been composed of any one of the several 
gentlemen appointed on it. 

The escape of one individual was almost miraculous. 
In the early part of the forenoon of the 23d, William 
Aplin went on board a vessel in which he was interest- 
ed, then lying at a wharf in the southerly part of the 
town, to render her situation more secure, by getting 
other fasts from her to the wharf. He succeeded in 
this, and with such effect, that, in a short time, she 
raised the wharf, which was of wood, and together 
with parts of it was on her way up the river, to the 
cove. Mr. Aphn was not aware of any danger, till 
his vessel was in the middle of the stream. The 
wind carried her over to the west side of the river, 
and against a schooner which lay there moored. 
Here he endeavored to reach the shore, and jumped 
on board the schooner, and from her toward a pile 
of bricks on the wharf. A sudden movement of the 
vessel prevented his reaching the bricks, and he fell 
short, even, of the wharf, and into the stream. Though 
a very athletic man, and an expert swimmer, in vain 
were his attempts to stem the current. He yielded 
to dire necessity, and amidst the ruins of buildings 
and wharves, contents of stores and lumber yards, 
he pursued his course up stream, sometimes as- 
tride a stick of timber, and at other times div- 



382 GENERAL HISTORY. 

ing beneath the floating mass to avoid danger. 
In his course, with unsurpassed presence of mind, he 
took oft' his hat, coat, vest and boots. He com- 
menced taking off* his pantaloons, but finally replac- 
ed them. He landed near where the state prison is 
now located, so chilled with his exposure, and so 
severely bruised and injured, as to be unable for 
some time to move. 

It is not possible for any but an eye witness to 
have a full conception of the dangers Mr. Aphn es- 
caped. 

" The great storm" is still referred to as a memo- 
rable event. Individuals suffered great damage 
from it, almost every wharf being swept of its stores. 
This circumstance opened the way however, for new 
and commodious streets and new and more elegant 
stores. South Water-street and South West Water- 
street, date their origin after this — Canal-street was 
opened soon after. The same event removed some of 
the ancient boundaries of the cove. The inhabitants 
were always ahve to the preservation of this sheet of 
water, which adds so much to the health and beauty 
of the town. They appointed a committee to es- 
tablish anew the dividing line between the public, 
and the proprietors of the adjoining lands, and to 
render further aggression on the part of individuals 
impossible, a street was laid out around its borders. 
Circumstances have delayed the completion of this 
street even to the present time. It is still however 
looked forward to as a measure highly advantageous 
to the public. That part of it which was parallel to 
Market and Westminster-streets was soon finish- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 383 

ed, for individuals saw their pecuniary interests in- 
volved in its completion. That required the erec- 
tion of a new bridge across the river near Weybos- 
set. This was completed in 1828. It was built by 
the Providence Washington Insurance Company. 
At the same time another bridge adjoining the estate 
of that company connecting the new bridge with the 
old Weybosset bridge was built by them. Weybosset 
bridge was rebuilt about the same time, and consid- 
erable addition made to its width. The present 
(1843) bridge was erected in 1839, at a cost exceed- 
mg p5,000. It has now grown to the enormous 
width of one hundred and forty feet, yet probably not 
more exceeding the wants of the present city than 
did one of the earliest eighteen feet bridges the wants 
of the town as it then was. 

In the summer of 1817, President Munroe, made 
his tour of the Eastern States. In expectation of 
his arrival at Providence, the citizens appointed a 
committee consisting of the town council, Richard 
Jackson, jr. Thomas P. Ives, James Burrill,jr. James 
Fenner, Edward Carrington, Samuel G. Arnold, 
Jeremiah B. Howell, Caleb Earle, VVilham Church 
and John Carlile, to make the arrangements "which 
will best evince the high respect we have for the 
person and character of the chief magistrate of the 
United States." He arrived here on Monday, June 
30, in the steamer Firefly. The ringing of the bells 
and firing of cannon proclaimed the unfeigned joy of 
the citizens of Providence, at his arrival among them, 
and in the evening a partial illumination repeated 
the welcome. He was escorted to the Golden 



384 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Ball Inn by several independent military compan- 
ies. The next morning, he rode through the prin- 
cipal streets, of the town on horseback and left, about 
eleven o'clock, escorted by the Providence Light 
Dragoons. 

The committee of arrangements presented him 
the following address on his arrival. 

"Sir — The citizens of Providence beg leave to offer to you 
their sincere and cordial congratulations, upon your arrival in 
this town. With the most sensible pleasure they again see 
among them the first magistrate of the union, under a constitu- 
tion, the adoption of which they so earnestly desired, to which 
they are so devotedly attached, and from the operation of which 
they have derived so many advantages ; and have the honor of 
presenting their respectful address to you within their own mu- 
nicipal jurisdiction, as they have before had the satisfaction of 
doing to two of your illustrious predecessors. 

The time and circumstances of your visit to this part of the 
United States, are such as to excite, in every mind, the most 
gratifying and patriotic sentiments. A great and free people, in 
the full enjoyment of peace and good government, unanimously 
bestowing upon their chief magistrate, in his progress through 
the country, the unsought and spontaneous expressions of their 
good will and confidence^ offers unequivocal evidence of general 
happiness and freedom, and is a spectacle which no country in 
the world, except our own, can now exhibit. 

The history of the United States affords the most consoling 
assurances, that the attachment of the people to the principles of 
liberty and to the blessings oi a tranquil and well ordered gov- 
ernment, founded upon the will and choice of the majority, arises 
upon the rational conviction and experience, and rests upon the 
solid foundation, of early and general education, and moral hab- 
its. The proofs which you every where receive of the respect 
and confidence of the people, and of their reverence for our re- 
publican institutions, must be to your own mind, a source of 
the highest satisfaction, and a rich reward for all your arduous la- 
bors in the public service. May you long continue to receive 



GENERAL HISTORY. 385 

these rewards, so grateful to your heart, and so honorable to your 
character, and to witness the increasing prosperity of the repub- 
lic to whose service, in the field and in the cabinet, both your 
youth and your mature age, have been so faithfully and so suc- 
cessfully devoted. We have the honor to be with the highest 
respect, in behalf of the citizens of the town of Providence, your 
most obedient, and very humble servants." 

The President's answer was as follows. 

" Gentlemen — I receive with great satisfaction, the address 
which the citizens of Providence, through their committee, have 
been pleased to communicate to me. The pleasure of my jour- 
ney has been greatly enhanced by the uniform kindness and 
promptitude, with which the objects of my visit have been sec- 
onded by my fellow citizens. Every where in the country, the 
reflecting mind cannot fail to observe the blessings of a free gov- 
ernment. Living under a constitution, which secures equal civil, 
religious and political rights to all, it is a great consolation in 
administering it, that the people have formed so just an estimate 
of its value, and from rational conviction and not from blind pre- 
judices, are sincerely devoted to its preservation. 

I hope that this just confidence in the stability of our govern- 
ment may continue to increase, and if it does, it cannot fail to 
produce the happiest effects, by encouraging a love of our coun- 
try, and an honest zeal to promote its best and permanent inter- 
ests. Happy shall I be, if my exertions in the public service 
shall be so far successful, that they may assist the industry and 
enterprise of my fellow citizens in increasing the general pros- 
perity. JAMES MONROE. 

To the Committee of the town of Providence." 

Many advantages result both to rulers and people, 
from such a tour as President Munroe's. They de- 
stroy the unfounded prejudices which each entertain 
toward the other, they ameliorate the asperity of 
party feelings among the inhabitants of the visited 
cities, and they draw more closely the cords o union 
which unite the several sections of our common 
country. Every visit of any individual produces 
49 



386 GENERAL HISTORY. 

this effect in a small degree ; but the advantages 
resulting from a visit of the head of the nation, can- 
not be fully appreciated. 

The census of 1820, shewed a wholesome in- 
crease in the population and growth of Providence. 
The number of inhabitants on the east side of the 
river, was 6627, including 705 colored persons, and 
on the west, 5118, including 270 colored persons ; 
making a total of 1 1 ,745. To those accustomed, 
at the present time, to see such a number of for- 
eigners about the streets of Providence, it will 
scarcely be believed, that in 1820, there were but 
nine foreigners not naturalized, on the west side of 
the river, and thirty on the east ; but the census 
shows this to be true. The rapid increase of the 
town may be fairly inferred, from the increase of 
supplies of fruit and vegetables brought to market 
within a few years before this period. On the 5th 
of September, 1820, a writer in the Providence 
Gazette, states that he counted one hundred and 
seven wagons of fruits and vegetables at market ; 
and that only six years before, the presence of forty- 
nine such wagons at market, was matter of surprise 
and remark. Before this, it was not uncommon to 
meet persons in the evening, wending their way 
through the streets, over the uneven sidewalks, mak- 
ing sure their steps by the flickering light of hand 
lanterns. This year, pubUc lamps were erected at 
the expense of the city, and in 1821, the side-walk 
commissioners commenced their herculean labors of 
making the rough places smooth and the crooked 
straight, in the foot-ways through the town. In 



GENERAL HISTORY 



387 



1820, a fire hook and ladder company was estab- 
lished, and in 1822 a hydraulion purchased to pro- 
tect the inhabitants against the ravages of fire. 
These several circumstances are brought together, 
as evidencing the advance of the town in prosperity 
and wealth as well as in population. 

In 1824, the General Assembly called the atten- 
tion of the freemen to the necessity and expediency 
of establishing a written constitution for the state. 
The freemen of Providence responded to the call, 
and appointed Caleb Earle, Edward Carrington, 
John Pitman and William E. Richmond, their dele- 
gates to the convention entrusted with the formation 
of the constitution. The convention met in New- 
port, in June, and soon perfected their labors. The 
constitution adopted by them, was submitted to the 
freemen, in their several town meetings in October. 
The votes in Providence were 653 in favor of the 
constitution and 26 against it. In the state the votes 
were 1668 in favor and 3206 against the constitu- 
tion. Not only reason but prejudice was invoked 
to produce this result in the state. 

In the summer of 1824, Lafayette again visited 
America. The circumstances attending this visit, 
and his reception wherever he went, so far as this 
country and this man are concerned, repudiate in- 
gratitude as necessarily and inseparably the vice 
of a repubhc. He was every where greeted as the 
nation's guest, and the only matter of discussion or 
rivalry in regard to him, was, who should do him the 
greatest honor. When the news reached Provi- 
dence, that he had arrived in America, the firing of 



388 GENERAL HISTORY. 

cannon and the ringing of the bells evinced the joy 
of the citizens. A town meeting was called to in- 
vite him to visit this town, and the town council 
and such as they should associate with them, were 
appointed a committee of arrangements. As soon 
as it was known that he was on his way to the east, 
the committee despatched Ephraim Bowen, one of 
his old companions in arms, to meet him in Connect- 
icut. Lafayette reached Providence on the 23d of 
August, about noon. He was met at the line of the 
town, in Olneyville, by the committee of arrange- 
ments, and escorted by a very long military and civic 
procession, to the court house. The streets through 
which he passed were filled with citizens, while the 
waving handkerchiefs from the whole line of win- 
dows on either side showed that the ladies were not 
deficient in gratitude or curiosity. On arriving at 
the foot of the state-house parade, on North Main 
street, he alighted from his carriage and walked to 
the State-house through a double line of girls, dressed 
in white, who strewed his path with flowers as he 
passed. At the west entrance of the state-house, 
stood the old veteran, Capt. Stephen Olney. A 
glance from Lafayette assured him of his identity, 
and they sprung mutually forward and stood clasped 
in each others arms. Their eyes, were not the on- 
ly ones then dimmed with tears. There was a con- 
tagion in their tears that extended through the crowd. 
He proceeded to the senate chamber, where the Gov- 
ernor of the state awaited him. Here he received the 
multitude of citizens who called upon him. After 
dinner he reviewed the troops that escorted him into 



GENERAL HISTORY. 389 

the town, and departed for Boston, laden with the 
prayers and blessings of this community. 

The following address was presented to him on 
his arrival at the line of the town, by John Carlile, 
chairman of the committee. 

" Sir — The General Committee, consisting of the Town 
Council of the town of Providence, and the members of the 
State Society of Cincinnati, who are associated with them in 
the pleasing duty, beg leave respectfully to address you. 

We congratulate you on your pleasant and prosperous voyage 
across the Atlantic, and welcome you to the American shore, 
and to the town which we represent. 

While the friends of liberal principles and good government, 
in both hemispheres, have abundant reason to be grateful for 
your disinterested and valuable services in the cause of freedom, 
the American people are peculiarly indebted to you, for the zeal 
with which you espoused their cause, in the darkest period of 
the revolution, and when the hearts of the most sanguine friends 
of their independence, were appalled at the dark clouds which 
were lowering on their political horizon. The hour of calami- 
ty is the most certain test of the sincerity of professions. You 
espoused the cause of America in such, and, parting from the 
endearments of domestic felicity, crossed the wide ocean and 
exposed your life, in defence of her liberties. Your military 
career was as brilliant as it was serviceable. The confidence 
of our beloved Washington was not mis-placed, when bestowed 
on you. In all vicissitudes of life, in prosperity and adversity, 
in every change of the political state of Europe, the affection- 
ate regard of the American people has followed you ; the na- 
tion vi^ill never forget your devotion or your services." 

To this address Lafayette returned a short and 
appropriate reply. 

On the 10th of August 1824, died Ebenezer 
Knight Dexter, in the 52d year of his age. Re- 
ference may now be made to him as the bene- 
factor of the town. When in succeeding time he 



390. GENERAL HISTORY 

shall be robbed of this monopoly of praise, he will 
still be entitled to be remembered and respected as 
the one who set the first example of liberal munifi- 
cence to his native town. He was educated a mer- 
chant, and pursued his business with such strict at- 
tention and industry, that he was able to retire with 
a fortune, when most men begin to think of accu- 
mulating one. For several years before his death 
he bore the office of Marshal for the district of 
Rhode-Island ; an office, the duties of which it is 
very difficult at any time faithfully to discharge, with- 
out making enemies. He held the office in most in- 
auspicious times for himself. During the embargo, 
non-intercourse and war, his duties were arduous, 
and sometimes directly contravening the wishes and 
the interests of a large portion of this community. 
Yet he so carefully and skilfully managed, that he 
lost not the esteem and respect of his fellow towns- 
men, nor the confidence of the government. By 
his last will and testament he gave the greater part 
of his property, amounting as it was estimated to 
;^60,000, to his native town, to be appropriated to 
the support of the poor. The freemen in town 
meeting on the 22d day of November, passed the 
following resolution. 

" Whereas, the late Ebenezer Knight Dexter, Esq., our la- 
mented fellow citizen, actuated by a spirit of munificence and 
benevolence, worthy of all praise and honorable to the commun- 
ity of which he was a member, did in and by his last will and 
testament, after providing for individual objects of his attach- 
ment, constitute this his native town his residuary devisee and 
legatee of the estates real and personal, wherewith it pleased Di- 
vine Providence to bless him, in this life, by means of which 



GENERAL HISTORY. 391 

most liberal donation a very large and efficient fund, under the 
conditions of said will, remains at the disposal and control of 
this town, for effecting the judicious intentions of the said deceas- 
ed, and especiallj' ameliorating the condition of the unfortunate 
poor, for whose comfortable support and permanent and credit- 
able relief, it appears to have been a principal object of the tes- 
tator in his bounty, to provide ; and whereas, an act evincive of 
such generous attachment to the interests of his surviving fellow 
citizens, and of such tender concern for the cause of suffering 
humanity, ought to be met by the most open and sincere ac- 
knowledgment and acceptance ; 

It is therefore resolved, by the freemen of the town of Provi- 
dence, in legal town meeting assembled, more than forty freemen 
of said town being present, that they, the said freemen of said 
town, for themselves and their successors, will and do hereby ac- 
cept of the said donation, so devised and bequeathed to them, 
in their corporate capacity, by the said Ebenezer Knight Dex- 
ter, Esq., deceased, according to the provisions of the said last 
will and testament, and subject to all and every the conditions 
thereof: That they receive this affecting testimonial of the re- 
gard and confidence of their departed townsman, with a deep, a 
grateful and a lasting sense of their obligations to him, for a 
bounty so important in its extent, originating in his own free and 
unsolicited will, and consecrated to purposes, so exalted and 
beneficial : That while they cherish his memory, with a pleasing 
reference to such traits of his character as claim the respect of 
those who remember him, and of those, who in future time shall 
hear of him, they will not forget that he has meritoriously ac- 
quired the titles of a public benefactor and a friend of the un- 
fortunate ; and that they will take pride in connecting with his 
name the recollection, that in the bosom of their community 
was born and lived and died, a citizen of such large and saga- 
cious views, who, by the energy of his benevolence, and the in- 
fluence of his example, has accomplished so much to render his 
existence a blessing to generations yet to come — a citizen who 
in the last solemn act of his life, in the progress of that scene 
which crowns the character of man and tries the secrets of his 
heart, evinced, that he learned the true value and highest use of 



392 GENERAL HISTORY, 

those riches, which it sometimes pleases the Disposer of all good, 
to make the fruit of industry and prudence, and to bless, as 
means of effecting good will to man. 

And it is further resolved, that the conditions under which 
the said donation to the town of Providence is, in and by the 
said last will and testament, devised and bequeathed, are alto- 
o-cther judicious and just, and as such are accepted, and ought 
to be performed by said town ; and the faith of the said town of 
Providence is hereby solemnly pledged to the true and just per- 
formance of the said conditions, in every particular thereof, ac- 
cording to the provisions of said last will and testament." 

They directed the property to be kept distinct 
from the other property and funds of the town, by 
the town treasurer, and the fund to be denominated 
the Dexter Donation ; to be under the immediate 
direction of not more than five commissioners, to be 
called the Commissioners of the Dexter Donation. 

Immediate measures were taken to erect an Asy- 
lum for the Poor, in pursuance of the will of Mr. 
Dexter. In January 1826, Isaac Brown, Caleb 
Earle and Truman Beckwith, were appointed the 
building committee, under whose superintendence 
the asylum was completed, in a style honorable to 
the town that appointed them, and in accordance 
with the views of Mr. Dexter. The sum expended 
by the town in that work, exceeded ^43,000. It 
was completed in 1 830. It is located on a range of 
high land, about half a mile northeasterly from the 
market-house, a spot selected by Mr. Dexter himself, 
for that purpose. The building fronts the south, 
and is 170 feet in length. It is in three sections — 
a centre and two wings. The centre section is fifty 
feet front, by fifty-five from front to rear, projecting 
in advance of the wings, ten feet. The other two 



GENERAL HISTORY. 393 

sections are each sixty feet by forty-five. The centre 
basement is of granite, in courses, and the basement 
of the wings of natural faced stone. Above the 
basement, the walls are of brick, crowned with an 
eave cornice of freestone. The wings are two sto- 
ries, with an attic ; the centre, three stories, with 
a pediment in front and rear. A corridor divides 
the building lengthwise through the centre, in each 
story, and a transept corridor divides the centre 
section, extending from front to rear, making 
four spacious rooms in each story of this section. 
Each wing in each story, is divided into six rooms. 
The kitchen is in the centre basement ; the base- 
ment of the east wing, on the south side of the 
corridor, is divided into store rooms, and cells for 
the confinement of the inmates of the institution 
for disorderly conduct ; the north side of the cor- 
ridor contains a fuel, furnace and washing room. 
In the basement of the west wing, is an eating room, 
a pantry, with a fuel and furnace room. In the third 
story of the centre section, is a chapel, fifty-one by 
forty-six feet. The architectural character of the 
building is Roman-Doric. From the roof of the 
centre section, rises a fine proportioned lanthorn or 
cupola, crowned with a ball and vane. The front 
of the building is lighted by 69 windows. Mr. John 
H. Greene was the architect. The mason work was 
executed by Messrs. Fisher & Andrews. The plot of 
ground on which the Asylum stands, contains about 
forty acres. Mr. Dexter directed in his will that this lot 
should be surrounded with a stone wall, three feet thick 
50 



394 GENERAL HISTORY. 

at the surface of the ground, and eight feet high. The 
directions of the testator were scrupulously adhered 
to, in this particular. The wall was finished in 1 840, 
in a style honorable to the city. It is 6220 feet in 
length, contains 7840 cords of stone, and cost about 
^22,000. 

The Asylum began to be occupied in the latter 
part of the summer of 1 828. Mr. Gideon Palmer 
was then appointed master of the institution, which 
place he has ever since held, by annual appointment. 
The number of paupers at first received into it, was 
sixty-four, including five children. This number has 
been gradually increasing. In 1842, the number 
was one hundred and three, including fifteen children. 
The expenses, including salaries, for the year ending 
December 31,1 842, over and above all receipts from 
the house and farm, was about ^5500. Such of the 
inmates as are able to work, are required to labor 
for the city. But experience has shown, that those 
who cannot support themselves out of the Asylum, 
contribute but little towards their support while in 
it. If there were no saving in expense to the city 
over the old system, which there clearly is, it is 
abundantly evident, that the wants of the poor and 
impotent are better suppHed, and that the declining 
years of poverty-stricken age are here robbed of 
many sorrows. About one-fourth of the inmates of 
the Asylum, is upon an average, insane. While this 
adds materially to the expense, it diminishes in a 
greater ratio, the comforts which the poor have a 
right to derive from this institution. Each class re- 
quires distinct and opposite rules of discipline and 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



395 



government. In an institution, the main design of 
which is to provide for the wants of the poor, Httle 
can be done toward improving the condition of the 
insane. They can be kept there, but if more is 
looked for it will be looked for in vain. 

In April 1827, a public meeting of citizens friend- 
ly to the promotion of temperance, was holden at 
the First Baptist meeting-house. This was the first 
temperance movement in Providence. Several res- 
olutions were passed, which fell far short of total ab- 
stinence from intoxicating drinks. Some good un- 
doubtedly arose from the measures then taken. 
They were the commencement of a series of meas- 
ures which have resulted in a great reformation in 
society. Perhaps they went as far as the citizens of 
the town, with their information on the subject, were 
willing to go, and as far as public opinion then re- 
quired they should go. Since then, in accordance 
with the same public opinion, enlightened by expe- 
rience, great strides have been taken in reclaiming 
the drunkard, and in preserving the temperate. The 
temperance societies probably number more mem- 
bers than any other association. In " the Rhode- 
Island State Total Abstinence Society," formed Jan- 
uary 5th, 1841, there were, in December, 1842, ris- 
ing 30,000 members. " The City Temperance So- 
ciety" formed November 1, 1836, contained 1380 
members. " The Providence Washington Total 
Abstinence Society," formed July 8th, 1841, con- 
tained 3085." " The Young Men's Washington Total 
Abstinence Society," formed July 9th, 1841, con- 
tained 230. " The Sixth Ward Washington Total 



S96 GENERAL HISTORY. 

Abstinence Society," formed April 8th, 1842, con- 
tains 300, and " The Marine Washington Total Ab- 
stinence Society," formed Aug. 29th, 1842, contain- 
ed about 50. In each of these societies the members 
are pledged to total abstinence from every thing 
which intoxicates. The influence of this great body 
of total abstinents is already felt. Scattered as they 
are through all the ranks and gradations in society, 
they exert a controlhng power over many who have 
not taken the pledge. 

In 1830, the population had increased to 16,832 ; 
in 1825 it was 15,941. The increase of inhabitants, 
the consequent difficulty of holding town meetings, 
and injudicious expenditures of pubhc money, in- 
duced some of the freemen to propose a change in the 
form of the municipal government of the town. In 
April 1829 the proposition to adopt a city form of 
government was agreed to by the freemen, by a vote 
of 312 to 222. The General Assembly of the state, 
in January 1 830, granted a city charter, with a pro- 
vision that it should again be referred to the freemen, 
and unless again adopted by three-fifths of the per- 
sons voting, should not go into operation. The 
small majority in favor of it at first, undoubtedly led 
to the introduction of this provision. On the 15th 
of February, the freemen gave in their ballots on 
the question, 383 for the charter, and 345 against it. 
Probably the town government, having withstood 
this attack, would have existed some years longer 
had it not been for " the riot," as it is called, in 
September 1831. The scenes here alluded to, will 
not soon be forgotten by any who witnessed them- 



GENERAL HISTORY. 

The first outbreak of popular feeling was on the 
night of September 21st. A number of sailors vis- 
ited Olney's lane, for the purpose of having a row 
with the blacks, inhabiting there. After making a 
great noise there and throwing stones, a gun was 
fired from one of the houses. The greater part of the 
persons in the lane then retreated to the west end 
of it, and five sailors who had not been engaged in 
any of the previous transactions, went up the lane. 
A black man on the steps of his house, presented a 
gun, and told them to keep their distance. They 
in turn proposed taking his gun. This they did not 
attempt, but pursuing their walk a little further, then 
stopped. Here they were ordered by the black man 
" to clear out," or he would fire at them. This 
they dared him to do. He did fire, and one of their 
number was instantly killed. The first company 
who were still at the foot of the lane, then returned, 
tore down two houses and broke the windows of the 
rest. During the next day there was a great excite- 
ment. The sheriff of the county with other peace 
officers, were in Olney's lane early in the evening. 
As the mob increased in numbers and in violence 
of language, they were ordered to disperse, and 
seven taken in custody. Subsequently others were 
arrested, who were rescued from the officers. The 
sheriflT then required military aid, of the Governor 
of the state, and at midnight the First Light Infan- 
try marched to his assistance. The mob, not intim- ■ 
idated by their presence, assaulted them with stones. 
Finding that they could efl?ect nothing without firing 
upon them, the soldiers left the lane, followed by 



398 GENERAL HISTORY. 

the mob, who then returned to their work and de- 
moUshed six more houses in the lane and one near 
Smith street, not separating until between three and 
four o'clock in the morning. On the morning of the 
23d, an attack on the jail being expected, the sheriff 
required military aid, and the Governor issued his 
orders to the Light Dragoons, the Artillery, the Ca- 
dets, the Volunteers, and the First Infantry, to be in 
arms at six o'clock in the evening. The mob ap- 
peared only in small force and did little mischief — 
The military were dismissed until the next evening. 
On the evening of the 24th, there was a great col- 
lection of persons in Smith street and its vicinity. 
Soon they commenced pulling down houses. Upon 
this, finding it impossible to disperse or stay them, 
the sheriff called again on the governor, and the mil- 
itary were again assembled. During their march 
to Smith street they were assailed with stones. — 
They marched up Smith street and took post on the 
hill. Here both the Governor and the sheriff re- 
monstrated with the mob, and endeavored to induce 
them to separate, informing them that the muskets 
of the military were loaded with ball cartridges. — 
This being ineffectual, the riot act was read and they 
were required by a peace officer to disperse. The 
mob continued to throw stones both at the houses and 
soldiers. The sheriff then attempted to disperse 
them by marching the Dragoons and Infantry among 
them, but without success. He then ordered the mil- 
itary to fire, and four persons fell, mortally wounded, 
in Smith street, just east of Smith's bridge. The 
mob immediately dispersed and peace was restored. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 399 

During these four evenings, eight houses in 01- 
ney's Lane, and nine near Smith-street, in Snow- 
Town, were destroyed or injured. On Sunday 
morning, the 25th, a town meeting was holden. It 
met at the Town House, but so great was the crowd, 
that it adjourned to the State House parade. 
Here several resolutions, lamenting the occasion 
which had made recourse to the military necessary 
to the civil officers, sympathising with the friends 
and relatives of the deceased, and approbating the 
course of the civil magistrates on the occasion, were 
passed with great unanimity. A large committee 
was appointed to prepare and publish a correct 
statement of facts relative to the riots ; and it is 
from their report that the facts above stated were 
gathered. Believing the whole evil to have arisen 
from the inefficiency of a town government, at a 
town meeting holden on the fifth day of October, 
the freemen, without a dissenting voice, resolved 
that it was expedient to adopt a city form of gov- 
ernment. They appointed a committee to draft a 
charter, consisting of John Whipple, Caleb Williams, 
Wilham T. Grinnell, Peter Pratt, George Curtis and 
Henry P. Franklin. This committee reported on 
the 12th of the same month. The meeting then 
adjourned to the 22d to take the opinions of the free- 
men by ballot, on that day, resolving that if three- 
fifths should vote in its favor, that then the represen- 
tatives of the town should be instructed to urge the 
passage of an act of the General Assembly, grant- 
ing the same. On the 22d, 646 freemen voted, 471 
for, and 175 against, the change. The representa- 



400 GENERAL HISTORY. 

tives of the town, therefore, according to their in- 
structions, presented the subject to the consideration 
of the Assembly. Some citizens hving in the west- 
erly part of the town, preferred their petition to the 
same session, praying that if the city charter should 
be granted, it should extend no further westward 
than Broad-street ; and that the rest of the town 
might be set off and formed into another town. 
Under these circumstances, the General Assembly 
granted the charter, to go into effect on the first 
Monday in June 1 832, if three-fifths of the freemen 
voting, at a town meeting to be holden on the 22d 
of November then next, should be in favor of it. 
On the 22d of November, 647 freemen voted on the 
question, 459 for, and 188 against, the city charter. 
Thus was sealed the death warrant of the town of 
Providence. The city of Providence rose from its 
ashes ; and our warmest aspirations are, that she 
may continue to increase in wealth, population and 
respectability. 

The first election of City Officers was holden on 
the fourth Monday in April, 1832. Samuel W. 
Bridgham, Esq. was elected Mayor, which office he 
held by successive elections, without opposition, un- 
til his death, in December 1839. He was succeed- 
ed by the present Mayor, Thomas M. Burgess, Esq. 

The Aldermen first elected were 

Dexter Thurber, 1st Ward. William T. Grinnell, 4th Ward. 
Charles Holden, 2d Ward. Henry R. Greene, 5th Ward, 
John H. Ormsbee, 3d Ward. Asa Messer, 6th Ward. 

Since that time the following persons have holden 
that office. 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



401 



Anthony Hezekiah, Dimvvell John, Phillips John F. 

Barker William C Holden Thomas R. Williams Caleb, 

Cady Joseph, Martin Sylvanus G. Wheaton James, 

Clifford Benjamin, Newel Stanford, 

The board of Aldermen elected in June 1842, is 
composed of 

Edward P. Knowles, 1st Ward. Thomas C. Hoppin, 4th Ward, 
Thomas B. Fenner, 2d Ward. Phinehas Potter, 5th Ward. 
Richmond Bullock, 3d Ward. Robert Knight, 6th Ward. 

The Common Council first elected, consisted of 
the following named persons. 

FIRST WARD. 

Thomas R. Holden, 
Jesse Metcalf, 
William R. Staples, 
Peter Daniels. 



SECOND WARD. 

Isaac Brown, 
Samuel Pearson, 
Joseph Cady, 
Cyrus Fisher. 



THIRD WARD. FIFTH WARD. 

Joseph S. Cooke, Samuel Jackson, 2d. 

John Church, Hezekiah Anthony, 

William C. Barker, Pardon Clark, 

Asa Pike. William Tallman. 

FOURTH WARD. SIXTH WARD. 

Geo. Baker, Presid't. Caleb Williams, 

James M. Warner, William Olney, 

Benj. D. Weeden, Thomas Seekell, 

Thomas B. Fenner. Sterry Baker. 



The following persons have also held that office 



smce. 

Angell Dexter, 
Ames Samuel, 
Andrews David, 
Anthony James G. 
Anthony Henry, 
Angell Daniel, 
Brown James, 
Brown John D. 
Bowen George W. 
Burrows John R. 
Curtis George, 
Cook Benoni, 
Cowing Martin K. 
Carpenter Ebenezer, 
Cranston Barzillai, 
Carpenter Earl, 
Everett Amherst, 
Eddy John S. 
Field Daniel, 
Fletcher Thomas, 

51 



Foster William, 
Gould John, 
Greene Simon H. 
Grant Joseph, 
Godfrey Christo. C 
Gurney Austin, 
Gardiner Peleg W. 
Gillmore Joseph F 
Ham William, 
Hughes John L 
Hill George, 
Hudson Horatio G. 
Hoppin William W. 
Johnson Oliver, 
Jackson Geo. W. 
Knowlton Erastus F 
Knowles Edward P. 
Larcher John, 
Martin Stephen, 



Mason Amasa, 
Mason Nathan, 
Miller William, 
Mallett Edward J. 
Potter Roger W. 
Pabodie William, 
Phillips John F. 
Potter Phinehas, 
Padelford Seth, 
Smith William A. 
Stimson John J, 
Spencer Christo. V. 
Sweet Jesse B. 
Steere Enoch, 
Trumbull Henry, 
.Thornton William L. 
Veazie Joseph, 
Willard Hezekiah, 
Youncr Edward R. 



402 



GENERAL HISTORY. 



The Common Council elected in June 1842, is 
composed of the following persons. 



FIRST WARD. 

Isaac Thurber, 
Joseph G. Metcalf, 
Stephen T. Ohiey, 
Jabez Goiham. 



THIRD WARD. FIFTH WARD. 

William Viall, James C. Bucklin, 

John D. Jones, Bradford Hodges, 

Eben Wade, Henry S. Hazard, 

Willard W.Fairbanks Samuel James. 



SECOND WARD. FOURTH WARD. SIXTH WARD. 

William Andrews, Daniel T. Goodhue, Duty Greene, 
James M. Earle, Shubael Hutchins, Israel G. Manchester^ 
William P. Bullock, Edward S. Williams, James E. Butts, 
William S. Patten. Amos D. Smith. Mnason Allen. 



CHAPTER SEVENTH. 

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

It is intended in this chapter to embody a suc- 
cinct account of the rise, progress and state of 
each religious society in Providence, at the adop- 
tion of the city charter. To obtain the facts neces- 
sary for this purpose, the author addressed a cir- 
cular to the pastors of the various churches, craving 
their aid and assistance in the matter. In most in- 
stances, the answers received have supplied the de- 
sired information, and in some, almost the very lan- 
guage of the answers is preserved. Where none 
were received, recourse was had to printed histories, 
where such existed, and to oral communications with 
the clergymen, officers and old members of the so- 
cieties. I have designed to arrange the sketches in 
chronological order, dating each society at the time 
it first met as a distinct church. 



There can be little doubt, as to what were the re- 
hgious tenets of the first settlers of Providence. At 
the time of their removal here, they were members 
of Plymouth and Massachusetts churches. Those 
churches, as it respects government, were Independ- 
ent or Congregational, in doctrine, moderately Cal- 
vinistic and with regard to ceremonies, Pedobap- 



404 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

tists. The settlers of Providence, did not cease to 
be members of those churches, by their removal, 
nor did the fact of their being members, constitute 
them a church, after it. They could not form them- 
selves into a church of the faith and order of the 
Plymouth and Massachusetts churches, until dismis- 
sed from them ; and after such dismissal, some cove- 
nant or agreement among themselves was necessary 
in order to effect it. That they met for public wor- 
ship is beyond a doubt ; but such meetings, though fre- 
quent and regular, would not make them a church. 
Among the first thirteen, were two ordained minis- 
ters, Roger Williams and Thomas James. That they 
preached to the settlers is quite probable, but there is 
no evidence of any intent to form a church, previous 
to March 1639. When they did attempt it, they had 
ceased to be Pedobaptists, for Ezekiel Holyman, 
a layman, had baptized Roger Williams, by immer- 
sion, and Mr. Williams afterwards, had baptized Mr. 
Holyman and several others of the company, in the 
same manner. By this act they disowned the 
churches of which they had been members, and for 
this, they were soon excommunicated, by those 
churches. After being thus baptized, they formed 
a church and called Mr. Williams to be their pastor. 
This was the first church gathered in Providence. It 
has continued to the present day, and is now known as 

THE FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH. 

Copious extracts from the early records of this 
church, are to be found, in the first volume of Ben- 
edict's History of the Baptists. Previous to 1775, 
the records were very irregular and scanty. Mr. Stan- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 405 

ford, who was then preaching for this church, spent 
much time and labor in reducing them to their pres- 
ent order. He derived much assistance from the col- 
lections that had been made a few years previous, by 
Morgan Edwards of Philadelphia, for a History of 
the Baptists in America. One volume of Mr. Ed- 
wards' collection, is now in the possession of the 
R. I. Historical Society. The following particulars 
in relation to the succession of pastors, up to the de- 
cease of Dr. Gano, is derived from Mr. Benedict's 
History. 

Mr. Williams held the pastoral office about four 
years, and then resigned the same. Mr. Holyman 
was his colleague. His successors were Chad Brown 
and Wilham Wickenden, the first ordained in 1642 
and the other, by Mr. Brown. 

Gregory Dexter succeeded Mr. Wickenden. — 
He had been a preacher of the Baptist denomi- 
nation before he came to New-England. Tho- 
mas Olney, who succeeded Mr. Dexter, is said 
to have been born in Hertford, England, about 
1631, and to have arrived in Providence in 1634. 
He withdrew and formed a separate church, which 
continued but a short time. The ground of differ- 
ence was, the necessity of the laying on of hands. 
His successor. Pardon Tillinghast, came to Pro- 
vidence, in 1645. Ebenezer Jenckes succeeded 
him. He was born in 1669, was ordained in 1719, 
and died, pastor, in 1726. James Brown, grand- 
son of Chad Brown, born in 1666, was next 
ordained, and continued pastor till his death, in 
1732. Samuel Windsor succeeded Mr, Brown. 



406 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, 

He was born in 1677, ordained in 1733, and re- 
mained in office till his death, in 1758. Thomas 
Burhngham was colleague pastor with Mr. Wind- 
sor, and was ordained at the same time with him. 
He left his charge some time before his death, which 
was in 1740, to preach to a new church in Crans- 
ton. Samuel Windsor, son of the preceding Sam- 
uel, was next in office. He was born November 1, 
1722, and ordained June 21, 1759. About the year 
1770, he made repeated complaints to the church, 
that his duties were too arduous for him to perform, 
and requested them to give him an assistant. The 
church acceded to his request, and John Sutton was 
invited to preach as his assistant, which he did for six 
months. After he left, James Manning, President of 
Rhode-Island College, removed to Providence with 
that institution. He was requested, soon after his re- 
moval, to preach to this society, after which, the pastor 
invited him to partake of the communion with the 
church. His acceptance of this invitation gave of- 
fence to some of the church members. Several 
church meetings were subsequently holden, at which 
President Manning's privilege of communion was 
repeatedly confirmed, Mr. Windsor then exerting 
himself against it. The reason assigned for this 
opposition was, that the president did not hold im- 
position of hands to be a pre-requisite to commun- 
ion, although he himself had submitted to it, and 
administered it to such as desired it. Some attrib- 
uted the change in Elder Windsor's views, to the 
president's "holding to singing in public Avorship, 
which was very disgustful to Mr. Windsor." In 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 407 

April 1771, Mr. Windsor presented to the church a 
writing, signed by a number of the members, stating 
that they were in conscience bound to withdraw 
from such as did not " hold strictly to the six principles 
of the doctrine of Christ, as laid down in Hebrews 
vi. 1, 2." In May following, he also withdrew and 
joined the Separates. After advising with some 
other Baptist churches, this church, in July 1771, 
chose President Manning for their pastor. He 
accepted the office, and held it until near his .death, 
in 1791. The general meeting, or Association of 
the Baptists, in September 1771, recognized the 
church under Mr. Manning, as the old church. 

During the life of President Manning, John 
Stanford preached some months for this church and 
society. 

Jonathan Maxcy succeeded Mr. Manning in 
the charge of the church, and in the presidency of the 
college. He was a graduate of Rhdde-Island Col- 
lege, and has ever been regarded as one of her most 
talented sons. After about two years, he resigned 
both offices, and removed to Schenectady, to take 
the Presidency of Union College. Subsequently 
he was President of Columbia College, South Caro- 
lina, which office he held till his death. 

Rev. Stephen Gano had the charge of this church, 
after President Maxcy, for thirty-six years. He was a 
native of New-York, born in 1762, and educated a 
physician. He received ordination at the age of 
twenty-three, and in 1792, removed to Providence 
and became pastor of this church. He died in Au- 
gust 1 828, universally lamented. No man ever had 



408 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

more friends, or warmer ones, than Dr. Gano. If 
any of his hearers estimated the pulpit labors of 
other ministers above those of their pastor, it was 
not because they were supposed to possess more 
piety toward God, or more love to man, than he did. 

After remaining more than a year and a half with- 
out a pastor, they united in calling Robert E. 
Pattison to that office. He accepted their call, and 
commenced his labors in March 1830. In August 
1 836, his health having become infirm, he resigned 
his office, and accepted the Presidency of Water- 
ville College, in Maine. 

Wilham Hague, pastor of the First Baptist church 
in Boston, was elected to fill the vacancy caused by 
Mr. Pattison's resignation. He entered on his duties 
on the 25th day of June, 1837, and remained pastor 
until August 1 840, when he resigned to take charge 
of the Federal -Street church, Boston. During this 
period, Mr. Hague was absent eight or nine months, 
in Europe, for the improvement of his health. 

The church being again without a pastor, and 
Mr. Pattison having in the mean while resigned 
the Presidency of Waterville College, he was a sec- 
ond time called to the pastoral office, and resumed 
his duties in April 1841. In February 1842, he was 
appointed one of the Corresponding Secretaries of 
the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions, and at the 
earnest solicitations of several friends of the mis- 
sion, he accepted the appointment, after having a 
second time tendered to the church his resignation 
as their pastor, to take effect after the first Sunday 
in April 1842. The vacancy caused by this resig- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 409 

nation had not been permanently filled, in Septem- 
ber following. 

Most of the preceding statements are founded on 
the records of the church. Other sources of infor- 
mation have been resorted to. Where that infor- 
mation differs from the record, the difference will 
now be given, together with such other facts in re- 
lation to this church, as have been collected from all 
sources whatever. The record states that Mr. 
Williams held the pastoral office about four years. 
A letter of Richard Scott, appended to " A New- 
England Fire-Brand Quenched," and published 
about 1673, states that Mr. Wilhams left the Baptists 
and turned Seeker, a few months after he was bap- 
tized. Mr. Scott was a member of the Baptist 
church for some time, but at the date of this letter, 
had united with the Friends. According to Mr. 
Wilhams' new views as a Seeker, there was no reg- 
ularly constituted church on earth, nor any person 
authorized to administer any church ordinance, nor 
could there be, until new apostles should be sent by 
the Great Head of the church, for whose coming he 
was seeking. He was not alone in these opinions. 
Many, in his day, beheved that the ministry and or- 
dinances of the christian church were irretrievably 
lost, during the papal usurpation. It has been sup- 
posed, by some, that Mr. Wilhams held these opin- 
ions while in Massachusetts, and that this was the 
reason he denied the church of England to be a true 
church, and withdrew from his connexion with the 
Salem church. Aside from the statement of Mr. 
Scott, above quoted, that Mr. Wilhams turned Seek- 
52 



410 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 

er, after he joined the Baptists and walked with 
them some months, the supposition is shown to be 
groundless, by his administering baptism in Provi- 
dence, as before stated, and joining with the first 
Baptist church there. These acts he could not have 
performed, had he then been a Seeker. 

Mr. Holyman may have succeeded Mr. WilHams, 
after this change in his views, but it is quite improb- 
able that so small a society as this must have been, 
would have needed two pastors, at the same time. 
Mr. Holyman removed to Warwick soon after Jan- 
uary 1643. His proposed removal may well 
account for the ordination of Chad Brown in 
1642. 

There were two Baptist churches in Providence, 
as early as 1652 ; one of the six, and the other of 
the five, principle Baptists. This appears from a 
manuscript diary kept by John Comer, a Baptist 
preacher, in Newport. The diary is now in the pos- 
session, of that gentleman's descendants, in War- 
ren. It states that one of the members of the first 
Baptist church in Newport, " came to Providence, 
and received imposition of hands from William 
Wickenden, pastor of a church there, lately separa- 
ted from the church under Thomas Olney," and that 
Mr. Wickenden and Gregory Dexter, returned to 
Newport with him, and that the same ordinance 
was administered to several others, who in 1656, 
withdrew from the first church in Newport, and form- 
ed a new church, " holding general redemption, and 
admitting to communion, only those who had sub- 
mitted to imposition of hands." The records of the 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 411 

church make Mr. Dexter the successor of Mr. Wick- 
enden, and Thomas Olney, the successor of Mr. 
Dexter. They also state, that Mr. Olney was born 
in 1631, and came to Providence in 1654. Now, 
the records of the town shew, that Thomas Olney, 
senior, came to Providence about 1638. He was 
there baptized, with his wife, about 1639. They 
had a son Thomas, who came with them, a minor, 
and who was afterwards town clerk, for many years. 
He is probably the person referred to in the church 
records. Dr. Styles states, in his manuscript itine- 
rary, that in 1774, he conversed with John Angell, 
then aged 83, who told him that his mother was 
daughter of Gregory Dexter, and that Mr. Dexter 
was the first Baptist elder of the six principle church. 
There is in the cabinet of the Historical Society, a 
letter from Governor J enckes, dated March 19, 1730, 
which contains some facts as to the succession and 
religious tenets of the elders of this church. From 
this, it appears, that one Dr. John Walton, formerly 
a practising physician in the county, was then 
preaching to a Baptist church in Providence. He, 
it seems, was in favor of singing in public worship. 
The governor was his intimate friend. He says, 
"as to his singing of psalms, I have heard him say, 
he would not urge it as a duty, on the church." Dr. 
Walton expected some allowance by way of contri- 
bution, for his services. The governor writes on 
this point, " Elder Tillinghast taught, that a pastor 
might receive, by way of contribution, although for 
his own part, he would take nothing." It seems 
further, from the same letters, that Dr. Walton op- 



412 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

posed the laying on of hands, if " performed to ob- 
tain the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost," and 
that he thought the want of it ought not to be a bar 
to communion with those who were rightly baptized. 
Governor Jenckes adds, " at first, in the Baptist 
churches in this colony, those under laying on of 
hands continued fellowship with those who were not, 
until one taught that laying on of hands was a doc- 
trine of devils ; then there arose a separation." Here 
he evidently refers to Mr. Olney. After Mr. Olney's 
death and after a meeting-house had been built, it is 
probable, only one meeting was kept up, and one 
church, under Mr. Tillinghast — that Mr. Jenckes 
succeeded Mr. Tillinghast, neither of them insisting 
so strongly on the points of former difference as they 
would have done, had there been a society of oppo- 
site sentiments in the same town with them. After 
Mr. Jenckes' death, while Dr. Walton was preach- 
ing, other differences led them to stir again, the old 
embers of contention. Mr. James Brown succeeded 
him. What were his principles appears from the fol- 
lowing certificate. 

May 25, 1732. Whereas there was a meeting appointed by 
some of the Baptist church of Providence this present day, at 
Elder James Brown's, the few of us that have met together to 
reconcile this woful breach or division that has happened of late, 
about the bounds of our communion, we think it needful to bear 
each others' burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ. The dif- 
ference between us is this, that some of us have bore with lar- 
ger communion than others. We shall endeavor, by the help of 
God, not to offend our brethren in this thing, nor any thing 
whereby it shall offend their consciences, but shall endeavor to 
be a building up of peace and tranquility within the spiritual 
walls of Jerusalem. We do all further agree, that there be no 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 413 

contradictions, but that we may all speak the same things, for as 
we all agree and allow the six principles in Heb. vi. 1. 2. to be 
the doctrine of Christ and to be the bounds of our communion, 
so we ought to be of one body and not tearing one another to 
pieces. We further agree that if any brother or sister shall join 
in prayer without the bounds of the church, they are liable to be 
dealt with by the church for their offending their brethren. 
Samuel Fisk, Edward Manton, 

Joshua Windsor, James Brown, 

Elder Place, Samuel Windsor, 

Thomas Burlingame jr. Thomas Olney, 

James King, James Brown, jr. 

John Dexter, Joseph Sheldon, 

John Dexter, jr. Ebenezer Jenckes, 

Jonathan Jenckes, Elisha Greene, 

Nicholas Sheldon, Daniel Sheldon, 

Benjamin Carpenter, Joseph Williams, jr. 

Edward Fenner, Daniel Sweet, 

Edward Mitchel, Daniel Fisk. 

Samuel Windsor, whose name is attached to the 
foregoing certificate, was probably the first pastor 
of that name. If so, his sentiments are also known. 
The sentiments of the second Mr. Windsor ap- 
pear in his note sent to the church, about the time 
of the division, in 1771. 

Mr. Edwards, in the volume of his collections, 
before referred to, gives the following as the succes- 
sion of pastors in this church. Roger Wilhams, 
from the establishment of the church, until he left 
the colony for England, in 1643, and that he then 
resigned it to Messrs. Brown and Wickenden. Mr. 
Holy man was his assistant. Mr. Chad Brown died 
between 1660 and 1665, leaving the church in 
charge of his colleague. Messrs. Dexter, Tillinghast, 
James Brown, Jenckes, Windsor, Burhngham, Wind- 



414 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

sor and Manning, successively held the same office, 
but the times of their appointments are not given 
with any exactness. Thomas Olney, it is there 
said, withdrew from the church with a few others, 
in 1654, being dissatisfied with the doctrine of lay- 
ing on of hands. They formed a new church, which 
continued its separate existence until 1715, when 
Mr. Olney resigned the care of it. 

It will be seen that there is considerable discrep- 
ancy between the several statements here given, as 
to the doctrines held by successive pastors of this 
church. The reader has before him, all that 1 have 
been able to collect, upon the subject, from all 
sources. 

It is stated in the records of the church, as quoted 
by Mr. Benedict, that " the church, at first, met for 
worship in a grove, unless in wet and stormy weather, 
when they assembled in private houses;" that after- 
wards. Pardon Tilhnghast, " at his own expense, 
built the first meeting-house, about the year 
1700." This house was situated on the west side 
of North Main-street, nearly opposite Star-street. 
In 1711, Mr. Tillinghast, in consideration of the 
love and good will he bore the church, over which 
he was then pastor, executed to them and their suc- 
cessors in the same faith and order, a deed of the 
meeting-house and the lot on which it stood. In the 
same instrument, he describes the faith and order of 
the church to be the same as that now held by the 
Six Principle Baptists. The same record of the 
church states, that " a larger house was erected in 
its place in 1718." This can scarcely be the case, 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 415 

for in 1726, they were erecting a house. This ap- 
pears by their apphcation to the town for leave to 
occupy with their new house then building the lot 
south of that on which the old house stood. The 
request was granted by the town. This house was 
raised May 30, 1726, as appears from the following 
memoranda, copied from an old account book of 
Richard Brown, who, for many years, was clerk of 
the proprietors. 

"May the 30th, 1726. The account of what charge I have 
been at this day as to the providing a dinner for the people that 
raised the Baptist meeting-house in Providence (it being raised 
this day) is as followeth. 

One fat sheep which weighed 43 lbs. the quarter, .£0,14,04 
For roasting the said sheep, &c. 8 

For one lb. of butter 1 

For two loaves of bread which weighed 15 lbs. 2 

For half a peck of peas 1,03 

December the 6th day. To money which I delivered to 
Mr. Thomas Olney, which I gave toward the finishing 
said house, 3,13,06" 

In 1740, the church had permission of the Gene- 
ral Assembly, to occupy the court house for meet- 
ings for public worship. The occasion of the appli- 
cation does not appear. The house erected in 1726, 
was occupied for a meeting house, until the erec- 
tion of the one now in use. The old house and lot 
was sold by leave of the General Assembly, and the 
proceeds invested in the present one. In January 
1773, the town granted them a lot, sixteen rods by 
twenty, to be laid out in the cove, opposite Steeple 
street. It is very doubtful whether they had any 
intention of occupying this lot, at the time they appli- 
ed for the grant of it. The tradition is, that they 



416 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

then had in view the lot on which their present 
house stands, which belonged to John Angell, and 
was improved by him as an orchard. He, they 
thought, would not sell it to be used as a site for a 
Baptist meeting house, for any consideration. Af- 
ter the grant of the town to them, they procured 
one of the members of the Episcopal church to pur- 
chase the orchard and convey it to them. They 
broke ground for their present house, on the first 
day of June 1774. It was opened for public wor- 
ship, for the first time, on the 28th day of May 1775, 
though it was not completed until some months af- 
ter this. This is a wooden structure, eighty feet 
square of the Roman-Ionic order of architecture, 
having a steeple at the west end, one hundred and 
ninety-six feet high, embelhshed with all the appro- 
priate ornaments of that order. This house, stand- 
ing amid the array of meeting houses in Providence, 
is not excelled by any one, in chasteness and beauty 
of design, or in manner of execution. Mr. Sumner 
was the chief architect. The main floor originally 
contained one hundred and twenty-six square pews. 
The roof and galleries are supported by fluted col- 
umns. The ceiling over the body of the house is a 
continued arch ; over the galleries it is intersected. 
The interior was altered in 1 834, and some think 
improved. The old pulpit and sounding board, to- 
gether with the square pews, were removed, and an 
elegant pulpit of more modern style, and long slips 
substituted. Convenience may have been consulted 
in these alterations, but the unity of the house was 
wholly destroyed by them. The steeple was fur- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 417 

nished with a good clock and bell, both imported 
from England. The bell weighed 2515 lbs. and 
bore the following motto. 

" For freedom of conscience, the town was first planted, 
Persuasion, not force, was used by the people. 

This church is the eldest, and has not recanted. 
Enjoying and granting, bell, temple and steeple." 

This bell was split in ringing, in 1787. Jesse 
Goodyear afterwards recast it, at Hope Furnace. — 
The present bell weighs 2387 lbs. and bears the fol- 
lowing inscription : " This church was founded 
A. D. 1639, the first in the state, and the oldest of 
the Baptists in America." Great dissatisfaction was 
expressed at the tone of this bell when it was first 
hung. Some individuals attempted to break it with 
a blacksmith's sledge hammer. They exhausted their 
rage and strength in breaking a small piece from it. 
Either this improved the tone or else taste has chang- 
ed, for this is now regarded as one of the finest 
toned bells in Providence. 

In 1774, some of the principal members of this 
church and society, obtained a charter of incorpo- 
ration, under the name of " The Charitable Baptist 
Society," in order more readily to manage their 
concerns and property. This corporation is the 
legal owner of the meeting house. Some, at first, 
thought that the acceptance of such a charter was 
a departure from the principles upon which the Bap- 
tists first started, as it was seeking the aid of law, to 
carry on their rehgious concerns. It was answered, 
that they neither sought for, nor would accept, any 
power to raise money for the support of public wor- 
ship, except by voluntary contribution. In 1808, 
53 



418 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

this society obtained power to tax pews for repairs 
of the house, and in 1832, the further power to 
raise money, by similar taxes, for the support of the 
ministry. This is not now considered as an infringe- 
ment of the voluntary principle, " since no one is 
thus taxed, except by his own consent." 

This church, from its first establishment, never 
had any written creed or covenant. They have 
ever professed to make the Bible their standard of 
faith and practice. It would seem that there has 
scarcely been any time when the members were 
uniform in their belief. Nor has the faith of the 
church as a body, always been the same. Sometimes 
it has confessedly leaned toward the Six Principle 
and General Baptists, and sometimes toward the 
Five Principle and Particular Baptists. To which 
side its founder inclined, it is quite impossible to say. 
Now it leans towards the particular Baptists. 

The power of choosing and setthng the pastor, 
is in the church, subject to be controlled by the 
Charitable Baptist Society. At the first, it is prob- 
able, the Pastors received but little for their services ; 
and that little was raised by voluntary subscriptions 
and contributions. Some even doubted the right 
to receive what was so collected. The expenses of 
public worship, including salaries of pastors, are 
now raised by taxation on pews. 

In early times, the question whether singing should 
be used in public worship was gravely debated in this 
society ; now, they listen to the swelling notes of an 
organ, and it raises no suspicion that they have de- 
parted from the truth or the ancient faith of their 
predecessors. 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 419 

For more than a century after the estabhshment 
of this church, the banks of the Moshassuck and 
Wanasquatucket witnessed the burying in baptism 
of those who united themselves with it. These 
streams were the Jordan, under whose waves they 
passed, as they professed, in obedience to the com- 
mands of the Head of the church. It is questionable 
whether some of the early members, if they should 
revisit the scenes of their earthly pilgrimage, would 
approve of the baptistery, in which converts of later 
times profess to follow the example of their Lord. 
They would see in many things, a change, even in 
some which they deemed unalterably fixed by the last 
testament of their Master. 

In 1730, before any towns were set ofl:' from 
Providence, there were at least two other Baptist 
churches within its limits ; one in that part subse- 
quently called Smithfield, established in 1706, and 
the other in that part called Scituate, established in 
1725. Several churches have been formed, either 
in whole or in part, out of the members of this 
church. In addition to those now in Providence, 
of which sketches will be given in their order, there 
were formed churches in Johnston, Cranston, Paw- 
tucket, Pawtuxet, East-Greenwich, and perhaps 
others. Still this is one of the largest churches in 
the state. It numbered, in September 1842, about 
five hundred and forty members. This church still 
retains its independency. It makes a part of the 
Warren Association of Baptists, and looks to it for 
advice and counsel. 



420 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, 

THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. 

The first appearance of Friends in New-England, 
was in 1656. In July of that year, two females of 
this denomination of christians, arrived at Boston, 
from Barbadoes. This event gave rise to the first of 
a long succession of cruel and sanguinary laws 
against them in the province of Massachusetts, and 
in all the other colonies in New-England, excepting 
only, the colony of Rhode-Island. They attempted 
to compel this colony also to the same course, at a 
very early period, as will appear by an extract of a 
letter written to Mr. Clarke, the agent of the colony 
in England, by a committee appointed by the Gene- 
ral Assembly, November 5, 1658, published on page 
122. That letter shows the character of the early 
Friends in New-England, and the indomitable spirit 
of the state, in relation to religious freedom. These 
circumstances, combined with others, rendered futile 
the attempts of the other colonies to prevent the in- 
gress of Friends into their jurisdictions. The 
several towns in the colony of Rhode-Island, receiv- 
ed and comforted them, in their sufferings, and the 
consequence was, the adoption of their opinions by 
some of the inhabitants of almost every town, at a 
very early period. The first person in Providence, 
who adopted the principles of Friends, is stated by 
tradition to be Richard Scott. He was one of the 
early settlers of the town ; at first he joined the Bap- 
tists, but remained with them but a short time. His 
wife Catharine, and two daughters Patience and Ma- 
ry, were also among the first members of the Friends' 
Society. All three of these suffered corporeal pun- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 421 

ishment in Massachusetts, at an early period, the wife 
as early as 1658. One of the daughters subsequent- 
ly intermarried with Christopher Holder, whose 
name appears, more than once, among those who 
suffered corporeal punishment in Massachusetts, as 
Friends. That these met together for worship with 
such others as agreed with them in principles, is 
highly probable, though there is no direct proof of 
the fact. In 1666, Thomas Burnyeate, a Friend 
from England, held a meeting at Providence, as ap- 
pears from his journal. Their numbers increased 
both by converts from among their neighbors and 
by emigration from the neighboring colonies, to such 
a degree, that in 1672 the government of the colony 
was in the hands of Friends. This year George 
Fox, the founder of the sect, visited the island of 
Rhode- Island, and attended the Yearly Meeting of 
Friends in New-England, then holden in the house 
of Governor William Coddingtoii. This house was 
standing until within a few years, and some trifling 
parts of it, by way of memorials, are now preserved 
by the Historical Society of the State. While on 
this visit, George Fox held a meeting in Providence, 
" in a great barn, which was thronged with people." 
This was just after the yearly meeting, and in all 
probability was the immediate cause of the challeno-e 
sent by Roger Wilhams to him and Friends with him, 
to debate fourteen propositions which he had drawn 
up in relation to Friends' doctrines. The challenge 
bore date July 13, but did not reach its destination 
in Newport, until July 26, after George Fox had 
left this part of the country. It contained the. four- 



422 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

teen propositions, seven of which he wished to de- 
bate at Newport, and seven at Providence. John 
Stubbs, John Burnyeate and Wilham Edmundson, 
English Friends, who were in Newport when the 
challenge arrived there, accepted it without hesita- 
tion. Roger Williams was himself so much engaged 
in the matter, that he rowed himself in his canoe to 
Nevv'port, a distance of thirty miles, though then 
over seventy years of age. They spent three days in 
debate, at Newport, and one at Providence, convinc- 
ing more persons of the honest zeal of the disputants, 
than of the truth of the positions assumed by either 
of them. Mr. Wilhams published his account of the 
debate in a volume entitled " The Fox digged out 
of his Burrowes," which was answered by a volume 
equally ponderous, entitled " A New-England Fire- 
Brand Quenched." Both are curiosities now, and 
should be examined as such, bearing in mind that a 
far greater latitude in language was then allowed in 
polemical divinity than would now be allowed in po- 
litical debates. No memorial is left of the place in 
which the day's dispute in Providence was holden. 

The foregoing facts prove that there were Friends 
in Providence at an early period, but they go but 
a little way to show that they held regular meetings 
for worship, and much less, the existence of any 
meeting house there. From a minute in the records 
of the Rhode-Island quarterly meeting, it seems, that 
as early as the 4th of 4th mo. (then June) 1691 "it 
was proposed that some have a mind to buy Suck- 
lin's lot of land at Providence." The object of the 
purchase could have been no other than to obtain 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 



423 



a site for a meeting house, or it would not have been 
brought before this meeting. No order was taken 
on the matter at that time, but from what subse- 
quently appears in the same records, it is probable 
the lot was obtained. 

From the same records, it appears, that a week- 
day meeting was estabhshed at Providence as early 
as the 1st mo. (March) 1701. In the following 
year the project of building a meeting-house was re- 
sumed. It was laid before the Portsmouth monthly 
meeting, and by them referred to the Rhode-Island 
quarterly meeting, holden on the 2d of 10th mo. 
(December) 1701. The minute made by the quar- 
terly meeting was as follows : 

" It was proposed and agreed unto, that two Friends should go 
to Providence, the persons are Gideon Freeborn and Abraham 
Chace, to see what encouragement Friends and Friendly people 
will give, every way, toward building said house, and make their 
return to said meeting at Portsmouth this day, five weeks." 

At the next meeting, 1st of 1st mo. 1702, further 
progress was made in the matter, as appears by the 
following extract from the records : 

" As to the business of building a meeting house at Provi- 
dence and at Weekopimsett, and settling a meeting at Freetown, 
which matter was accounted should have been resolved before 
this meeting, yet the weatlier being so tedious did obstruct: and 
whereas Gideon Freeborn and Abraham Chace were appointed 
to see what encouragement Providence Friends and Friendly 
people would give as to a house being built there, in answer to 
which, Abraham Chace or his brother William, to day brought a 
subscription of forty of the inhabitants of Providence, amounting 
to the value of .^eO, 15, as has and may be seen, which Friends 
were glad to see, but their dimensions being bigger than the land 
they speak of, given for that use, would bear, so this meeting pro- 



424 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

pose a house of thirty feet square to be built, which is according to 
said land given, if money can be raised to answer the premises; 
in further pursuance of which, this meeting have desired Walter 
Clark, Jacob Mott, Joseph Wanton and Abraham Chace, they 
being also free, God willing, to go to treat with Providence peo- 
ple further about the premises, to know what the cost may be 
judged, and who of them will undertake the building and take 
this subscription, with other money that is first to be seen how 
can be raised, and make return of what may be done to Rhode- 
Island, that themselves, Dartmouth and Greenwich members of 
our said quarterly meeting, may make way toward the obtaining 
of what money may be wanting of the said subscription for the 
accomplishing the premises." 

It would be pleasing to present the subscription 
referred to above, if it could be found. It probably 
contained the names of most of " the Friends" and 
" Friendly people" then in Providence. The lot 
referred to was probably " SuckHn's lot," mentioned 
in 1691. The size of the lot must have been very 
small, if not large enough to accommodate a building 
more than thirty feet square. After the laying off 
of the purchasers' house lots on the east side of 
North and South Main streets, the proprietors con- 
veyed " warehouse lots," generally forty feet square, 
on the opposite side of those streets. One of these 
warehouse lots was probably referred to, but where 
Suckhn's house lot or warehouse lot was, I have not 
been able to ascertain. 

Subsequent quarterly meetings agreed to an ex- 
change of location for one near the dwelling house 
of Eleazer Arnold, and upon the last named one, a 
meeting house was erected between June 1703 and 
July 1704. The following extracts from the same 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 425 

records show the progress of the business from time 
to time : 

"As to what relates to Providence meeting-house, some of 
the Friends appointed having been there, and it seems, could not 
fully resolve what the last quarterly meeting requested, by reason 
the land given to set a meeting-house on was so nigh the common 
road, so that the subscribers desired that it might be exchang- 
ed for some higher up ; it might be so this meeting might judge 
it convenient, that those Friends that the meeting appointed be- 
fore, be yet continued to make a further progress in the premises, 
answerable to the meeting's request, and make return of what they 
do therein, at the next monthly men's meeting at Portsmouth, on 
Rhode-Island, if may, without too much difficulty, or at furtherest, 
at the next men's meeting at Newport, about '21st 5th mo., so 
that one of these meetings, in behalf of the quarterly meeting, 
may act and transact, as near as may be, to what the precedent 
quarterly meeting hath proposed in the premises, which monthly 
meeting, v.e also desire, to acquaint the next quarterly meetino- 
what they do in the premises. 

3d 1st mo. 1702-3. At this meeting it was agreed, that a meet- 
ing house should be built at Providence, if money can be raised 
to accomplish the same. There was also a subscription begun 
of about forty of the inhabitants of Providence, about c£60 and 
now (illegible) is appointed to hand it about ; to encourage 
Friends in the premises, when he thinks meet, in behalf of our 
quarterly meeting. 

1st 4th mo. 1703. " Inasmuch as the monthly men's meeting of 
Rhode-Island at Portsmouth, the 27th of the 2d mo. 1703, did 
encourage, upon their request, the Providence Friends getting 
their meeting house proposed to be built near Eleazer Arnold's, 
the major part collecting thereto being willing, the which matter 
is also approved by this meeting, understanding also, that it is 
generally agreed on amongst themselves, and now that the 
Rhode-Island monthly meeting takes notice and encourages 
the subscription in behalf and nntil the next quarterly meet- 
ing, &:.c.'" 

5th 7th mo., 1704 "Whereas it hatli been proposed and 
agreed unto at several precedent quarterly meetings, for the en- 

54 



426 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

courao-ing the building a meeting house at Providence, and sev' 
eral Friends have contributed thereto already, and Friends there 
have been courageous and noble being but few, and have built a 
fair large meeting house for worship of God, and the burden ly- 
inT pretty heavy on some particulars, they have expectation of 
further assistance from this meeting according to the first encour- 
agement. This meeting agrees to make a subscription towards 
glazing and finishing said house, and that each monthly meeting 
appoint two Friends to encourage it in pursuance of the same, to 
be delivered to Thomas Arnold, Edward Smith and William 
Wilkinson, or to whom they shall appoint it for said use." 

Thomas Story, in his journal page 359, states, that 
on the "28th 5 mo (July) 1704, he attended a yearly 
meeting, at Warwick, at Benjamin Barton's house, 
and continued by adjournment to the meeting house 
in Providence the next day, being the first day of 
the week." In the records of Providence, there is 
a deed dated October 2, 1708, from Eleazer Arnold 
to Thomas Smith and others, of a tract of land near 
the dwelling house of Eleazer Arnold, seven rods by 
twelve, " on which stands a certain meeting house, 
of the people called Quakers." From a most inter- 
esting letter received by me from John Osborne, 
clerk of the present Smithfield monthly meeting, in 
answer to one requesting information, I learn that 
this is what is now known as " Lower Smithfield" 
meeting house. At the date of all the proceedings 
referred to. Providence comprehended the whole 
county of Providence, except Cumberland. The 
town of Smithfield was set off" from it and incorpo- 
rated in 1730. The following extracts from a valu- 
able letter from Thomas Rowland, clerk of Green- 
wich monthly meeting, is inserted as explanatory 
of some of the usages of Friends, without a knowl- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HlStORY. ' 4^ 

edge of which, it would be difficult to understand 
some of the following statements. 

" It appears by earliest records that I have in my 
possession, that there was a ' monthly meeting for 
businesp, estabhshed by the advice of the yearly meet- 
ing for New-England, in the fifth month 1699, called 
' Greenwich monthly meeting.' This meeting, it 
appears from various circumstances, embraced all 
the members of the society Hving west of Narragan- 
sett Bay. Although it appears that soon after t'le 
organization of Greenwich monthly meeting, that 
Friends of Providence sent representatives to that 
meeting, it does not determine either the place of 
their individual residence or the place of their 
assembling." 

In the beginning of 1718, " Providence monthly 
meeting" was set off from " Greenwich monthly 
meeting," and consisted of Providence and Mendon 
meetings. The name was subsequently changed, in 
1731, to "Smithfield monthly meeting." In 1783, 
the present Providence monthly meeting was set off 
from Smithfield monthly meeting. At the time the 
first Providence monthly meeting was established, 
John Osborne says, in his letter before referred to, 
" there were four meetings for worship, viz. Mendon, 
and what are now upper and lower Smithfield, and 
Providence ; but at what precise period of time 
these meetings commenced, I am unable to say. — 
The records of the monthly meeting make no allu- 
sion to it." 

The first meeting house at upper Smithfield, ac- 



428 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, 

cording to the same letter, was built in 1719. The 
minute by the monthly meeting directing it, being 
as follows : 

" lOth mo. (December) 1719. Whereas, this meeting has 
had a matter in consideration, about building a meeting house 
at Woonsocket, on the burying ground lately purchased ; to 
build a meeting house twenty feet square, and John Arnold is 
appointed to build the same, the height thereof left to him." 

This was the second house of worship built by 
Friends in Providence. It remained until 1775, 
when the house now standing there was erected, in 
its place. 

In 1724, commenced the design of erecting anoth- 
er meeting house in Providence. The earliest no- 
tice of the intention is in the records of the Smith- 
field monthly meeting in the following minute : 

" 9th month (November) 1724. Whereas, it is concluded 
by this meeting, a house shall be built in Providence town, and 
there being a frame offered us, it is concluded by this meeting, 
that if Edward Smith and Thomas Arnold approve of the frame, 
that the money be paid to Daniel Abbot, as quick as can be, 
with convenience." 

It was then laid before the quarterly meeting, on 
the 8th of 11th month (January) 1724-5 as ap- 
pears by the following extracts from the records : 

" The Friends of Providence, having, both at our last, and 
also at this quarterly meeting, represented the service of a meet- 
incr-house being built at Providence town, which their concern 
is well approved, and this meeting will also contribute something 
towards accomplishing the same, and also thinks proper, that the 
matter may be proposed to the yearly meeting in order for a 
subscription by particulars or otherwise as may be thought 
proper." 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 429 

The yearly meeting holden in the 4th month 
(June) of the same year, passed the following order: 

" The quarterly meeting of Rhode-Island having represented 
to this meeting, that it is most likely for the advancement of 
truth, to build a meeting-house in the town of Providence, 
which proposal is approved of, and for the present that the work 
may be going forward, do agree to raise the sum of one hundred 
pounds, of which it is desired that the quarterly nieetino- of 
Rhode-Island do collect the sum of eighty pounds; and also de- 
sires the quarterly meetings of Sandwich and Scituate to collect 
the sum of twenty pounds, and to send the same up to Samuel 
Aldrich, Thomas Arnold, and Benjamin Smith, of Providence." 

The next quarterly meeting took the matter into 
consideration, and the following entry appears on 
their records : 

" 9th 5th mo, 1725. We received an epistle from the last year- 
ly meeting on Rhode-Island, informing that they having approv- 
ed of the proposal for building a meeting-house in the town of 
Providence, and think proper to raise and contribute the sum of 
£IQQ towards the same, and desires this quarterly meetino- to 
contribute the sum of .£80 of said hundred, which this meetino- 
proportions as follows, viz. 

The monthly meeting of Rhode-Island, the sum of ,£52 
The Monthly meeting of Dartmouth, 10 

The monthly meeting of Greenwich and Kingston, 8 

The monthly meeting of Nantucket, 10 



^80 
And send their several proportions as soon as conveniently 
they can to Samuel Aldrich, Benjamin Smith and Thomas Ar- 
nold, of Providence, and make return to the next quarterly meet- 
ing." 

The house was probably built soon after this, and 
is a part of the meeting-house now standing between 
South Court and Meeting streets. The deed of the 
lot was made in the beginning of the year 1727, and 



450 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORt. 



describes it as then having on it a meeting house. 
An addition was subsequently made to it in the 
years 1784-5. The town was accustomed, for a 
long time, to hold their town meetings in this house, 
and a school was, for many years, kept in the upper 
part of it. 

At the quarterly meeting holden 10th day 2d mo. 
(April) 1730, Greenwich monthly meeting gave 
notice, 

" That they are in want of some assistance by money towards 
finishing a meeting-house at Sliantituck, in which case this 
meeting desires further information as to the necessity and cir- 
cumstances, &/C." 

Shantituck, or Meshantituck, as it was sometimes 
called, was in that part of Providence, since set off 
and incorporated under the name of Cranston. It 
remained, however, a part of Providence, until 
1754, and hence the meeting house there should be 
considered as in Providence, making the fourth 
erected there by Friends. At the following quar- 
terly meeting, the Greenwich monthly meeting 
inform, 

" That besides the subscription made for building the meet- 
ing-house at Meshantituck, they have expended the sum of 
^49,19, for work already done, and considerable more is wanted 
to finish it. 

It is therefore recommended to the several monthly meetings 
to consider the said Friends of Meshantituck, and lend them such 
help as in brotherly freedom they may think meet, and it is de- 
sired, that what is collected for said service may be brought up 
to our next quarterly meeting." 

From the foregoing, it is apparent that before the 
division of Providence, there were at least four so- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 431 

cieties of Friends having meeting-houses, within the 
town. The oldest was what is now called lower 
Smithfield, the second upper Sniithfield or Woon- 
socket, the third in Providence town, and the other 
in Cranston. It is not presumed that either of these 
would vie with the costly structures built in more 
modern times by other denominations of Christians. 
They were probably small wooden buildings, suffi- 
ciently large to accommodate the company ordinar- 
ily assembling in them, in the construction of which, 
regard was had to convenience and comfort, rather 
than to appearance. The buildings and lands were 
generally held by trustees for the use of the Society, 
but are now by an act of the General Assembly in 
1827, held by officers termed " Overseers of Socie- 
ty" for the time being. It is impossible to ascer- 
tain the numbers attached to these several meetings 
at the time of their first formation. With their pres- 
ent population, excepting that of Providence, we 
have nothing to do. Providence meeting, by a doc- 
ument published in 1836, was supposed to contain 
158 individuals. The number has probably increas- 
ed since that account was taken. 

FIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH. 

The worshipping assembly next gathered in Prov- 
idence, I suppose to have been a Congregational 
Pedobaptist Society. This was formed about 1720. 
Undoubtedly there were some Pedobaptists here, at 
all times, from the first settlement. They may have 
met, as a distinct worshipping assembly, previous to 
1720, but such meetings, if any took place, were 



432 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

not stated and regular. Nor is it probable that 
there was a large number of these individuals here 
at any time previous. The principle held forth from 
the settlement of the town, of an entire separation 
between church and state, had been pronounced a 
foul heresy, and the consequence of that heresy, a 
multiplicity of sects, all equal in the eye of the law, 
had been repudiated by the churches of Plymouth 
and Massachusetts, as subversive of all rehgion, and 
pregnant with incalculable evils to civil society, and 
the best interests of man. In those days of enthusi- 
asm and bigotry, great must have been the induce- 
ment, which could have led any orthodox religionists 
to take up their abode in such a place, in point of 
rehgion, as Providence was represented and behev- 
ed to be. On the other hand it cannot be doubted, 
that when any such came to Providence, they did 
not receive that hearty welcome which awaited their 
opponents. They were admitted to equal civil 
rights, it is true, but not to equal love or respect. 
Instead, then, of being surprised that no worship- 
ping assembly was gathered earlier than 1720, our 
surprise should be, that there was a sufficient number 
of Pedobaptists, at that time, in Providence, to ren- 
der such a step advisable. In corroboration of these 
views, the following letter is inserted from three dis- 
tinguished Congregational Clergymen in Massachu- 
setts, and the answer thereto. Jonathan Spreague, 
who subscribes the answer, was a Baptist preacher. 

" To the honorable Joseph Jenckes, Esq., late Deputy-Gov- 
ernor, William Hopkins, f'sq., Major Joseph Wilson. Esq., Jo- 
seph Whipple, Esq., Col. Richard Waterman, Esq., Arthur 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 



433 



Fenner, Esq., Wilkinson, Esq., Philip Tillinghast, Esq., 

Capt. Nicholas Power, Esq., Thomas Harris, Esq., Capt. Wil- 
liam Harris, Esq., Andrew Harris, Esq., Brown, Esq., 

Jonathan Burton, Esq., Jonathan Spreague, Jun. Esq., and to 
the other eminent men in the town of Providence. Pardon our 
ignorance if of any of your Christian names, or if your proper 
order be mistaken. 

Honorable Gentlemen, — We wish you grace, mercy and peace, 
and all blessings for time and for eternity, through our Lord Je- 
sus Christ. How pleasing to Almighty God and our Lord and 
Redeemer, and how conducible to the public tranquillity and 
safety, an hearty union and good affection of all pious protest- 
ants, of whatever particular denomination, on account of some 
difference in opinion, would be, by the divine blessing, your- 
selves, as well as we, are not insensible of. And with what 
peace and love, societies of different modes of worship have 
generally entertained one another in your government, we can- 
not think of without admiration. And we suppose, under God, 
'tis owing to the choice liberty granted to protestants of all per- 
suasions in the Royal Charter graciously given you ; and to the 
wise and prudent conduct of the gentlemen that have been im- 
proved as governors and justices in your colony. And the Rev. 
Mr. Greenwood, before his decease at Rehoboth, was much af- 
fected with the wisdom and excellent temper and great candour 
of such of yourselves as he had the honor to wait upon, and 
with those worthy and obliging expressions of kind respects he 
met with when he discoursed about his desire to make an ex- 
periment, whether the preaching of our ministers in Providence 
might not be acceptable ; and whether some, who do not greatly 
incline to frequent any pious meeting in the place, on the first 
day of the week, might not be drawn to give their presence to 
hear our ministers, and so might be won over, by the influence 
of Heaven, into serious godliness ; and although God has taken 
that dear brother of ours from his work in this world, yet it has 
pleased the Lord to incline some reverend ministers in Connec- 
ticut and some of ours to preach among you ; and we are be- 
holden to the mercy of Heaven for the freedom and safety they 
have enjoyed under the wise and good government of the place, 

55 



434 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

and that they met with kind respect, and with numbers that gave 
a kind reception to their ministrations among you. These 
things we acknowledge with all thankfulness. And if such 
preaching should be continued among your people, designed 
only for the glory of God and Christ Jesus in chief, and nextly 
for promoting the spiritual and eternal happiness of immortal, 
precious souls, and the furtherance of a joyful account in the 
great day of judgment, we earnestly request, as the Rev. Mr. 
Greenwood in his life-time did before us, that yourselves, ac- 
cording to your power and the influence and interest that God 
hath blessed you with, will continue your just protection ; and 
that you add such further countenance and encouragement there- 
unto as may be pleasing to the eternal God, and may, through 
Christ Jesus, obtain for you the great reward in Heaven. And 
if ever it should come to pass that a small meeting-house should 
be built in your town to entertain such as are willing to hear our 
ministers, we should account it a great favor if you all, gentle- 
men, or any of you, would please to build pews therein ; in 
which you and they as often as you see fit, may give your and 
their presence and holy attention. And we hope and pray thai 
ancient matters, that had acrimony in them, may be buried ii 
oblivion ; and that grace, and peace, and holiness, and glory 
may dwell in every part of New-England ; and that the severa 
provinces and colonies in it may love one another with a pur 
heart fervently. So recommending you all, and your ladies ant 
children, and neighbors and people to the blessing of Heaven 
and humbly asking your prayers to the Divine Throne for us, wt 
take leave and subscribe ourselves your servants, 

PETER THACHER, 
JOHN DANFORTH, 
JOSEPH BELCHER." 

" To John Danforth, Peter Thacher, and Joseph Belcher, 
committee of the Presbyterian Ministry. 

Sirs — We, the inhabitants of the town of Providence, receiv- 
ed yours, bearing date October 27, 1721, which was read pub- 
licly, in the hearing of the people, and we judge it uncivil to re- 
turn you no answer. But finding the matter to be of religious 
concernment, we counted it our duty to ask counsel of God,lest 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 435 

we should be beguiled as Israel was by the Gibeonites. And 
inasmuch as the sacred scriptures were given forth by the Spirit 
of the living God to be our instructer and counsellor, we shall 
therefore apply ourselves to them. And in the first place, we 
take notice of the honorable titles you give to many of us. Your 
view, as we take it, is to insinuate yourselves into our affections, 
and to induce us to favor your request. But, we find flatteries 
in matters of religion to be of dangerous consequence; witness 
the Hivites, who said, We are your servants, and have heard of 
the fame of the God of Israel. In this way did Joash set up 
idolatry after the death of Jehoida. Elihu abstained from flat- 
tery for fear of offending God, while the enemies of Judah, for 
want of the fear of God, practised it. By the same means was 
Daniel cast into the lion's den, and Herod sought to slay the 
Lord Christ ; and some at Rome sought to make divisions in the 
church of Christ by flattering words and fair speeches, to de- 
ceive the simple ; but, saith the Spirit, such serve not the Lord 
Jesus Christ, but their own belly ; and saith the apostle Peter, 
through covetousness and feigned words they shall make merchan- 
dize of you. To conclude this article. We see that flattery in 
matters of worship has been, and now is, a cloak to blind men 
and lead them out of the way ; and serves for nothing but to 
advance pride and vain glory. Shall we praise you for this 1 
We praise you not. Next. You salute all as saints in the 
faith and order of the gospel, wishing all of us blessings for the 
time present and to all eternity. It is not the language of Ca- 
naan but of Babel to salute men of all characters as in the 
faith of the gospel. This is the voice of the false prophets, 
which daub with untempered mortar, sewing pillows under eve- 
ry arm-hole, and crying, peace ! peace ! when there is no peace. 
Is this your way to enlighten the dark corners of the world ? 
Surely, this is darkness itself Moreover, You highly extol lib- 
erty of conscience to men of all persuasions, affirming it to be 
most pleasing to God, and tending most to love and peace, 
and the tranquillity of any people. And you say, We are not 
insensible of this any more than you. To which we say. Amen ; 
and you well know it hath been our faith and practice hitherto. 
Fourthly. We take notice, how you praise the love and peace 
that dissenters of all ranks entertain one another with, in this 



436 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 



government ; and it is as you say, to your admiration : and yoa 
suppose that under God, it is oiving to the choice liberty granted 
to protestants of all denominations in the Royal Charter gra- 
ciously given us, and to the discreet and wise rulers under whose 
conduct we enjoy this happiness. We answer. This happiness 
principally consists in our not allowing societies to have any 
superiority one over another, but each society supports their own 
ministry of their own free will, and not by constraint or force upon 
any man's person or estate ; and this greatly adds to our peace and 
tranquillity. But the contrary, which takes away men's estates 
by force, to maintain their own or any other ministry, serves for 
nothing but to provoke to wrath, envy, and strife. This wisdom 
coraeth not from above, but is earthly, sensual and devilish. In 
those cited concessions we hope too, that you are real and 
hearty, and do it not to flourish your compliments ; otherwise 
you make a breach on the third commandment. This is but a 
preface to make room for your request, which is, That we icould 
he pleased, according to our power, to countenance, protect, and 
encourage your ministers in their coming and preaching in this 
town of Providence. To which we answer : — We admire at 
your request ! or that you should imagine or surmise that we 
should consent to either ; inasmuch as we know, that (to wit- 
ness for God) your ministers, for the most part, were never set 
up by God, but have consecrated themselves, and have changed 
his ordinances; and for their greediness after filthy lucre,some you 
have put to death ; others you have banished upon pain of death ; 
others you barbarously scourged; others you have impris- 
oned and seized upon their estates. And at this very present 
you are rending towns in pieces, ruining the people with innume- 
rable charges, which make them decline your ministry, and fly 
for refuge some to the Church of England, and others to dis- 
senters of all denominations, and you, like wolves, pursue; and 
whenever you find them within your reach, you seize upon their 
estates. And all this is done to make room for your pretended 
ministers to live in idleness, pride, and fullness of bread. Shall we 
countenance such ministers for Christ's ministers? Nay, verily. 
These are not the marks of Christ's ministry ; but are a papal spot 
that is abhorred by all pious protestants. And since you wrote 
this letter the constable of Attleborough has been taking away 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 437 

the estates of our dear friends and pious dissenters to maintain 
the minister. The like hath been done in the town of Mendon. 
Is this the way of peace ? Is this the fruit of your love? Why 
do you hug the sin of Eli's sons and walk in the steps of the 
false prophets, biting with your teeth, and crying peace ? but no 
longer than they put into your mouth but you prepare war 
against them. Christ bids us beware of such as come to us in 
sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves ; and your 
clothing is so scanty that all may see your shame, and see that 
your teaching is like Gideon's, who taught the men of Succoth 
with the briars and tho7-tis of the toilderness. In the next place; 
You freely confess that we entertained you kindly at all times. 
We hope we are all so taught of God to love our enemies, and to 
do good to them that hate us, and pray for them wlw despiteful- 
ly treat us. And since you admire the love and peace we do 
enjoy, we pray you to use the same methods and write after our 
copy. And for the future never let us hear of your pillaging 
conscientious dissenters to maintain your own ministers. O, let 
not this sin be your everlasting ruin. Further. You desire 
that all former injuries, done by you to us, may be buried in 
oblivion. We say. Far be it from us to avenge ourselves, or to 
deal to you as you have dealt to us, but rather say with our Lord, 
Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do! But if 
you mean that we should not speak of former actions done 
hurtfully to any man's person, we say, God never called for that 
nor suffered to be so done ; as witness Cain, Joab and Judas, 
which are upon record to deter other men from doing the like. 
Lastly. You desire of us to improve our interest in Christ Je- 
sus for you at the throne of grace. Far be it from us to deny 
you this, for we are commanded to pray for all men. And we 
count it our duty to pray for you, that God will open your eyes 
and cause you to see how far you have erred from the way of 
peace ; and that God will give you godly sorrow for the same, 
and such repentance as is never to be repented of; and that you 
may find mercy and favor of our Lord Jesus Christ at his ap- 
pearing. And so hoping, as you tender the everlasting welfare 
of your souls and the good of your people, you will embrace our 
advice ; and not suffer passion so to rule as to cause you to hate 
reproof, lest you draw down vengeance on yourselves and on the 



438 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

land. We, your friends of the town of Providence, bid you 
farewell. Subscribed for, and in their behalf, by your ancient 
friend and servant for Jesus' sake, 

JONATHAN SPREAGUE. 

Feh. 23, 1722." 

In 1721, they set about erecting a house for public 
worship. Dr. Hoyle, one of the most active and 
efficient of their number, visited the neighboring col- 
onies to solicit pecuniary aid, and he met with con- 
siderable success in his mission. On his return, 
and without the concurrence of his associates, he 
commenced erecting a house on a lot of land, near 
the junction of Pawtuxet and High-streets. So 
great was the dissatisfaction, at the conduct of Dr. 
Hoyle, that the house was torn down after it had 
been partially finished, and, as tradition says, in the 
night season. 

In 1723, the society erected a house for worship 
at the corner of College and Benefit-streets, now 
known as the " Old Town House." When first erect- 
ed, it was much smaller than at present. I have 
been informed by Job Danforth, a highly intel- 
ligent old gentleman of this society, who died in 
1 838, at the advanced age of ninety-four years, that 
two additions have been made to the original struc- 
ture, one on the south and the other on the east part 
of it. I am induced to believe that the enlargement 
on the east side, consisted simply in the addition of 
a tower, which according to the same authority, for- 
merly stood there. When the upper part of this was 
taken down, a belfry was erected on the west side of 
the house on the roof. 

In 1794, the society sold this house to the town, 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 439 

and commenced erecting a more spacious and ele- 
gant one, at the corner of Benevolent and Benefit- 
streets. They began to raise this building on the 
19th day of August 1794, on which occasion, Dr. 
Hitchcock, the pastor of the society, delivered an 
address. It was dedicated to the service of Almigh- 
ty God, on the 16th day of August 1795. This 
edifice was of wood, eighty-seven by seventy-one 
feet on the ground. The front was ornamented 
with two spires, on whose fine proportions the eye 
rested, with peculiar satisfaction and delight. Mr. 
Caleb Ormsbee was the architect. The whole house 
was a beautiful copy of one of the most beautiful 
houses of worship in Boston. It was destroyed by 
fire on the morning of the 14th of June 1814. 

Measures were immediately taken by the society 
for the erection of the still more spacious and ele- 
gant structure, which they now occupy. It stands on 
the same site with the preceding one. The corner 
stone of this house was laid with appropriate relig- 
ious ceremonies, on the 29th day of May 1815, and 
the building dedicated, on the 31st of October in the 
following year. It is built of granite taken from the 
Waterman " Snake-den" ledge, in Johnston. The 
front and two sides are of wrought granite in cours- 
es, the rear, of rubble work. It measures seventy- 
seven feet by one hundred, including a vestibule of 
twenty feet. The main wall is thirty feet high above 
the basement. The tower is of stone, eighty feel 
high to the bell deck. The whole spire is aboul 
two hundred feet high. This society is indebted 
to the genius and taste of John H. Greene, for their 



440 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

beautiful house. Its cost exceeded ^50,000. Since 
its erection some alterations have been made in the 
interior of the building, which may have added to its 
convenience but they have not increased its beauty. 
Previous to the settlement of any minister over 
this society, several clergymen from the neighboring 
colonies, occasionally preached for them. Dr. Styles 
in his itinerary, mentions a Mr. Dorrance and a 
Mr. Danforth as among these. Samuel Moody, of 
York, Maine, also preached for them. The society 
were desirous of obtaining his services as pastor, but 
his church at York refused to part with him. With 
their consent however, he preached at Providence 
three months. During this period he baptized six- 
teen persons. They had no settled minister until 
1728. In the spring of that year, Josiah Cotton 
commenced preaching for them, and in the follow- 
ing autumn was ordained, eighteen churches be- 
ing present by their delegates to assist at the ordina- 
tion. The church was formed on the same day that 
Mr. Cotton was ordained, and consisted of nine per- 
sons, viz. Cornelius Salisbury, Nathaniel Blague, 
Wilham Randall, Joseph Bagley, Timothy Carpen- 
ter, Joseph Barstow, John Church, Thomas Pollock 
and John Taylor. Mr. Cotton remained in the pas- 
toral charge of this society and church until 1747, 
when he was dismissed, at his own request. After 
an interval of about five years, they gave John Bass 
an invitation to preach for them as their stated min- 
ister. He commenced his services in 1752 and con- 
tinued with them until 1758, when he left the minis- 
try and commenced the practice of medicine. He 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 441 

died in October 1762, in the 46th year of his age. 
During his ministry it is said " the number of hear- 
ers did not oftentimes exceed twenty, and the church 
was so scattered and divided that it was scarcely 
known whether there were any of them left." In 
1761, the members of this scattered church again 
united, and being joined by some members of other 
churches, renewed their covenant, the whole num- 
ber then, being eleven males and ten females. The 
following year, they obtained the services of David 
S. Rowland, who continued with them until he ask- 
ed and received his dismission, in 1774. Dr. Lo- 
throp, of Boston, officiated with them nearly the 
whole of the year 1775. After his return to Boston 
the revolutionary war broke up the society so much, 
that they had only occasional preachers, till the fall 
of 1780,- when Enos Hitchcock, was apphed to and 
engaged to become their permanent pastor. He 
was not installed, however, until October 1783. — 
His connexion with the church and society continu- 
ed until dissolved by his death, on the 27th of Febru- 
ary 1 803. Mr, Hall, the present pastor of this soci- 
ety, in an historical discourse, from which most of the 
materials for this memoir have been taken, thus most 
eloquently and truly, closes his sketch of Dr. Hitch- 
cock. " The character of his mind, the working of 
his heart, the creed of his life, might be written in 
a line : ' faith, hope and charity, these three, but 
the greatest of these is charity.' " He left a legacy 
exceeding ^6,000 to the society, besides which, it is 
said he frequently subscribed toward his own salary 
of £200. 
36 



442 ECCLESIASTICAL tilSTORY. 

Henry Edes, of Boston, succeeded Dr. Hitchcock 
in the pastoral charge. He was ordained in July 
1805. His ministry terminated in June 1832, at the 
request of the pastor. 

The present pastor, Edward B. Hall, was installed 
in his office on the 14th of November 1832. 

The lot on which " the old Town House" stands, 
was originally conveyed to trustees for the use of 
the society ; the only secure mode which could be 
adopted by an unincorporated society. In 1770, a 
number of persons belonging to the society, pro- 
cured a charter of incorporation, under the name of 
" the Benevolent Congregational Society," for " the 
purpose of raising a fund by free and voluntary sub- 
scriptions, contributions, legacies and donations, for 
the support of public worship, in the Congregational 
Society in the town of Providence aforesaid, of which 
the Rev. David S. Rowland is at present minister." 
It included thirty-six persons by name, among whom 
were many of the most influential individuals in the 
town and colony. This it is believed is the old- 
est charter for such a purpose, granted in this state. 
The increase both of church and society has been 
great, since 1761 . It is now one of the most numer- 
ous congregations in Providence, and it has always 
numbered within its pale, its full proportion of the 
most honored inhabitants. Among its most munif- 
icent benefactors, Enos Hitchcock and John Dor- 
rance should be named. 

In former years, it was much more common thaiJ 
now, for religious societies to apply to the General 
Assembly for leave to raise money by lotteries. — 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 443 

Most of the early societies in Providence did so, and 
this among the rest. 

Two churches and societies have sprung from this 
one since its estabhshment. The first in point of 
time was the present Beneficent Congregational 
church, from which the Richmond street Congrega- 
tional Society and the High Street Congregational 
Society have arisen, and the other the Westminster 
Congregational Society. The circumstances at- 
tending the formation of each, will be given here- 
after. The present number of communicants is 
about two hundred. 



Notwithstanding the assistance that members of 
the Church of England received from the mother 
country, toward maintaining ministers and erecting 
houses for public worship, in the colonies, I can 
find no trace of Episcopalianism in Providence, 
until about 1722. The society established for Pro- 
pagating the Gospel in Foreign parts, as early as 
1704, sent Mr. Honyman a missionary to Newport. 
He occasionally preached at Providence. In one 
of his communications to the society, he stated that 
" no house could hold the congregation" at Provi- 
dence, " so that I was obliged to preach in the open 
fields." This was in 1722, when he exerted himself 
in gathering a subscription to erect a church. Dr. 
Humfries, in his history of that society, draws no 
flattering picture of the state of rehgion in Provi- 
dence, about this time. " The people," says he, 
^' as described above," (that is in the copies of the 



4414 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

letters, from the missionaries sent by the society) 
" were neghgent of all religion, till about the year 
1722 ; the very best were such as called themselves 
Baptists or Quakers, but it was feared many were 
Gortoneans or Deists." Bad as they were, they sub- 
scribed £250 among themselves, obtained a sub- 
scription of £200 more in Newport, £100 in Bos- 
ton, and £200 in other places, and then borrowed 
£200, with which to erect a church. And on St. 
Barnabas' day, 1722, they raised one, sixty-two feet 
long by forty-one broad, and twenty-six feet high. 
Dr. Stiles says this church was erected in 1723. 
The first date is obtained from Dr. Humfries' His- 
tory, above referred to. The chief contributor was 
Col. Joseph Whipple, who gave £100. This church 
occupied the same spot on which St. John's church 
now stands. It was pulled down in 1810, but will 
long be remembered as a remarkably neat and pret- 
ty church. The steeple was not erected until a 
long time after the main body of the church. In 
1762 and in 1771, leave was given by the General 
Assembly to raise money sufficient to repair the 
church and to build a steeple, by lottery, from which 
it is perhaps reasonable to infer that the steeple was 
not' built until after that time. The first bell in 
Providence, according to Mr. Job Danforth, was 
hung in the belfry of this steeple. 

The corner stone of St. John's church, was laid 
on the 5th day of June 1810, and the edifice com- 
pleted so as to be dedicated on the 11th June 1811. 
The exterior walls of this building are of natural 
faced stone, laid in irregular blocks, a kind of ma- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 445 

terial peculiarly appropriate for the style of the 
building. It is eighty-two by sixty-seven feet on the 
ground, with a chancel sixteen feet by thirty-four. 
It contains one hundred and eight pews. Much 
credit is due to John H. Greene, the architect, for 
the consistency which pervades all parts of this 
building, within and without, satisfying the be- 
holder with it, as being a whole, the work of a 
single mind. 

Tradition refers to Gabriel Bernon, a French 
Huguenot, who came to this country at the revoca- 
tion of the edict of Nantz, as one of the earliest 
members of the Church of England, in this town. 
It is supposed that it was through his influence that 
the missionary at Newport occasionally visited and 
preached at Providence, and that it was at his house 
that the meetings v^^ere holden. This house occu- 
pied the site of the brick house. No. 149 on North 
Main street, and a part of it is still standing in the 
rear of that house. 

There is a httle discrepancy between Dr. Hum- 
fries, in the work above referred to, and Dr. Mc 
Sparran, in a pamphlet entitled " America Dissect- 
ed," as to the Episcopal minister who first preached 
in Providence. The former would seem to give that 
honor to Mr. Honyman. Dr. McSparran says that 
he entered on the duties of his mission to Narra- 
gansett, in 1721, and adds, " I was the first Episco- 
pal minister that ever preached at Providence, where 
for a long time I used to go four times a year ; but 
that church has now a fixed missionary of its own." 
This was written in 1753. The truth was that pro- 



446 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 

bably both he and Mr. Honyman occasionally 
preached here. The first person settled over the 
church here, as a " fixed missionary," was George 
Pigot. He was sent by the society, to Stratford, 
Conn, in 1722. The following year he removed to 
this town on his own suggestion, and was settled 
over this church. He remained here but a short 
time, when he was succeeded by Mr. Charro. Mr. 
Charro was dismissed from his charge on account 
of improper conduct. In October 1730, Arthur 
Brown became rector. He was highly esteemed by 
his congregation. He remained with them till 1736, 
when he removed to Portsmouth, N. H. and was 
succeeded in 1739 by John Checkley. Mr. Checkley 
was a native of Boston. He received his education 
at Oxford, and was admitted to holy orders by the 
Bishop of Exeter. When he visited England for 
the purpose of ordination, several of the dissenting 
ministers of Massachusetts, sent a remonstrance 
against him, containing such allegations as delayed 
his admission to holy orders for some time. From all 
accounts, he was a man of eccentric character. His 
ideas of the deportment proper for the christian min- 
ister were formed from the Enghsh clergy of the es- 
tablished church, and not from the puritan ministers 
of New-England, and, of course, the latter deemed 
him erroneous. Before he came here, he pubhshed 
" Some Strictures on Episcopacy," which subjected 
him to a prosecution in Massachusetts for a libel. — 
It was written in the spirit of the times, but on the 
wrong side of the question, for the author to escape 
punishment. Mr. Checkley continued in discharge 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 447 

of his duties as rector until his death in 1753. Dur- 
ing his sickness and after his decease, the pulpit was 
supphed by several Episcopal clergymen until 1756, 
when John Graves succeeded him in the rectorship. 
Mr. Graves attended the service of the church until 
July 1776, He then dechned to officiate, unless he 
could be permitted to read the usual and ordinary 
prayers for the king, which he considered himself 
bound by his ordination vows to offer for him. The 
patriotism of his hearers forbade this, and the conse- 
quence was, that the church was closed, most of the 
time during the war of the revolution. During a part 
of this time however, Thomas F. Oliver officiated as 
lay reader. After the restoration of peace, Mr. Graves 
offered his services to the parish, which were refusedj 
they being under obhgations to Mr. Ohver. Mr. Oli- 
ver soon received ordination from Bishop Seabury, the 
first American Bishop, and remained in this parish 
until 1786, when he left them, by their consent, to 
officiate among his friends and relations at Marble- 
head. Mr. Graves died here in November 1785. 
In September 1786, Moses Badger succeeded to the 
rectorship, which he held until his decease in Sep- 
tember 1792. Abraham L. Clarke succeeded him, 
commencing his labors in March 1793. He resign- 
ed the rectorship March 14, 1800. Nathaniel Bow- 
en, afterwards Bishop of South-Carolina, succeeded 
him in the rectorship, November 12, 1 801 . Mr. Bow- 
en left this church for St.Michael's church in Charles- 
ton, S. C. in November, 1802. Nathan Bourne 
Crocker performed divine service in tliis church on 
Sunday, October 24, 1802, as lay reader. He con- 



448 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

tinued to officiate in this capacity until May 1 803, 
when he was ordained, and chosen rector. In Jan- 
uary 1804, ill health obliged him to resign. John 
L. Blackburne succeeded him, in December 1805, 
and in March 1807 he resigned. The same month 
Mr. Crocker was again invited by the church to be- 
come its rector. He entered upon the duties of his 
office at once, and has continued in the discharge of 
them, without interruption, to the present time. 

In May 1794, John Smith, of Providence, present- 
ed a petition to the General Assembly in behalf of 
the minister, church-wardens, vestry and congrega- 
tion of the Episcopal church, representing that " that 
church was founded in the reign of George the First, 
then king of Great Britain, of blessed memory, who 
reigned over the colonies of Great Britain with jus- 
tice and paternal regard ; that, in consequence 
thereof, the proprietors of the said church from the 
purest motives of gratitude and affisction, named it 
King's Church ; but the conduct of the present king 
of Great Britain and of the people thereof, hath been 
so totally different, that the citizens of the United 
States have been under the necessity of declaring 
themselves independent, and renouncing monarchy 
in all its forms ; and that said minister, church-war- 
dens, vestry and congregation conceive the present 
name of the said church to be highly improper, and 
pray that the said name may be abolished, and the 
church called St. John's Church, in Providence." 
The Assembly readily granted the petition. It was 
not strange that the proprietors wished a new name. 
Beyond a doubt their old one, borne as it was by a 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 449 

society wlio professed to belong to what in common 
parlance was called the church of England, had been 
the means of subjecting them most unjustly to suspic- 
ion, ridicule, and even absolute injury. In October 
following, a number of persons received from the As- 
sembly a charter of incorporation under the name of 
" the United Society of St. John's Church." The pe- 
titioners were members of the congregation of St. 
John's church, and the object was to raise a fund by 
voluntary contribution and subscription for the more 
effectual support of public worship. In 1812, upon 
" the petition of the minister, church-wardens, vestry 
and congregation of St. John's church," and " the 
United Society of St. John's church," their two char- 
ters were abrogated and a new corporation created 
under the name of " St. John's Church, in Provi- 
dence." 

Since this last charter, pubhc worship has been 
supported by taxes on pews, income of funds, and 
voluntary donations. In government, doctrines, 
rites and usages, it conforms to and is a part of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church, of the United States of 
America. The number of communicants in 1842, 
was between 1 80 and 200. 

BENEFICENT CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY. 

During the time that Josiah Cotton had the pasto- 
ral charge of the First Congregational Society, a 
part of his church and congregation seceded from 
his watch and care. The seceders deemed his 
preaching destitute of sound evangehcal principles. 
They accused their pastor of preaching " damnable 
57 



430 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

good works." The final separation took place on 
the 7th day of March 1743. Among the seceders 
were, deacon Joseph Snow, Benjamin Gary, Thom- 
as Knowlton, Alexander M'Crary, Solomon Searle, 
Peter Tefft, John Paine, Joseph Snow, jr. (afterwards 
their minister) Ebenezer Knight and Barzillai Rich- 
mond, together with fifteen females. These com- 
posed a large part, if not a majority, of Mr. Cotton's 
church, at the time, and, it is beheved they claimed 
to be the first church, in opposition to Mr. Cotton 
and his adherents. They began religious meetings 
by themselves, and opened for the worship of God, 
the first meetings that were statedly attended and 
maintained on the west side of the river. In the 
language of the record of Mr. Cotton's church, 
" they set up a separate meeting, where they at- 
tended to the exhortations of a lay brother, who had 
been brought up in the business of house-carpentry." 
" Every method for heahng the uneasiness that had 
arose, proved fruitless and vain ; enthusiasm raged 
with a most furious impetuosity. These held sepa- 
rate meetings, at a private house, where they were 
entertained, on the Lord's day, with loud and vocife- 
rous declamation, on the downfall of Babylon, and 
on the necessity of coming out and being separate, 
not touching tlie unclean thing ; and such hke ex- 
hortations were liberally held out." The lay broth- 
er alluded to, was Joseph Snow, jr. whom they 
elected to the office of pastor and teacher. After 
some years, he was induced by their repeated solici- 
tations, and, as he believed, by the Spirit and Provi- 
dence of God, to consent to be ordained ; which cer- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 



451 



emony took place on the 12th day of February 
1 747. The separatists were suspended from Mr. Cot- 
ton's church on the 25th of March 1744. Soon after 
this, they commenced erecting a house for pubHc wor- 
ship ; and the tradition is, that the elder, profiting by 
his previous knowledge of "house-carpentry," "led 
some of his principal members into the woods and 
there cut down and hewed timber for that purpose." 
The house was erected upon a lot of land given 
them by Daniel Abbott, on the 29th day of May 1744. 
It is now occupied by the meeting-house of the socie- 
ty. The house was built of wood, and originally 
measured thirty-six by forty feet. As the congrega- 
tion increased, they enlarged it, first by building a 
piece in the middle, then by adding a piece to the 
rear, and finally by building a story under the house, 
as the hill was removed upon which it was originally 
built. The spire had attained nearly one hundred 
feet in height, in 1772. The bell was imported from 
England about 1760, and is still in use by this socie- 
ty. This continued the meeting-house of the socie- 
ty until 1 808. George Whitefield, Robert Sandeman, 
Mr. Ashbury, first superintendent of the Methodists 
in America, Mr. Murray, and other eminent min- 
ters often preached in it. These circumstances with 
the length of time the house had been used for reli- 
gious uses, and the very many associations connect- 
ed with it, induced the society, for some years, to 
submit to many inconveniences, rather than to its 
demolition. When they yielded to necessity, in 1 808, 
the older members contemplated its destruction with 
any feelings but those of pleasure. The present 



452 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

meeting-house was erected in 1808-9. This is of 
brick, much larger and more commodious than the 
former one, having one hundred and fifty pews on the 
ground floor, and spacious galleries. The expense 
of erecting this house was paid by sale of pews, and 
a fund of nearly ^20,000 was reahzed, over and 
above the cost of the house. In the autumn of 
1 836, it was materially improved, both in its appear- 
ance and in its convenience, externally and inter- 
nally, at an expense nearly equalHng its first cost. 
The eye rests with pleasure on its lofty dome and 
imposing facade. 

In October 1785, the General Assembly granted 
a charter of incorporation to six of the members of 
this church, under the name of "the Beneficent Con- 
gregational Society." The first meeting under it, 
was holden in April 1786. The measure did not, at 
first, meet with the approbation of all the members 
of the old society. After considerable time, it was 
unanimously adopted, and has ever since been their 
fundamental law. 

Mr. Snow continued the beloved pastor of a uni- 
ted people for many years. In 1783, "the fair 
character and exemplary lives " of such as had been 
formerly suspended from Mr. Cotton's church, in 
1744, compelled that church to take off" their cen- 
sure, and to restore them to full fellowship. The 
peace and harmony thus restored, was soon disturb- 
ed in an unlooked for and unexpected manner. On 
the 27th of May 1791, James Wilson, a native of 
Ireland, as he was passing on a journey through 
Providence, was invited to preach for this society. 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 463 

After preaching ten discourses, he was engaged as 
colleague pastor with Mr. Snow, who had previous- 
ly requested an assistant. Mr. Wilson continued to 
preach for this society for nearly two years, when it 
was proposed to ordain him as colleague pastor. 
Mr. Snow manifested a decided opposition to this 
measure ; objecting to Mr. Wilson's doctrinal senti- 
ments, he having been a Methodist minister before he 
came to this country. It is said, that while a ma- 
jority of the church members sided with their old 
elder, a majority of the society took part with Mr. 
Wilson, and he was accordingly ordained. This 
was in October 1793. Upon this, Mr. Snow and 
his adherents withdrew themselves, and held meet- 
ings in Mr. Snow's own house, forming a new reli- 
gious society, now known as the Richmond Street 
Congregational Society. 

Previous to the ordination of Mr. Wilson, the 
church agreed upon a constitution, and at the same 
time adopted a covenant and articles of faith, which 
remain unaltered to the present day. Twenty males 
and eight females signed the covenant, at first. Al- 
though Mr. Wilson was ordained only as colleague 
to Mr. Snow, after that ordination, he performed all 
the duties of pastor. 

On the 12th March 1835, Mr. Wilson requested 
of the church an assistant in the ministry, he having 
completed the 75th year of his age. The church 
acceded to his wishes, and on the 30th June follow- 
ing, invited Cyrus Mason, of the Cedar-Street 
church. New York, to become his associate pastor. 
He accepted the call, and was installed on the 7th 



454 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

of October. After continuing with the church about 
one year, he asked a dismission, on account of ill 
health, and returned to New York. In May 1837, 
the church invited Mark Tucker, of the Second Pres- 
byterian Church in Troy, N. Y., to become associate 
pastor, in which office he was installed, on the 21st 
of June following. Mr. Wilson closed his labors and 
his life, on the 14th of September 1839, in the 80th 
year of his age. Dr. Tucker has now the sole pas- 
toral care of the church and congregation. 

In December 1 834, the church dismissed fourteen 
of its members, at their request, to unite with others 
in forming what has since been called the High 
Street Congregational Church. Notwithstanding 
this, the church has increased in its numbers, so that 
in 1842 it contained 468 members. The congrega- 
tion is one of the largest in the city. 

The power of choosing a pastor resides in the 
church, while the control over the house is with the 
society. The pews are liable to taxation only for 
repairs of the house ; the expenses of public wor- 
ship are defrayed from the income of funds and vol- 
untary contributions. 

RICHMOND STREET CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH. 

After the ordination of James Wilson as colleague 
pastor with Joseph Snow over the Beneficent Con- 
gregational Church and Society, Mr. Snow and a 
part of the church, withdrew and set up a separate 
meeting by themselves. The grounds of their with- 
drawal, were the doctrinal sentiments of Mr. Wilson. 
It is supposed that a majority of the church mem- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, 455 

bers adhered to Mr. Snow, while a majority of the 
congregation were the adherents of Mr. Wilson. — 
On this ground, the present Richmond Street Church 
has sometimes claimed to be the elder of the two. 
In fact the claim has sometimes been extended to 
priority over the First Congregational Society. — 
Without pretending to decide this nice question ot 
precedence, I have deemed it proper to rank this as 
the third Congregational church in Providence, 
because Mr. Snow and his adherents when they 
withdrew from the church under the care of Mr. 
Cotton, left them in possession of the name and 
property of the church and Society. And so when 
they left the Beneficent Congregational Society, they 
assumed a new local habitation and name for them- 
selves. 

They at first met for public worship at the dwel- 
hng house of Mr. Snow. They soon however com- 
menced the erection of a meeting house. This was 
the wooden structure standing on the corner of Pine 
and Richmond-streets, and now generally recog- 
nized under the name of " the old Tin Top," from 
the material with which the top of the spire is cov- 
ered. It was dedicated on the 16th of August, 1795, 
but was not completely finished until the autumn of 
1807, when Thomas Williams, then pastor of the 
church, solicited and obtained the means of finish- 
ing it, from Massachusetts and Connecticut. The 
bell was the gift of Mr. Williams, from his own 
resources. This house was abandoned by the so- 
ciety, after the erection of their present house in 
1827. Since then it has been used successively by 



456 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

various new societies as a place of worship. Its 
walls have listened to almost all the doctrines which 
divide and sub-divide Christendom. After it ceased 
being a house of pubhc worship, it was transformed 
into a circus, and since then into a brewery, for 
which purpose it is still used. The present meeting 
house also stands on Richmond street a little west of 
the old one. It is built of wood, seventy-five by 
sixty-five feet on the ground, having one hundred and 
ten pews on the lower floor. Its style of architecture 
is chaste, and the building is of pleasing appearance 
and fair proportions. The expense of its erection 
was defrayed by sale of pews. It was dedicated to 
the worship of Almighty God on the fii*st day of 
January 1828. 

Mr. Snow continued his pastoral care of this 
church and society until his death, which occurred 
on the 10th of April, 1803, in the 89th year of his 
age and 58th of his ministry. Stephen Gano, then 
pastor of the First Baptist church, preached his 
funeral sermon. In it he observed, " if uniform 
piety, unshaken faith in the divine government, a 
persevering attachment to the religion of Jesus 
Christ, an ardent love to the souls of men, an ex- 
plary hfe of godhness, and a sweet serene compo- 
sure in prospect of the approaching dissolution of 
his body, give evidence of being approved of God, 
we may safely conclude our friend and father in the 
Gospel is now mingling his songs of praise among 
the spirits of just men made perfect, enjoying the 
reward promised to the faithful laborer." Few men 
receive, and fewer deserve, such a character. 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 457 

" After Mr. Snow's death, his church and people were few 
in number and feeble in all respects. Under these discouraging 
circumstances, rather than to have no meetings for public wor- 
ship, and having been befriended by the Baptists in Mr. Snow's 
day, they received into their pulpit Joseph Cornell, a Baptist 
minister, who came and offered his services. While he preach- 
ed in their meeting-house there was an unusual attention to re- 
ligion. During that attention Mr. Cornell formed a Baptist 
church, and received into it a number from the remnant of Mr. 
Snow's flock, and gained nearly the whole congregation to his 
measures; and claimed a right to possess and occupy the meet- 
ing-house. 

To these movements and claims of Elder Cornell, Mrs. Snow, 
the widow of Elder Snow, and a few sisters in the church, ac- 
counted themselves obliged to object, in duty to God, and by 
their public and solemn profession of religion. Mrs. Snow took 
many journeys to obtain the advice and assistance of ministers, 
in their trials and sorrows. * 

In the year 1806, she obtained for a few weeks, James Davis, 
an itinerant minister of the gospel, to preach in their meeting- 
house. Whilst Mr. Davis was employed, Elder Cornell and his 
people held their meetings on the sabbath in the town house, 
though they held weekly meetings in Mr. Snow's meeting-house, 
until, by a singular occurrence, they were induced to leave that 
house ; yet they still claimed a right to it. This claim was re- 
nounced, after a proper examination of the subject, durino- the 
first months of Thomas Williams' ministry. 

In September 1S06, Mrs. Snow, by the advice of Dr. Em- 
mons, applied to Thomas Williams, of Pomfret, Connecticut, to 
come to Providence, and be their minister. To this application, 
after the most serious consideration for four months, he gave a 
reluctant and trembling consent. He came to Providence on 
the first of January 1S07, with no prospect of a pecuniary com- 
pensation for his services. On the first sabbath he had for his 
hearers, Edward Wilbur, who was never able to learn to read ; 
John Clarke, an excommunicated free-will Baptist; and Massa 
Basset. Mr. Basset sat in the gallery, played on a bass-viol and 
sang tenor, assisted by Mrs. Elizabeth Sampson, and her sister, 

58 



468 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

Rebecca Snow, nieces of Elder Snow. Besides these persons, 
he had from eight to twelve aged, pious women, all of whom, 
except two or three, were widows. 

After Mr. Williams had been in Providence a month, in which 
he attempted by the means in his power, to ascertain whether 
there remained of Mr. Snow's people what ought to be account- 
ed a church ; he attempted to call a meeting of such men, as had 
been members of the church during his ministry. To accom- 
plish this object, he rode ten miles into Smithfield, and there 
found Joseph Whipple, who had been one of Mr. Snow's mem- 
bers, but had gone to other meetings for some years ; he rode 
eight miles into Attleborough, and there found a Mr. Arming- 
ton, who had also been a member, but had attended no meeting 
for a number of years ; he went into Seekonk, and there found 
Deacon French, an aged and infirm man, who had been to no 
place of worship for a long time, but had formerly been one of 
Mr. Snow's deacons ; and in the town of Providence, he found 
William Eddy, who had been a member of Mr. Snow's church, 
but had withdrawn himself and gone with Elder Cornell. 

Two or three of these four men agreed to attend what was 
called a meeting of the church, on a day which was appointed 
for the purpose. They came according to the appointment, 
and voted to receive Calvin Park, a professor in Brown Univer- 
sity, and Paul Jewett, a tutor in the same institution, into the 
church, provided they shall procure a dismission from the 
churches of which they were members, and unite themselves to 
the church in Providence. They obtained dismission, and be- 
came members of the church." 

" The congregation under Mr. Williams' ministry, slowly but 
constantly increased, until the number who commonly attended 
his meeting was from four to six hundred ; the members of the 
church were about one hundred, with an unusual proportion of 
occasional communicants ; and a greater number of the students 
in the college attended his meeting than at any other place of 
public worship. Mr. Williams never attempted nor desired to 
obtain hearers from other societies ; for it was his opinion, that 
such persons, as were of any worth, were needed in the societies, 
to which they belonged ; and that it would be no benefit to gain 
persons of a different character. 



ECCLESTASTICAL HISTORY. 459 

Mr. Williams had no definite compensation for his services ; 
one year, for eight months, he went from house to house for his 
food, without a single dollar, during that time, for his labors. 
He had a small room, in which he lodged and studied. His 
clothes were washed by Phillis Fitch, a colored woman, who 
afterwards went to Africa, under the direction of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, and died within a year from the time she left Prov- 
idence. She was born and bred in Pomfret, in the family of 
Schuyler Putnam, a son of Gen. Israel Putnam. She was a pi- 
ous and worthy woman, and became a member of the church, 
while Mr. Williams was their minister. 

Mr. Williams continued in Providence, without installation or 
regular settlement, until the 7th of April, 1816. At that time 
he renounced his connection with the church and people in 
that town, on account of the constant opposition to his ministry ; 
chiefly through the influence of Abner Kingman, who declared 
that he had been tormented by his preaching nine years, and 
that he would no longer bear it. 

During Mr. Williams' ministry the church adopted the cove- 
nant, the doctrinal articles, and the articles of discipline, which 
they have since retained, and took the name of the Pacific Con- 
gregational Church ; and the society which was incorporated in 
the year 1808, was called the Pacific Congregational Society. 
While Mr. Williams was their minister, Massa Basset made an 
organ, which he offered the society, to be used in the public 
worship of God, and which they accepted, against the avowed 
sentiments and decided judgment of their minister. 

When Mr. Williams left the society, they were free from debt, 
and owned in pews and other possessions some amount of prop- 
erty. 

In July, 1816, Willard Preston was installed pastor and teach- 
er of the Pacific Congregational Church and society. They 
gave him, at first, six hundred dollars a year; and some part of 
the time more than that sum. He was, for a little time, very 
popular with his people and in the town. But difficulties and 
contentions soon arose in the church and continued and in- 
creased, until a part of the church, with advice of a council, 
withdrew and formed a new church, by the name of the Calvin- 
ist Congregational Church. They had for their minister 



460 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

Calvin Park. They held their meetings in a hall on Pine-street 
Mr. Preston was dismissed in 1821, leaving the church, under 
the evil effects of the contention and disorder, that had existed 
during his ministry ; and the society, enfeebled and embarrassed 
with debts. Under these troubles, they who had acted with Mr. 
Preston, and particularly Abner Kingman, who had been cho- 
sen a deacon in the church, applied to Mr. Williams for counsel 
and assistance. On the 2d of July, 1821, he began to supply 
the pulpit which he had formerly filled in Providence, and in No- 
vember of that year moved with his family to that town. There 
he continued to preach, until the 5th of August 1823. The 
society then, through the influence of Abner Kingman, rejected 
his services and refused, under the control of the same man, to 
assign any reasons for their conduct ; nor would they consent 
that Mr. Williams should be heard by the councils who were 
called for his dismission. Mr. Williams' offence chiefly consist- 
ed in the measures which he took for the re-union of the church, 
which had been divided by Mr. Preston's ministry. 

After Mr. Williams' second removal, Elam Clark was or- 
dained pastor and teacher of the church and people, and contin- 
ued in office about a year. After his dismission Albert Judson 
was employed by the Pacific Society in the ministry of the gos- 
pel, about two years, without any installation. While he was 
there, in August 1825, most of the members, who had been di- 
vided during Mr. Preston's ministry, became united, under the 
name of the Union Congregational Church. The church at 
that time had 88 members. 

On the 12th of December 1826, Thomas Tileston Water- 
man, was ordained rector of the church. In the year 1827 
the society built the meeting house now standing on Richmond 
street. When the house was dedicated, the church and society 
changed their name, and have since been called the Richmond- 
street Congregational Church and Society. 

Mr. Waterman was dismissed on the first of January 1837. — 
Charles Turner Torrey was ordained in the month of March, the 
same year, and remained there almost a year. In December, 
1838, Willis Lord was installed and continued in the ministry 
nearly two years. After his dismission, their next pastor was 
Jonathan Leavitt, who was installed November 1840 ; and re- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 461 

mains with that church and people, until this day,- 28th April, 
1842." 

The choice of pastor has always been with the 
church, the society having a negative on their choice. 
The expenses of pubhc worship are defrayed by a 
tax on the pews. The church now (1842) consists 
of about 300 members. It is independent, but is 
associated with and forms a part of the Rhode-Is- 
land Consociation of Congregational Churches. 

The author is indebted to Thomas Williams, for 
the greater part of the foregoing sketch. 

FIRST METHODIST CHURCH. 

In answer to the circular before referred to, the 
author received from A. D. Sargent, in 1836, a 
memoir of the rise and progress of Methodism in 
Providence. This memoir is so full, that little more 
has been done than to adapt its phraseology to the 
preceding parts of this work. In making out that 
sketch, the writer referred to the records of the 
church, and to the recollections of its aged members. 
The first clergymen of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church who visited Providence and preached, were 
Freeborn Garrettson and Jesse Lee. The time of 
their first visits cannot be ascertained. After them 
there were many who occasionally called and 
preached in the town. Mr. Ashbury, Superintendent 
of the Methodists in America, preached here in June 
1791. In 1798, Joshua Hall came to this place, 
tarried a few months, taught a school, and preached 
on Sunday evenings, and occasionally at other times. 

On the 24th of November, in the same year, he 



462 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

organized a church, and formed a class for regular 
meetings. The church consisted of only five per- 
sons. Meetings have been kept up regularly, from 
this time ; but there was no regular preacher until 
after some years. The first baptism by a Methodist 
clergyman, was on the first day of May 1801. The 
clergyman was Joseph Snelhng, and the person bap- 
tized, Diadama Tripp. On the 28th of August follow- 
ing, the sacrament of the Lord's Supper was adminis- 
tered for the first time, at which were present five 
male and seven female members. John Finegan 
was the officiating clergyman. The first quar- 
terly meeting was holden in the Town House, on 
the 12th and 13th days of August 1803. George 
Pickering preached on that occasion. In the spring 
and summer of 1804, Erastus Kibby preached in 
the Town House. So few attended his meetings, 
that he became discouraged, and told one of our 
citizens now living, he was tired of preaching to 
the walls. In July 1815, Van Rensalaer Osborn 
came to this place, and preached in a school house 
near the corner of Pleasant and Middle-streets. 
His preaching was attended with great and good 
results, and by the middle of September, the 
church numbered thirty-three members. He met 
with great opposition, and had many and great ob- 
stacles thrown in his way, yet the society increased 
to such a degree that they deemed it expedient to 
undertake the erection of a house of worship. Mr. 
Osborn obtained about ^500 for this purpose, by 
subscription. Encouraged by this, the society pur- 
chased a lot and erected a meeting house thereon, 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY; 463 

at the corner of Aborn and Washington-streets. It 
was dedicated on the 8th day of June 1816. The 
church then consisted of 1 1 1 members. Mr. Os- 
born was stationed over the church by the Annual 
Conference. In February 1817, a board of trus- 
tees was incorporated by the General Assembly, to 
hold the house and lot in trust for the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, in the same manner as all the 
meeting houses of that church are holden. When 
first erected, it was designed to have the seats free. 
In a short time it was found expedient to pew the 
house and rent the pews. Solomon Sias was sta- 
tioned here in the years 1817 and 1818, and Moses 
Fifield in 1819. In 1820, Bartholomew Otheman 
became pastor of the church. He remained here 
two years, during which time the church and socie- 
ty increased so much, that the house was found too 
small to accommodate them. They therefore re- 
solved to erect a new house, and a suitable lot for it, 
at the junction of Chestnut and Clifford-streets, was 
generously given to the society by Daniel Field. 
The old house was disposed of, and subsequently 
converted into a dwelling house. The corner stone 
of the new house was laid on the 6th day of August 
1821, and the house dedicated on the first day of 
January 1 822. This, like the first, is built of wood. 
It is sixty-five by seventy-five feet on the ground, a 
gallery around three sides of it, and a large and com- 
modious room under the east part of it, used for 
evening and conference meetings. A steeple and 
bell have been since added. 

Timothy Merritt followed Mr. Otheman in the 



464 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

care of the church, and in 1823 and 1824, Enoch 
Mudge was stationed here. In 1825, Daniel Webb 
succeeded Mr. Mudge, and was followed by Asa 
Kent, Jacob Sanborn, David Kilburn, Jotham Hor- 
ton, Jacob Sanborn again, Aaron D. Sargent, Dan- 
iel Fillmore, Abraham D. Merrill, and David Patten, 
Jr., according to the custom of the Methodist church, 
the last of whom was stationed here in 1841. Not- 
withstanding the church set off a part of its mem- 
bers in 1833, to form the Power-street church, and 
a part withdrew in 1841, to form the Fountain Street 
Wesleyan Society, the number of its members, in 
1837, was 293, and in 1842, about 400. The con- 
gregation usually assembling in this house, is very 
large and respectable. 

All the current annual expenses of the society 
have, from its first establishment, been paid by the 
voluntary subscriptions and contributions of its mem- 
bers. They are attached to the great body of the 
Methodist Episcopal church in the United States, 
agreeing with them in doctrine and church disci- 
pline. All the preachers that have been stationed 
over this church, since 1816, are, with their wives, 
now hving in 1 842 ; a remarkable circumstance. 
It is questionable whether the statistics of any other 
denomination could present a similar one. 

PINE STREET, OR SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH. 

The Pine street or Second Baptist Church, was 
organized on the first day of May 1 805. Its first 
members were Jeremiah Rose, William West, Ben- 
jamin Ham, William Ham, Samuel Gorton, Reuben 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 465 

Burke, Chace Webb, Laban Lake, Thomas Rey- 
nolds, Nancy West, Frances Gorton, Mercy Webb, 
Sarah Lake, Abigail Jenks, Lilhs Paul and Rachel 
Mason, most of whom had been members of the 
First Baptist Church. Joseph Cornell became the 
pastor, at its first organization. He was a native of 
Swanzey, Mass. born February 11, 1747. He was 
ordained in Lanesborough, Mass. in 1780, after 
which he devoted himself to the work of the min- 
istry to the end of his life, in 1 826, with a zeal and 
faithfulness rarely equalled. With a very limited 
education, and entirely self-taught, he possessed such 
sound common sense and such a thorough knowl- 
edge of the springs of human action and passion, 
as enabled him to catch and hold the attention of his 
auditory, and make most deep and lasting impres- 
sions on their minds. He resigned the pastoral 
charge of this church in November loll. From 
this time till October 1812, the church had no pas- 
tor. Elisha Cushman preached for them a part of 
the time. In October 1812, Daniel Lewis became 
pastor, but resigned his office at the end of a year. 
The church were again without a pastor until De- 
cember 1814, when Luther Baker, assumed the pas- 
toral care. He resigned his office in May 1822. — 
In December following, Peter Ludlow commenc- 
ed preaching to the church. He was ordained 
in August 1823, but in consequence of ill health, 
resigned his charge in September following, and 
removed to Georgetown, S. C. James N. Sea- 
man became pastor in December 1825, and relin- 
quished the office in August 1828. In October fol- 
59 



466 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

lowing, Pharcellus Church became pastor. The 
church accepted his resignation in July 1834. In 
September following, John Blain commenced his la- 
bors as pastor of this church. He remained with it 
until the close of the year 1836. Soon after, the 
church succeeded in obtaining the services of J. S. 
Maginnis, who was, however, compelled to relinquish 
his charge, by ill health, in less than one year, and ac- 
cepted the professorship of Theology, in the literary 
and theological institution at Hamilton, N. Y. After 
continuing for several months without a settled min- 
ister, the church and society invited the present pas- 
tor, John Dowling, then of New-York city, who en- 
tered upon his labors in this city in January 1839. 
Under the ministry of Mr. DowHng, the church has 
received large accessions, and now numbers about 
500 communicants. 

The church, from its first organization, until July 
1806, worshipped with the Congregational society 
now known as the Richmond Street Congregational 
Society, in their old meeting-house on Richmond 
street. Mr. Cornell, before referred to, had been 
engaged, before the organization of this church, to 
preach for that society in this house, they being then 
destitute of a pastor. When the Congregational 
society obtained a minister of their own order, the 
Baptist church removed to " the Old Town House," 
under Mr. Cornell, as their pastor. This was in 
July 1806. In March following, they purchased the 
site on which their present meeting house stands, 
and erected a meeting house of wood on it, in the 
course of the same spring, which was dedicated to 



ECCLESIASTICAI, HISTORY 467 

the service of Almighty God, in June. The funds 
for erecting this house, were raised by subscription 
and sale of pews. In " the great storm " of Sep- 
tember 1815, this house was swept from its founda- 
tions by the tide, and wholly destroyed. It will be re- 
membered as a plain unassuming structure. For 
some time after its first erection, the water, at spring 
tides, flowed under a considerable part of the house. 
What is now known as Dorrance street, was then 
nothing but a dock, extending nearly to the line of 
Weybosset street. The water flowed over this dock, 
almost every tide, and at its ebb, disclosed the rea- 
son which obtained for it the name of Muddy Dock. 
After the loss of this house, the church held meet- 
ings in the academy in Aborn street, and subse- 
quently in the brick school house, then standing 
near Chestnut street. They immediately took mea- 
sures for the erection of a new house. Two of their 
members were appointed to visit some of the prin- 
cipal cities and towns in the United »States, and so- 
licit aid for this work. They succeeded in obtain- 
ing about ^4,000. The new house was dedicated 
in November 1816, and cost, when completed, 
about ;^ 10,000, the balance of which was paid by 
the sale of pews. It was a wooden structure, mea- 
suring fifty by seventy feet, and containing seventy- 
eight pews, besides those in the galleries. The 
tower extended just above the roof of the house. 
The steeple was added subsequently, and in 1837 
the house was enlarged to its present size, fifty by 
eighty-five feet. It now contains one hundred and 
six pews, with large accommodations for evening 



468 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

meetings and other purposes, under the main body 
of the house. It is now an ornament to the city. 

The society obtained a charter of incorporation 
in February 1817, which was amended in February 
1 831 , and the name changed from " the Second Bap- 
tist Society," to that of "the Pine Street Baptist So- 
ciety." Previous to the last date, the salary of their 
pastors was raised by voluntary subscriptions, and 
since then, by tax on pews, a power to assess which 
tax, was given by the amended charter. The 
church forms a part of the Warren Baptist Associa- 
tion, but is strictly independent. By the charter, 
the power of appointing a pastor is given to the so- 
ciety, but is at the same time limited to such person 
as the church shall select. 

THIRD BAPTIST CHURCH. 

In preparing a sketch of this church and society 
very great assistance has been derived from a com- 
munication from William C. Barker. Not only his 
facts but his language also, will be generally adopted. 

The congregation first associated, as a distinct 
worshipping assembly, in 1820. After meeting a 
number of times, they withdrew from the First Bap- 
tist Church, and formed themselves into the Third 
Baptist Church in Providence. The church at first 
consisted of fourteen individuals, nine males and five 
females. Among the most prominent of these were 
George Dodds and Isaac Peck. They at first adopt- 
ed a written creed, but subsequently, in 1 828, laid it 
aside, taking the holy scriptures as the only rule of 
faith and practice. 



EnCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 469 

Allen Brown was the first settled pastor. He en- 
tered upon his duties in December 1821, and was 
ordained in January following. He retained the 
office of pastor, till January 1 828, when he resigned 
it. From January to November 1828, there was no 
settled pastor over the church. On the first sabbath 
in November 1828, William Phillips engaged in the 
duties of pastor, which duties he discharged, to the 
satisfaction of church and society, until November 

1 836. He was succeeded by Joseph A. Warne, in 
February 1837. Mr. Warne's connexion with the 
society terminated at his request in January 1838. 
He was succeeded by Miron M. Dean, and he by 
Thorndike C. Jameson, who is the present pastor. 

The number of the members of the church in 

1837, was 195. Since then it has received many 
additions, the number in 1 842, being about 450. 
The church acknowledges no obedience due to any 
other body on earth. It is strictly independent. It 
is however connected with the Warren Association 
of Baptists. The pastor is usually chosen by con- 
current vote of church and society, although the so- 
ciety have no power of controlhng the church in 
that matter. 

The church met for worship first, in private hous- 
es. Afterward they purchased a lot of land on 
Tockwotton plain, and commenced erecting a meet- 
ing-house upon it in 1820. The house was com- 
pleted, and dedicated to the service of God, on the 
29th day of June 1822. It was of wood, forty-five 
feet by fifty, with a convenient room in the base- 
ment. The funds necessarv to erect this house were 



470 ECCI-ESTASTICAL HISTORY. 

obtained partly by subscription and contribution, and 
partly by sale of the pews. The house underwent 
very considerable alterations, after its first erection. 
In 1 832 it was lengthened twenty-four feet, and rais- 
ed two and a half feet, making it forty-five by sev- 
enty-four feet. A cupola-steeple and bell were also 
added. Since then the house has been farther length- 
ened, and is about forty-five by ninety-nine feet. 

The society received a charter of incorporation 
in June 1 832. The whole expense of public wor- 
ship was at first raised by subscription, and so con- 
tinued until within a few years, when the pew own- 
ers consented to subject their pews to taxation, 
for that purpose. 

The church and society has always had munificent 
benefactors, who from their abundance, contributed 
much, but over and above them all, should be borne 
in remembrance George Dodds. Of humble for- 
tune, and past the period of hfe when he could hope 
to add to it, Mr. Dodds devoted himself to the ser- 
vice of this church and society from its commence- 
ment. His unostentatious piety, secured him the 
esteem and love of all who knew him, and many 
gave their mite to this society for the sake of the 
good old man who solicited it. Long may he be 
remembered. That small canvass bag which he 
carried so long, ready to receive the offerings of all 
to aid in erecting this church, should be esteemed 
an invaluable relic. Others did well, but he exceed- 
ed them all. 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 471 
THE FOURTH BAPTIST SOCIETY. 

A number of gentlemen residing in the northerly 
part of Providence, met on the 26th day of April, 
1820, for the purpose of consulting, on the practi- 
bility of erecting a house of public worship, in their 
vicinity. Benjamin Peck, was the chairman, and 
Samuel Thurber, clerk of the meeting. They ap- 
pointed a committee to select and purchase a suita- 
ble lot for the purpose, and to open a subscription to 
raise sufficient funds to carry their design into effect. 
On the fifth of June, this committee reported, that 
they had purchased a lot, and collected by subscrip- 
tion, nearly enough to pay for it. They advised the 
appointment of another committee to solicit sub- 
scriptions toward the erection of a house. Dexter 
Thurber, Stanford Newel, Asa Pike, Samuel Thur- 
ber, Enos Angell, David Cole, Consider Miller, Hol- 
den Pearce, Esek Esten jr. and Joseph Veasie, were 
appointed this committee, with full power to take 
such steps to attain the great object in view, viz. the 
erection of a meeting house and the establishment 
of a religious church and society, as they might 
think most expedient. Among the earliest steps ta- 
ken, was the procuring of a charter of incorpora- 
tion, which was granted by the General Assembly at 
their October session, A. D. 1 820. This differs from 
most charters for similar purposes, as it includes 
fundamental articles of government agreed upon by 
the society, touching not only the disposal of the 
property of the society, but the creed of the 
church which should assemble within the society's 
house. These last provisions breathe a spirit above 



472 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

all sectarianism. They resolved that the meeting 
house shall be a Baptist meeting house, as a major- 
ity of persons engaged in the erection of it were 
Baptists, and they assumed the name of the Fourth 
Baptist Society. This is all the sectarianism in the 
charter or agreement, and this is neutralised in a 
very great degree, by a subsequent article which de- 
clares, that no subscription to any creed, article of 
faith or covenant, shall be required to constitute any 
person a member of said • society, or of the church 
which may meet in their house, and that no person 
shall be required to make any confession of faith, 
other than a belief in the scriptures of the old and 
new testaments. 

The first meeting under the charter, was holden 
on the 28th day of May 1821. Among other things, 
they then appointed Dexter Thurber, Enos Angell, 
Jabez Gorham, Peter Daniels, and David Cole, a 
committee to superintend the erection of their meet- 
ing house. The house was completed in the sum- 
mer of 1 822, and was dedicated on the 26th day of 
August. Tt is a wooden structure, forty-seven by six- 
ty-seven feet on the ground, and containing sixty- 
eight pews, with a projection, thirteen by thirty feet, 
supporting the steeple, which is ninety feet in height, 
and is furnished with a good bell. It is a well pro- 
portioned building, and neatly finished both inside 
and out, being an ornament to that part of Provi- 
dence and doing honor to the persons who plan- 
ned and carried the project into execution. The 
cost of the house exceeded six thousand dollars. 
Donations to the amount of ^611 were received 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 473 

from sundry persons not members of the society. 
The sale of the pews yielded more than ^4,500. 
In January 1 825, the society received the grant of a 
lottery from the General Assembly, from which they 
realized two thousand dollars. 

The first settled pastor over this church and so- 
ciety, was Zalmon Tobey. He was invited to that 
place in February 1823. Previous to that time, 
their pulpit had been temporarily supplied, by vari- 
ous preachers. Mr. Tobey continued his connex- 
ion with the society until April 1833, when he was 
dismissed at his own request. He was succeeded by 
Peter Simonson, who continued pastor of the church 
until October 1836, when having received an invi- 
tation to become the agent of the New-Jersey Bap- 
tist State Convention, he requested and received a 
dismission from his pastoral charge. 

Thomas B. Ripley soon after accepted an invita- 
tion from the church and society to become their 
pastor, and continued to fulfil the duties of that of- 
fice until August 1 840. 

Their present pastor, Francis Smith, commenced 
his labors among them on the first of January 1841, 
and was ordained on the 30th of March following. 

The compensation of the pastor, and all the ex- 
penses attending public worship, have been defrayed 
by tax on pews and voluntary subscription. The 
power of choosing and settling pastors is in the 
church and society. The present number of church 
members is one hundred and ninety-seven ; the 
congregation usually assembling for worship exceeds 
three hundred. 
60 



474 ECCLESIASTICAL HrSTORY. 

The following remarks were written by one of the 
members of the church, and are inserted by particu- 
lar request : 

" In the summer of 1835, a discussion arose in the church, in 
relation to the terms of communion ; which resulted in the pas- 
sacre of a resolution to invite " all members of evangelical 
churches, in good standing, who have been buried with Christ 
in Baptism," to a seat at the sacramental board. 

The adoption of this measure, by the church, gave offence to 
some of the friends of the society, who believed that (;ne of the 
most important articles of its charter, had been rendered void. 
The church, however, still continued to occupy the house, and 
have done so up to the present time ; and a committee was some 
time since appointed by the society, to petition for an alteration 
of the charter. 

The introduction into that instrument, of the article which 
declares that " no subscription to any creed, article of faith, or 
covenant, shall be required, to constitute any person a member 
of said society, or of the church which may meet in their house," 
and that "no person shall be required to make any confession of 
faith, other than a belief in the scriptures of the old and new 
Testaments," was effected by men who were, beyond all ques- 
tion, the true friends of liberty, both civil and religious. It is 
believed, however, that in the adoption of this measure, they 
overlooked one important feature in the constitution of a church 
of Christ : — the fact that the only real bond of union, among 
the members of such a body, is love. In all other organized bod- 
ies, men may act together effectively, without being influenced 
by this feeling ; but the prosperity and influence of a church 
are exactly in proportion to the sincerity and fervency of the af- 
fection which the members feel for one another, and for their 
Great Head. This principle alone can hold them together, and 
enable them to act together ; and this is their distinctive badge : 
" By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have 
love one to another." This being the case, how useless must it 
ever be, to attempt, by legislative enactments, to bind together, 
in the form of a church, individuals who differ entirely in their 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 475 

views of religious doctrine ; and how vain to expect that men 
will labor, in concert, and with their whole hearts, for the sup- 
port and for the promulgation of truth, who can never agree in 
regard to " what is truth." 

Measures like this, so far from being promotive of religious 
freedom, are, in fact, calculated to perpetuate religious thraldom, 
inasmuch as they compel men either to labor for the promotion 
of what they regard as error, or to refrain from acting in the 
defence, the support, and the propagation, of that which they 
believe to be truth. 

The question, " how can two walk together, except they be 
agreed?" has been conclusively answered by the history of this 
church. During the first thirteen years of its existence, it was 
obliged to struggle hard for life, encumbered as it was, by a prin- 
ciple, which, however beautiful in theory, was found to be ru- 
inous in its practical influence. But no sooner did it resolve 
to abandon the attempt to live under such circumstances, and to 
take a stand upon the broad and sure " foundation of the apos- 
tles and prophets," than it began to thrive ; and, from that time 
to the present, has enjoyed uninterrupted prosperity, the num- 
ber of its members having been increased nearly three-fold, 
while its influence in the region where it is situated, and the 
amount contributed for the support of the various benevolent 
operations of the day, have been augmented in something like 
the same proportion." 

FIRST UNIVERSALIST SOCIETY. 

The answer of Mr. Balch, pastor of the Univer- 
sahst Society, in 1837, to the circular before refer- 
red to, has furnished most of the facts, and much of 
the language, which will be used in the sketch of 
that society. 

In the autumn of 1772, John Murray came to this 
town, bearing a recommendation from General 
James M. Varnum to Nicholas Brown. He preach- 
ed in Mr. Snow's meeting-house. He visited this 



476 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

town occasionally, for many years after this, and 
preached in such places as could be procured for 
him. After Mr. Murray, Elhanan Winchester, Ad- 
am Streeter, Richard Carrique, and various others, 
preached occasionally to those professing a belief in 
the salvation of all men through him " who gave 
himself a ransom for all, to be testified in due time." 
These meetings were usually holden in the " Old 
Town House," but no regular preacher was employ- 
ed, till after the organization of a society in 1821. 
On the 16th of February 1821, a subscription paper 
was circulated and signatures procured for the pur- 
pose of organizing an Universalist society. Their 
first meeting was holden at the court house, on the 
10th day of April 1821, and the following persons 
were present, viz. Rufus Waterman, Charles Harts- 
horn, Oliver Carpenter, Esek Eddy, Jeremiah Fen- 
ner, Sion Fenner, Wilham A. Smith, Samuel W. 
Wheeler, Thaddeus Curtis, William Olney, Benjamin 
Snow, Rhodes G. Allen, Dutee Roberts, James An- 
thony 2d, John Lassell, James Stetson, Lucius Dyer, 
Henry Brickley, Asa Ferguson, Nehemiah Arnold, 
James W. Mitchell, John F. Sheldon, Calvin Thom- 
as, Wilham C alder, John Martin. 

At this meeting, it was " resolved, that we will 
form ourselves into a religious society, to be known 
by the name of the First Universalist Society in the 
town of Providence, and that we will receive into 
our body such persons of good moral habits, as 
choose to associate with us." The subscription pa- 
per circulated for signatures began thus : " We the 
subscribers, believing in that gospel which God 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 477 

preached to Abraham, saying, in thee shall all na- 
tions be blessed, do hereby," &lc. This was the 
creed or covenant under which the society was or- 
ganized, and it has not since been altered. Rufus 
Waterman was chosen President, Oliver Carpenter, 
Treasurer, and Samuel W. Wheeler, Clerk. An act 
of incorporation was obtained in October 1821, on 
the petition of fifty-three members. 

On the 7th of December 1821, Fayette Mace, of 
Strong, (Me.) was invited to the pastoral care of the 
society. He entered upon his duties, the following 
spring, and continued to discharge them, until Janu- 
ary 1 823, when he took his leave of the society and 
returned to Maine. 

February 17, 1823, David Pickering, of Hudson, 
N. Y. being invited to become pastor of the society, 
accepted the invitation and entered upon his labors 
as such, on the second sabbath in May following. 
He was installed June 4, 1823. He continued with 
the society, until the first sabbath in October 1835, 
when he removed to New-York, having previously 
asked and received a dismission. Nov. 30, 1835, 
Wilham S. Balch, of Claremont, N. H. was called 
to the pastoral charge of the society, which call he 
accepted and entered upon his duties on the 5th 
day of March 1 836. Having accepted a call from 
the city of New- York, he took his leave of the society 
in November 1841. Henry Bacon, of Marblehead, 
Mass. succeeded him. He is the present pastor, 
having been installed March 17, 1842. 

The society resolved, the 22d day of October 
1821, to erect a house of pubhc worship on the lot 



478 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

which they purchased of Nathan Mathewson, at the 
corner of Westminster and Union streets. The cor- 
ner stone of the edifice was laid, with appropriate 
rehgious ceremonies, on the third of June 1 822. A 
silver plate deposited in the stone bears this inscrip- 
tion. 

" The First Universalist Society in Providence, 
was incorporated by an act of the General Assembly 
of the State of Rhode-Island, at their October ses- 
sion 1821. The corner stone of this edifice, de- 
signed for the service of Almighty God, through 
his son Jesus Christ, was laid by Rev. Fayette Mace, 
on the 3d June, A. D. 1822. John H. Greene, 
architect, Caleb Mosher, Zachariah Chafee, joint 
master-builders. The Lord reigneth, let the earth 
rejoice. Ps. xcvii. 1." 

The house was built of stone. It contained one 
hundred and twenty-eight pews, cost upwards of 
^20,000, and furnished conclusive evidence of the 
good taste, talents and skill of the architect and mas- 
ter-builders. 

The money expended in the erection of this house 
was raised by subscription among the society ; each 
subscriber being allowed, in pews, the amount of 
his subscription. This house, with several other 
buildings in the vicinity, was destroyed by fire on 
the evening of the 24th of May 1825. The fire 
originated on the opposite side of Union-street, in a 
cabinet maker's shop, then occupied by Rhodes G. 
Allen. The society held a meeting the day after the 
destruction of their house, when it was " voted that 
the society will immediately build a new house for 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 479 

public worship, provided sufficient subscriptions can 
be obtained," &c. June 4th, it was " voted unani- 
mously, that we build a new house for the public 
worship of Almighty God, on the foundation of the 
old house recently destroyed by fire." The cor- 
ner stone of this house was laid by David Pick- 
ering, with appropriate rehgious services. It was 
completed at an expense of upwards of ^24,000, 
and dedicated on the 29th day of December 1825. 
The cost of this house was defrayed as the cost of 
the former one had been, with the exception of some 
private donations, and about six hundred dollars, 
raised by collections taken up by the Universalist So- 
cieties in Portsmouth, N. H. Boston and Glocester, 
Mass. This is a handsome Roman-Ionic brick 
building, containing one hundred and twenty-two 
pews on the floor, with a handsome steeple, furnish- 
ed with a good bell and clock. 

The original mode of raising money for the sup- 
port of public worship, was by voluntary subscrip- 
tion ; but the charter of the society was so amended 
in October 1 832, that a tax upon the pews, not ex- 
ceeding five per cent, on the original appraisal, may 
be levied for that purpose, and the money has been 
thus raised ever since. The whole power of choos- 
ing, setthng, and dismissing pastors, rests solely in 
the society, which acknowledges obedience to no oth- 
er power save the Great Head of the church, which is 
his body the fullness of Him that filleth all in all. It 
is strictly independent. There were, in 1837, nine- 
ty-seven members of the society. The congrega- 



480 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

tion usually assembling for worship, ranges from 500 
to 600. 

There is a church formed in connexion with the 
society. It requires no profession of faith, except 
a belief in Almighty God and his Son Jesus Christ. 
Each member takes the Bible as his creed, and cov- 
enants with the church, to walk in the statutes of 
the Lord, blameless. All believers in the Lord Je- 
sus Christ, whether pubhc professors or not, are re- 
spectfully invited to communion. The church 
claims no authority in the settlement or dissmission 
of a pastor, nor control over its members, further 
than admonition and dismission for unchristian con- 
duct. It meddles not with the peculiar sentiments 
of its members, any of whom can withdraw at plea- 
sure. 

CHURCH OF ST. PETER AND PAUL. 

A few Catholics in Providence, and a few in the 
vicinity, in the year 1827, demanded the spiritual 
care of a priest. Robert D. Woodley, was sent to 
them by Benedict Fenwick, the Cathohc Bishop of 
New-England. Mr. Woodley continued to attend 
to their spiritual affairs until 1830, when John Corry 
succeeded him in the pastoral charge. At that time 
the number of Catholics was from 150 to 200. Dur- 
ing Mr. Woodley's time, they held their religious ex- 
ercises in Mechanics' Hall. Soon after Mr. Corry 
assumed the charge, the civil authority of the town 
granted them the use of the " Old Town House," 
which they used four or five years. In January 
1832, Mr. Corry purchased the lot of land upon 



ECCLESIASTTCAL HISTORY. 481 

which the Cathohc church of St. Peter and St. Paul 
was subsequently erected. In November 1832, Mr. 
Connelly succeeded Mr. Corry, who was then sta- 
tioned in Taunton. At that time, the Catholics 
numbered about 300. In a short time, they greatly 
increased in numbers, owing to the rail-roads then 
in the course of construction in the vicinity. In 
May 1 834, Mr. Lee succeeded Mr. Connelly, and held 
the pastoral charge for three years and a half, being 
occasionally assisted by Messrs. Lynch, McNamee 
and Mills. The Catholics then numbered about one 
thousand. In 1 836, in July, the foundation of the 
church of St. Peter and St. Paul was laid. But lit- 
tle progress was made in the building that season, 
through want of funds. The work was, in fact, 
wholly discontinued from October 1 836, to Septem- 
ber following. At the last mentioned date Mr. Cor- 
ry was again stationed in the city, and re-commenced 
the building, and had it closed in, by the first of De- 
cember, when rehgious exercises were held in it for 
the first time. In the course of the following sum- 
mer, the interior was more decently fitted up for 
divine service. At the Christmas of 1838, Messrs. 
Philip Allen & Son presented the church a fine 
toned, Spanish bell, weighing about one thousand 
pounds. A sweet toned organ was placed in the 
church in 184L The whole expense of the lot, 
church, organ, and church furniture, was about 
j^ 12,000. The church covers an area, ninety-eight 
feet by forty-four. It is thirty-four feet high, having 
a fine basement story, in which are two good school 
rooms. The walls of the house are built of slate 
61 



482 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

stone, covered with cement. It is a castellated 
gothic structure, with a tower, of fine proportions 
and finish. 

As early as 1813 or 1814, the Catholics celebra- 
ted mass in a small wooden building then standing 
on the north side of Sheldon-street, about one hun- 
dred feet east of Benefit-street. Public service, ac- 
cording to the rites and ceremonies of that church, 
was performed there for nearly a year. The build- 
ing then occupied was a small one, which had pre- 
viously been improved as a school house. It was 
subsequently removed from this lot, and blown down 
in "the great gale" of 1815. Bishop Cheverus 
occasionally officiated in this chapel. 

WESTMINSTER CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY. 

In January 1828, a number of individuals profess- 
ing Unitarianism, associated themselves together 
under the name of " The Rehgious Association." 
Subsequently, one of the deacons and fourteen of 
the members of the First Congregational church, 
having been at their own request dismissed from 
that church, united with this association and formed 
what has since been known as the Westminster 
Congregational society. They first met for public 
worship in the " old tin top" meeting house, on 
Richmond street. In 1829, they erected, at an ex- 
pense of ^35,000, a handsome and spacious church, 
on the west side of Mathewson street, of the Ionic 
order of architecture, containing one hundred and 
six pews. The walls are of stone, covered with ce- 
ment. There is no church in the citv which is more 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 



483 



chaste in its style of architecture, or which exhibits 
more classic taste in its exterior, than this. The 
funds for building this house were raised by sub- 
scription and sale of pews. 

Frederick A. Farley was the first pastor of this 
church. He was ordained September 10, 1828. — 
He resigned his charge in July 1841, and was suc- 
ceeded by the present pastor, Samuel Osgood, who 
was installed December 29, 1841. The pastor is 
chosen and settled by the society. The expenses of 
public worship are raised by tax on pews. In June 
1828, the General Assembly granted a charter of in- 
corporation to the society. The church has no 
written creed, but only a written covenant. The 
number of church members in 1 842 was between 40 
and 50. The church is strictly independent. 

GRACE CHURCH. 

The parish of Grace church was organized in 
May 1829. It consisted of about forty families, or 
two hundred persons, including thirty-one commu- 
nicants. 

In December 1836, the congregation had increas- 
ed to about 140 families, and 261 communicants. 
During the first year, this parish was supplied by 
the neighboring Episcopal clergymen. Samuel 
Fuller, jr. ofliciated from May 1830, to April 1831, 
George F. Hawkins a part of the year 1832, and 
John A. Clark from October 1832, to October 1835. 
He was succeded by the present (1842) rector, Al- 
exander H. Vinton. 

The society first met for worship in the old Con- 



484 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

gregational meeting house, at the corner of Pine 
and Richmond streets, known as the "old tin top." 
In the year 1832, they purchased the Providence 
Theatre, at the corner of Westminster and Mathew- 
son streets, and converted the same into a commo- 
dious place of worship. It is now a very handsome 
Gothic building, with appropriate tracery on the 
windows and doors, and is an ornament to that part 
of the city. It contains one hundred and ten pews ; 
but the society has increased so much, that they will 
soon be compelled to abandon it, for one of more 
ample accommodations. The expense of the pur- 
chase and alteration of this house was raised by 
subscriptions and sale of pews. The parish receiv- 
ed a charter of incorporation, in June 1829. Pub- 
he w orship is supported by a tax on pews and income 
of the funds of the society. It was originally es- 
tablished according to the doctrines, rites, and usages 
of the Protestant Episcopal church of the United 
States. The power of calhng a minister, resides 
in the vestry, the corporation having the liberty of 
nominating. 

ROGER WILLL\MS BAPTIST CHURCH. 

In December 1 829, a number of persons belong- 
ing to different Baptist churches, judging it expedi- 
ent to have a congregation for public worship, on 
Christian Hill, procured a private room on High 
street, for their accommodation, and engaged Wil- 
liam C. Manchester, for their minister. On the 22d 
day of March 1830, twelve persons, eight of whom 
were from the Six Principle Baptist church in Scitu- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 485 

ate, two from that in Coventry, one from that in 
Cranston, and one from that in Johnston, assembled 
at their usual place of worship and associated them- 
selves together as a church, under the name of the 
Roger Williams Christian Hill church, now known 
as Roger Williams church. Agreeably to the prac- 
tice of the churches, to which the members of the 
newly constituted church previously belonged, they 
subscribed to no written creed or covenant, but re- 
ceive the holy scriptures, as furnishing every article 
of necessary belief, and teaching them their duties 
to one another and to all men. There was howev- 
er, a mutual understanding, that, with slight excep- 
tions, the doctrines set forth in a treatise on Doctrine 
and Practice just published by the General Con- 
ference of the Freewill Baptist denomination, were 
taught by the scriptures. Their numbers continu- 
ing to increase, in June 1831, they petitioned for a 
charter of incorporation, which was granted them 
under the name of the Roger Wilhams church of the 
Six Principle Baptists in Providence. The church 
and congregation continued to occupy their hired 
room until 1832, when they removed to a school 
house on Battey street, a few rods north of High 
street. Soon after obtaining their charter, they 
commenced building the house they now occupy on 
Burges street. It is a wooden structure, 70 by 45 
feet, on the ground, with a handsome steeple and a 
bell. It was dedicated on the 25th day of Decem- 
ber 1833. The funds for erecting the house were 
obtained, partly by private subscription, and partly 
by sale of the pews. The charter gives power to 



486 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 

tax the pews for repairs of the house, but all the ex- 
penses of public worship, are raised by contribution. 
The church united with the Rhode-Island and Mas- 
sachusetts Conference, of the Six Principle Baptists, 
in September 1 830. That Conference in September 
1835, received a charge against the church of using 
instrumental music in public worship. The matter 
was referred to a committee, to examine into the 
same and to deal with the church in relation thereto. 
Upon a hearing before the committee, the church 
admitted the charge, and attempted to justify it. — 
The committee, not agreeing with the church, pass- 
ed a vote of censure on them and excluded them 
from their communion, while they continued the 
use of musical instruments in public worship. Up- 
on being informed of this result, the church protest- 
ing against the power of the Conference to delegate 
the powers exercised by their committee, resolved 
to withdraw from the Conference. In May 1836, 
an attempt was made to connect this church with 
the Warren Association of Baptists, but it was inef- 
fectual, owing to dissimilarity of sentiments, on some 
points. They remained, therefore, wholly indepen- 
dent and disconnected with any other body of 
Christians whatever, until May 1837, when they 
united with the Rhode-Island Quarterly Meeting 
of the Free-will Baptists, still maintaining the 
peculiarities of the old Baptists, excepting strict 
communion. 

The congregation, during the first year, consisted 
of from 30 to 60 persons. Since then, it has been 
gradually increasing. After passing through vari- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 487 

ous and severe trials, the church is now in a prosper- 
ous condition. The congregation varies from two to 
four hundred, generally rising two hundred, and the 
number of communicants in the church is 130. — 
" As a church, they are utterly opposed to slavery 
and intemperance, and all things that tend to these : 
yet to abolish these with every other evil, they choose 
to call no man, or class of men. Master, but stead- 
ily to follow that course they judge to be pointed 
out to them by the Word, Spirit and Providence of 
God." July 7, 1837, Elder Manchester was dismiss- 
ed from the church as a minister and member. Sep- 
tember 30, 1837, L. D. Johnson, of Boston, Mass. 
became their pastor, and was installed, an unusual 
ceremony with the connection. Their next pastor 
was Arthur A. Caveno, of Strafford, N. H. who 
continued with them a year. Their present pastor 
is James A. McKenzie, of Newport, R. I. who com- 
menced his labors with them May 1, 1840. 

THE PAWTUXET STREET CHRISTIAN SOCIETY. 

A church of this denomination of Christians, was 
organized here more than thirty years since, but for 
want of a pastor, its members soon became scatter- 
ed, and the church extinct. In the winter of 1 833- 
4, a few individuals associated together, and invited 
ministers from abroad to visit and preach to them. 
Their meetings were holden at private houses. As 
their numbers increased, and a greater interest be- 
came manifested in their meetings, they engaged 
Elijah W. Barrows, of Connecticut, for a pastor, 
and established their meetings in the old meeting 



488 ECCLESIASTICAL HJSTORY 

house of the present Richmond Street Congrega- 
tional Society, standing at the corner of Pine and 
Richmond streets. This was in April 1 834. Their 
numbers were still small, the congregation varying 
from forty to eighty persons. The church was or- 
ganized in July of the same year, and consisted of 
nineteen members. In November, they commen- 
ced the erection of a small chapel for their accom- 
modation, upon a lot of land at the corner of Paw- 
tuxet and Fenner streets, which they hired for the 
purpose. It was completed so as to be dedicated to 
rehgious service, about the first day of January 
1835. The cost of the building was $1000, 
which they raised by sale of pews. Elder Barrows 
continued with them until April 1837, when he was 
dismissed, at his request. After a few months, Ed- 
ward Edmunds, of New-York, was engaged to suc- 
ceed him. He was ordained elder of this church 
in November. The church and congregation in- 
creased very rapidly under his charge. In the sum- 
mer of 1838, they enlarged their chapel, so that it 
could accommodate over two hundred and fifty per- 
sons. They purchased the lot at the northwest cor- 
ner of Pawtuxet and Fenner streets, in 1839, and 
removed their house on to it. Mr. Edmunds re- 
signed his office in April 1840, and Benjamin Tay- 
lor, formerly of Massachusetts, but more recent- 
ly of Michigan, succeeded him in June following, 
and continued with them one year. During this 
time, the congregation increased very much, so that 
their chapel would not accommodate them. In July 
1 841 , they l)roke ground for a new chapel, forty- 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 489 

seven by seventy feet. It was soon completed, at a 
cost of ^10,000. It contains eighty pews on the 
floor, with an orchestra and side galleries, and will 
accommodate at least seven hundred persons. The 
cost of this, as well as of their first chapel, was 
raised by sale of pews. John Taylor, formerly of 
Massachusetts, but recently of Portsmouth, R. I., be- 
came pastor of this church and society in June 1 841 . 
The church now consists of upwards of two hundred 
members. 

In settling a pastor, the church recommends, but 
the power of election is in the society. The pas- 
tor's salary, and all the expenses of public worship, 
are defrayed by monthly subscriptions and collec- 
tions. The church is strictly independent in its gov- 
ernment, and for its creed, takes the holy scriptures 
as their only rule of faith and practice. The socie- 
ty was incorporated in 1834, under the name of 
" The Pawtuxet Street Christian Society." 

MEETING STREET BAPTIST CHURCH. 

This church occupies the house formerly known 
as the African Union Meeting and School House. 
It was built in 1819, upon a lot on Meeting street, 
given to them by the late Moses Brown. The de- 
sign, in its erection, was to establish a building in 
which all the colored people of Providence might 
assemble for pubhc worship, and in which a school 
could be kept exclusively for their children. The 
work was undertaken without any reference to sec- 
tarian differences among them, and was approbated 
by most of the clergymen in Providence, and by 
62 



490 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORf . 

professing Christians of all denominations. It was 
vainly supposed then, that denominational distinc- 
tions might be buried, among this class of people, 
and they be induced to forego their own opinions on 
religious matters. At first, they proceeded with 
much unanimity. They raised about five hundred 
dollars, among themselves, and their agent, Nathan- 
iel Paul, was successful in obtaining subscriptions 
for their aid, in other places which he visited for that 
purpose. In April 1819, they commenced the erec- 
tion of a wooden building, fifty feet by forty, with a 
large room in the basement, appropriate for a 
school room. The school room was fitted for use 
in June 1819. Meetings were holden in it also till 
August 1821, when the upper part being finished, 
was dedicated to the service of Almighty God. The 
cost of the structure exceeded two thousand dollars ; 
of this amount rising eight hundred dollars were sub- 
scribed by people of color. Much credit is due to 
the Rev. Henry Jackson for his active and zealous 
exertions in relation to this house. Perhaps it is not 
too much to say, that without them, it would not 
have been built. 

The friends of the colored people who were en- 
gaged in this enterprise, were soon disappointed, for 
the same causes which have produced sects and dis- 
sonant creeds throughout Christendom, operated to 
divide and subdivide the colored people of Provi- 
dence. 

The churches of colored people now in Provi- 
dence, generally originated and met first for worship 
in this house. 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 491 

The friends of the original enterprise have by this 
circumstance, probably clone more good than they 
anticipated. The great body of colored people are 
now divided into sects, having distinct houses of 
worship, while before 1819, they had no house of 
any kind, and probably would not have had, up to 
the present time, had it not been for this very move- 
ment. 

A portion of the colored population still meet in 
this house, a part of whom constitute "the Meeting 
Street Baptist Church." They were first recognized 
as a regular Baptist church and congregation, on 
the 8th day of December 1841. The church then 
consisted of nine persons, seven males and two fe- 
males. It has now increased to thirty-three. The 
congregation were about fifty in number. Jeremiah 
Asher, of Hartford, Conn, was then ordained their 
pastor, and has continued that relation up to the 
present time. At that time the members of the 
church entered into a covenant with one another, but 
they never have had any written creed. Their an- 
nual expenses are defrayed by voluntary subscription 
and contribution. The power of choosing and set- 
thng a pastor, is in the church and society. The 
church is strictly independent, acknowledging no 
obedience due from it to any other body on earth. 



CHAPTER EIGHTH. 

EDUCATION. 

It is matter of regret, that education has not al- 
ways received the same degree of attention in Rhode- 
Island, as in the other New-England states. Whatever 
may have been the cause, and several might be sug- 
gested were this the proper place, it must be admitted, 
that the soil of Rhode-Island has never been pecu- 
liarly favorable to schools, or institutions of learning. 
Providence has manifested more interest in them 
than the other towns in the state, yet we shall find 
little to boast of even in her case. 

In May 1663, the proprietors passed the follow- 
ing order : " It is agreed by this present Assembly, 
that one hundred acres of upland and six acres of 
meadow (or lowland to the quantity of eight acres, 
in lieu of meadow) shall be laid out within the 
bounds of this town of Providence ; the which land 
shall be reserved for the maintainance of a school in 
this town ; and that after the said land is laid out 
and the bounds thereof set, it shall be recorded in 
our town records, according unto the bounds fixed, 
and shall be called by the name of the school lands 
of Providence." This is the earhest grant now to be 
found in the records, and the earliest reference to a 
school, or any means of education. From a petition 



EDUCATION. 493 

of John Whipple, jr. in the files of the city clerk's 
office, presented to the town January 28, 1684, it 
appears, that a whole purchase right of land, had 
long before that time, been set apart for the use and 
benefit of a school. The prayer of the petition was, 
that lands might then be laid out under it. It 
does not appear what was done with this petition, 
nor is there any mention on the records of the 
grant referred to in it, unless it is the grant first re- 
cited, and it would not seem probable that the pe- 
titioner could have confounded these grants, or mis- 
recited the one intended by him, for he was town 
clerk in 1670, 1671, 1677, 1680 and 1681. 

The first schoolmaster in Providence, of whom 
any memorial remains, was William Turpin. When 
he came, is not known, but he was here the 11th 
day of June 1684. On that day he executed an in- 
denture with William Hawkins and Lydia his wife, 
in which he covenanted to furnish Peregrine Gard- 
ner, with board and schooling for one year, for six 
pounds ; forty shilhngs of which in beef and pork ; 
pork, at two pence, and beef, at three-pence half- 
penny, per lb ; twenty shilhngs in corn, at two shil- 
lings per bushel, and the balance in silver money. — 
He was to be instructed in reading and writing. — 
This instrument is in the hand writing of Mr. School- 
master Turpin, and exhibits plenary proof of his abil- 
ity to teach writing. It also proves conclusively 
that schoolmasters in those days were not very exor- 
bitant in their demands. 

The following January, Mr. Turpin presented a 
petition to the town, in these words : 



494 EDUCATION. 

" The humble request of William Turpin, now schoolmaster 
of the said town, is, that whereas there was a parcel of land 
formerly granted by the ancestors of said town and was to be 
to the use and benefit of a schoolmaster, as by the records of the 
town book will more at large appear, which said order or grant 
was read to me in the presence of several gentlemen, that were 
the occasion of my settling at this town, who promised to be in- 
strumental in the performance thereof Gentlemen, my desire 
is, that the aforesaid land may be forthwith laid out, according 
to the said order or grant, and that the said master or his heirs 
may be invested in the said land, so long as he or any of them, 
shall maintain that worthy art of learning. Thus leaving it to 
you, gentlemen, to give a speedy answer, according as you shall 
think meet, I rest yours to command, WILLIAM TURPIN." 

There is no memorandum what answer, if any, 
was returned to this petition. How long the peti- 
tioner " maintained that worthy art of learning" does 
not appear. It was to him, as it ought always to be 
to those who engage in it, the stepping stone to hon- 
ors, if not to fortune. In 1722 and 1723 he repre- 
sented the town in General Assembly ; in 1727, he 
was town clerk ; and died, town treasurer, in 1744. 
He held the last office from 1722 to 1736, and was 
again elected to it in June 1743. He died in 1744, 
and before April. 

In January 1696, John Dexter, Wilham Hopkins 
and others, petitioned the town for a piece of land 
on Dexter's lane, or Stamper's hill, on which to erect 
a school house. The petition was granted, and there 
our infomation ends. Dexter's lane is now called 
Olney street. 

When the proprietors divided the land lying on 
the west side of North and South Main streets, into 
warehouse lots, they left a lot opposite the west end 



EDUCATION. 495 

of the court house parade, for a school house lot. 
The first reference to it, is on the plat of the ware- 
house lots in the proprietor's office, bearing date in 
1747. How long before this date, the lot was set 
off for this purpose, whether it was set off in pursu- 
ance to the grant referred to in Mr. Turpin's pe- 
tition, or in, answer to the petition of John Dexter 
and others, cannot be ascertained. Nor can it be 
ascertained when a school house was first erected 
on it. The first notice I have been able to find of 
it on the town records, is in 1752. In that year, 
Nicholas Cooke, Joseph Olney, Esek Hopkins, Eli- 
sha Brown and John Mawney, were appointed " to 
have the care of the town school house, and to ap- 
point a master to teach in said house." The school 
committee the following year, were Nicholas Cooke, 
John Mawney, Nicholas Brown, Elijah Tilhnghast, 
and Daniel Abbot. The next year, the school house 
was leased by the town to Stephen Jackson, school- 
master, for three months from March 1st. There is 
no further reference to the matter until 1763, when 
the town clerk was directed to lease the house 
again. The schoolmaster probably received all his 
compensation from his pupils ; the town, as a corpo- 
ration, simply furnishing a room at a fixed rent. 
There were at least two other schools in town, as 
early as 1763. Mr. George Taylor, in 1735, had 
the use of a chamber in the state house, to keep a 
school in ; and in 1751, Gideon Comstock, Alexan- 
der Frazier, Joseph Potter, Thomas Angell, James 
Field, Barzillai Richmond and Nehemiah Sprague, 
had permission to build a school house on the west 



496 EDUCATION. 

side of the river, " on vacant land a little above Jo- 
seph Snow jr's dwelling house, the street being wide 
enough." They stated they had then subscribed 
enouoh to erect a house. The location of this 
house must have been near the public pump in 
Broad street. After the court house was burned, in 
1758, the town endeavored to possess themselves of 
the lot on which it had stood, in lieu of the one on 
Main street. There were great difficulties in the 
way, the court house lot having been originally 
granted only for the use of a colony house, and the 
school house lot, only for a school house. The diffi- 
culties were, however, overcome, and in February 
1765, a committee of the town transferred the fee 
of the school house lot, and purchased the other. 

In 1767, the town again took up the subject of 
education, with the apparent design of providing 
schools for all the children of the inhabitants. ' At a 
town meeting holden December 8, they resolved to 
purchase or build three school houses for small chil- 
dren and one for youth, to provide instructions and 
pay the expense from the treasury, and these schools 
to be under the supervision of a school committee. 
John Brown, John Jenckes^, Nathaniel Greene, 
Charles Keene and Samuel Thurber were appointed 
a committee to select locations for the houses, to 
purchase land and make contract for their erection. 
Darius Sessions, Samuel Nightingale, Jabez Bowen 
and Moses Brown were appointed to prepare an or- 
dinance for the building, supporting and governing 
the school. These committees reported to an ad- 
journed meeting, holden on the first of January 1 768. 



KDUCATION. 



497 



The record states, the reports were both rejected. 
Neither of them is on file or recorded. That made 
by the last named committee, in the hand writing of 
the late Gov. Bowen, I have lately found, accom- 
panied with a memorandum in the hand writing of 
the late Moses Brown. They are as follows : 

'* The education of youth, being a thing of the first import- 
ance to every society, as thereby the minds of the rising gene- 
ration are formed to virtue, knowledge, and useful literature, 
and a succession of able and useful men are produced, with 
suitable qualifications for serving their country with ability and 
faithfulness; and, institutions of this nature are the more useful, 
by how much the more liberal and free, the enjoyment of them is. 

This town having taken the same into consideration at their 
last meeting, held the 2d day of December last pasi, voted to 
purchase and erect three small school houses, for the education 
of children, and one larger one for the education of youth, and 
that proper masters should be provided and keep for each house 
at the town's expense. 

Upon consideration whereof, be it enacted by the town of 
Providence, and by the freemen of the same it is hereby enact- 
ed, that four school houses be erected or purchased, within the 
compact part of this town, as soon as may be. That one be pur- 
chased, or a new one built, on the west side of the great bridge, 
at or near the place where the school house at present stands ; 
that one be erected at the southerly part of the town, in the 
back street, near Power's Lane ; that one other one be built at 
the northerly part of the town, in the back street, near Richard 
Brown's lot ; and that one larger one be erected on the lot where 
the old court house formerly stood. The three small ones not 
to cost more than three hundred pounds, lawful money ; to be 
built of wood, and pretty near the form and dimensions of that 
one over the great bridge already built. 

And be it further enacted, that the large school house to be 
built on the old court house lot, shall be built with brick, ac- 
cording to the plan presented to this meeting by the committee, 
and that the finishing and completing the same, shall not exceed 

63 



498 EDUCATION. 

the sum of four hundred and eighty-five pounds lawful mone)', 
and that the same shall be finished on or before the first day of 
December, next after this date. And whereas, there is a sum of 
money, in the hands of the town's committee, which arose from 
the sale of the old school house and lot, be it further enacted, 
that the whole of the said sum of money be appropriated towards 
building the several school houses that are to be erected at the 
town's expense. 

And be it further enacted, that this town will take the remain- 
der of the expense that shall accrue by building the several 
school houses, on itself, and that the town will from time to 
time, and at all times hereafter, supply said houses with good 
and sufficient masters, at all times to come, and that fire wood 
shall be supplied said schools at the town's expense. 

And be it further enacted, that the sum of five hundred and 
twenty pounds, lawful money, be as.sessed and levied on the polls 
and estates of the inhabitants of this town, on or before the first 
day of February next, and that the same be collected and paid 
into the town treasury, by the collector of taxes on or before the 
day of next, to be applied for defraying the expenses,, 
providing materials, and building the said four school houses. 

And be it further enacted, that the following rules, orders and 
regulations, shall be observed in the governing the said schools, 
that is to say ; 

That the school house already built on the west side of the 
great bridge, shall remain under the direction of the present pro- 
prietors, till such time as all the other houses shall be finished, 
and fit for the reception of scholars ; that then, all the four 
houses shall be furnished with masters at the expense of the town. 

That a school committee shall be annually chosen, of persons 
dwelling in different parts of the town, who are hereby clothed 
with ample power and authority, from time to time, to appoint 
masters and ushers, in all or any of the schools, fully qualified to 
do the duties of their respective stations, to agree with each for 
their several salaries, and to pass certificates to the town treas- 
urer, for their receiving the same ; which agreements, in wri- 
ting, shall be obligatory on the town, at all times, and said com- 
mittee's certificates thus passed, shall be a sufficient warrant to 
the treasurer for his payment of said wages- 



EDUCATION. 499 

And further, in case of any complaint to said committee 
against any of the masters or ushers, as to insufficiency, neglect, 
partiality or misconduct, said committee for the time being, are 
required to take the same into immediate consideration, and act 
thereon as shall to them seem just and right, either for the ac- 
quittal or removal of said masters or ushers, and the appointing 
of others, in his or their room, or stead. That any repairs or 
alterations that may be at any time hereafter thought needful Jn 
said houses, shall be laid before said committee, and be by them 
inquired into, and if found fit, and reasonable, shall be laid be- 
fore the town for them to act and determine upon. 

That every inhabitant of this town, whether they be free of 
the town or not, shall have and enjoy an equal right and privi- 
lege, of sending their own children, and the children of others 
that may be under their care, for instruction and bringing up, to 
any or all of the said schools. And that each and every scholar, 
before they be admitted into any of the small schools, shall 
have learnt their letters and acquired some acquaintance with 
spelling. And before they be permitted to enter the larger 
school, they must have gained considerable knowledge in read- 
ing and writing, and that all those who may be thus qualified, 
shall and may be admitted to all the advantages of education 
that may be taught in either of the respective schools. And in 
case any dispute should arise, touching the qualification of any 
child or children, the same shall be determined by the school 
committee 

That not exceeding two hours in each day, shall be taken up 
in the large school, in perfecting the scholars in reading, accent- 
ing, pronouncing and properly understanding the English tongue. 
That the remaining school hours shall be employed in teaching 
the children and youth in writing, arithmetic, the various branch- 
es of mathematics, and the learned languages. The whole to be 
taught in one or separate apartments in said house under the di- 
rection of said committee, as the circumstances of said school, 
from time to time shall require, and as will have the best tenden- 
cy to increase and spread knowledge and learning. 

That children under the care of non-resident freeholders, shall 
be admitted into said school, provided said freeholder shall pay 



600 EDUCATION. 

the sum <»f twelve shillings, lawful money, in the school tax an- 
nually ; and also those inhabitants of the town who pay twelve 
shillings, lawful money, annually, to the support of the school, 
if they have no children nor apprentices of their own, shall have 
liberty to send the children of any friend or relation of theirs 
living out of this town. 

That the masters in each school, during the common school 
hours, shall be obliged to give a constant attention to the duties 
of their offices, and not engage in any employ, that might impede 
the due instruction of the youth under their care, and also that 
they keep up in their several departments, a strict, but not pas- 
sionate and severe, discipline. And for the raising a laudable 
emulation to excel in the various branches of learning, said mas- 
ters shall, from time to time, range the scholars in proper class- 
es, according to their several attainments, annually or quarterly, 
and those that excel in learning in each class, shall have some 
honorary marks of favor or distinction, conferred on them by the 
master. 

The committee for the time being, shall be the visitors to the 
said schools, to inspect the conduct of the several masters, and 
the proficiency of those under their charge ; their visitation to 
be made quarterly at least. 

That none shall be received into the schools from other towns, 
when the numbers are so large in the schools, as that the profi- 
ciency of those that belong to this town may be obstructed ; but 
when there is sufficient room in any of the houses, children may 
be received in from any other towns, on the approbation of the 
committee, they settling what sums of money shall be paid by 
the parents or guardians of such children, for the supporting of 
the schools, receiving the same and passing of it to the town 
treasury." 

"1768. Laid before the town by the committee, but a number 
of the inhabitants (and what is most surprising and remarkable, 
the plan of a Free School, supported by a tax, was rejected by 
the POORER sort of the people) being strangely led away not to 
see their own as well as the public interest therein, (by a few 
objectors at first) either because they were not the projectors, or 
had not public spirit to execute so laudable a design, and which 
was first voted by the town with great freedom. M. B. " 



EDUCATION 501 

The like strange and surprising result has been 
seen in almost every community which has refused 
to establish free schools. Another committee re- 
ported at the same time that there were then 102 
houses, 911 inhabitants (including 189 between the 
ages of 5 and 14) fit for schooling, on the west side 
of the river. 

The votes of the meeting holden December 2d, 
were in effect repealed, by the rejection of the re- 
ports of the committees, and the town at this meet- 
ing resolved to build one brick school house, thirty 
feet by forty, and two stories high, near the court 
house, out of the proceeds of the old school house 
lot sold in 1765, and a tax of £100, provided the 
sum of £182,17 should be raised by private subscrip- 
tions for the same object. The probability is, that 
this was equal to the proceeds of the old school 
house lot and the tax of £100. In the house so built, 
the town agreed to support a free school, to be un- 
der the direction of a committee of nine, of which 
the town council were to be ex officio members. — 
The attempts to raise the sum required by subscrip- 
tion failed, and the town met again on the subject, 
on the first day of February. It was then voted, to 
apply the proceeds of the old school house lot to the 
erection of the school house on the old court house 
lot, so far as they would go, if individual proprietors 
would contribute what would be sufiicient with that 
to complete the house ; the house so built to be 
kept in repair by the proprietors, and the town to 
have the use of the lower story. In case this ar- 
rangement could not be completed within thirty 



S02 EDUCATION. 

days, the town's committee were instructed to erect 
so large a house as they could, with the proceeds of 
the old lot and house. The subscription was not 
filled within the limited time, but by the middle of 
July it was, and John Smith was appointed to build 
the house which now stands on the lot. The town 
had the ownership of the lower story, and the pro- 
prietors, of the upper. Subsequent to this, the town 
frequently appointed masters to keep school in their 
part of the house, and passed rules and regulations, 
for the good government of both the schools kept in 
it. A school committee were also frequently ap- 
pointed, which visited these schools occasionally, and 
also the other private schools kept in the town. — 
Things continued in this inauspicious state, until 
17o5. It would seem that the town had then be- 
come more sensible of the disadvantages of being 
joint owners of a school house with individual citi- 
zens and of being co-partners in the business of edu- 
cation, with any one. At any rate, they found a de- 
ficiency in benefits received. In April, they ap- 
pointed a committee, to draw up a plan of educa- 
tion for the government of the several schools in the 
toAvn. This committee soon discovered, and in July 
reported, the causes of ill success. They say : 

" They have endeavored to suggest some general outlines for 
the regulation of schools, as they are now supported by individ- 
uals, but are of opinion, that no effectual method can be devised 
for the encouragement of learning and the general diffusion of 
knowledge and virtue, among all classes of children and youth, 
until the town shall think proper to take a matter of so much 
importance into their own hands, and provide and support a 
sufficient number of judicious persons for that purpose." 



EDUCATION. 



503 



The town were not, however, willing to adopt the 
measure proposed. They still pursued the half-way, 
vacillating course, worse, in fact, than no municipal 
action on the subject. They appointed a school 
committee, to have the government of the town 
school houses, to appoint masters and give directions 
for the government of schools kept in them, and to 
take charge of such other school houses in town as 
the proprietors should resign to them. The propri- 
etors of the school houses had become convinced of 
the inexpediency of individuals' being interested in 
school houses, for the accommodation of common 
schools. Those interested in " the brick school 
house," agreed, at once, that if the town would put 
and keep that building in repair, they should have 
the use of it for two years, provided they would 
keep up a school in it for one year. Previous to 
this time, another set of proprietors erected another 
school house near the north end of Benefit street, 
the wooden building which stood there in 1828, and 
then known as the first district school house. Its 
original name was "Whipple Hall." They also offer- 
ed the use of their house to the town, for a public 
school, for a reasonable rent, the town keeping it in 
repair. The town accepted the charge of these 
houses on these terms. They also set apart all 
moneys which should be received of the state, or the 
United States, for damage done " the brick school 
house," during the revolutionary war ; all rents to 
be received for Market-house cellar, chambers and 
stalls, and all wharfage to be received on the mar- 
ket-house lot, as a fund for the support of public 



604 EDUCATION'. 

schools. It is not probable that this arrangement 
lasted long, or that much good grew out of it. The 
funds set apart for the purpose were quite too small. 
They might have been, and probably were, mostly 
consumed in keeping the houses in repair, and pay- 
ing the rents demanded. The result of the arrange- 
ment then, would simply have been, the establish- 
ment of public schools, which all might attend who 
would pay the tuition demanded by the instructors. 
This seems probable, from the fact that afterwards, 
in 1791, some of the citizens petitioned the town to 
establish free schools. The petition was referred to 
the school committee. They reported in August, 
that it is expedient to purchase the proprietors' inter- 
est in "the brick school house," and also in " Whip- 
ple Hall," and build two new houses, one at the south 
end of the town, and the other on the west side of 
the river. They recommended that the schools so 
established should be under the care and supervision 
of the school committee, who should appoint the 
necessary instructors. There was one very singular 
provision in the report, which almost reconciles us 
to the fate which it met with. It is stated that the 
Friends then had a school of their own, in which 
their children were instructed, and would continue 
to be instructed, without expense to the town. The 
report recommended that they should be permitted 
to draw from the town treasury, money to support 
their school, in proportion to the number of chil- 
dren attending it. It would have been indeed hu- 
miliating, if public education had been subjected to 
evident sectarian influence, by the descendants of 



EDUCATION. 505 

those who had first severed all connexion between 
religion and civil government. The town directed 
the interests of the proprietors in the two school 
houses to be purchased. This was not then effected, 
and the matter was permitted to slumber from Au- 
gust 1791, to September 1792, when the town again 
resolved to establish free schools, and directed the town 
council to carry into effect the report of the com- 
mittee of iVugust 1791. How fully do these pro- 
ceedings abound in good resolutions ! The town 
council did nothing more than the school committee 
the year before, toward the establishment of free 
schools. The next year, the town authorised the 
school committee to make some arrangements with 
the proprietors of the " brick school house," so that 
the interior of the building might be altered. In 
1794, and after that, frequent directions are given 
for the repair of this house, and for the drawing up 
of regulations for the schools, but nothing more 
about free schools. In September 1795, the town 
again resolve to estabhsh -'schools for the free edu- 
cation of the children of the inhabitants of the town, 
and that the expense of supporting the same be de- 
frayed out of the town treasury." The report of 
the school committee made in August 1791, was 
revived, and the town council were again directed 
to carry the same into effect. Like all previous 
movements on this subject, the passage of these 
resolutions ended the matter. 

In 1800, commencenced a new era in the annals 
of education in this state. During this year, the 
General Assembly passed their first act in relation to 
64 



506 EDUCATION. 

schools, the object and design of which was to es- 
tabhsh free schools in every town. The subject was 
brought before them by the following memorial and 
petition of the Providence Association of Mechan- 
ics and Manufacturers, drawn up by John Howland : 

" That the means of education which are enjoyed in this 
state, are very inadequate to a purpose so highly important : 

That numbers of the rising generation, whom nature has lib- 
erally endowed, and suffered to grow up in ignorance, when a 
common education would qualify them to act their parts in life 
with advantage to the public, and reputation to themselves : 

That in consequence of there being no legal provision for the 
establishment of schools, and for want of public attention and 
encouragement, this so essential part of our social duty is left to 
the partial patronage of individuals, whose cares cannot extend 
beyond the limits of their own families, while numbers in every 
part of the state are deprived of a privilege which it is the com-^ 
mon right of every child to enjoy : 

That when to that respect, which, as individuals we feel our- 
selves bound to render to the representatives of the people, we 
add our public declaration of gratitude for the privileges we en- 
joy as a corporate body, we at the same time solicit this Honor- 
able Assembly to make legal provision for the establishment of 
Free Schools, sufficient to educate all the children in the seve- 
ral towns throughout the state. With great confidence, we 
bring this our earnest solicitation before this Honorable Assem- 
bly, from the interest we feel in the public welfare, and from 
the consideration that our society is composed of members, not 
oricrinally of any one particular town, Wt assembled mostly in 
our early years from almost every town in the state : 

That we feel as individuals, the want of that education which 
we now ask to be bestowed on those who are to succeed us in 
life, and which is so essential, in transacting its common con- 
cerns. That we feel a still greater degree of confidence, from 
the consideration that while we pray this Honorable Assembly 
to establish Free Schools, we are, at the same time, advocating 
the cause of the great majority of children throughout the state, 



EDUCATION. 507 

and in particular, of those who are poor and destitute — the son 
of the widow, and the child of distress : 

Trusting that our occupation as mechanics, and manufactur- 
ers, ought not to prevent us from adding to these reasons an ar- 
gument which cannot fail to operate with those, to whom is 
committed the guardianship of the public welfare, and that is, 
that liberty and security, under a republican form of govern- 
ment, depend on a general diffusion of knowledge among the 
people. 

In confiding this petition and the reasons which have dictated 
it, to the wisdom of the Legislature, we assure ourselves that 
their decision will be such, as will reflect on this Honorable As- 
sembly the praise and the gratitude, not only of the youth of the 
present generation, but of thousands, the date of whose exist- 
tence has not commenced." 

This petition was presented to the February ses- 
sion, 1799, and the whole subject was referred to a 
committee, who reported in June, by bill. The bill 
was printed and referred to the freemen for instruc- 
tion. The instructions given by Providence were 
as follows : 

" To John Smith, William Rhodes, Thomas P. Ives, and Da- 
vid L. Barnes, Esqrs. 

Gentlemen — Placing in you the fullest confidence, we have 
selected you to assist in the public councils of the state, not 
doubting your readiness to promote such measures, as may tend 
to advance the general interest, as combined with the private 
happiness of the people. It never being our intention to bind 
our representatives by instructions, in the ordinary business of 
legislation, we should not have addressed you at this time, but 
from the deep interest we feel in the question submitted by the 
General Assembly to their constituents. On the question of 
free schools, gentlemen, all party distinctions are broken down ; 
here there can be no clashing interests. On this subject one 
section of the state cannot be opposed to another. Before this 
benevolent idea, every partial, narrow motive of local policy must 



508 EDUCATION. 

disappear. As we are confident, that the general object of the 
bill can meet with no opposition, the only question which can 
arise, will be on some of its particular provisions, as to the best 
mode of carrying its general principle into effect. On this point 
of the subject, we would recommend to you to support the adop- 
tion of the bill in its present form, as any inconvenience which 
may arise in particular districts, can, at any time, be removed 
after the law is in operation, when experience can point out to 
the legislature, the expediency of a different arrangement; but 
this we confide to your discretion, on the positive injunction, 
that the general system is not affected. 

Fully confident of the patriotism of our fellow citizens through- 
out the state, that they are actuated by the same anxious solici- 
tude for the public good, we doubt not but their representatives 
and ours will meet at the next session, bringing with them, the 
rich deposit of the public sentiment, and, by a unanimous voice, 
establish Free Schools throughout the state ; then will that glory, 
which attaches itself to the purest benevolence, and to the high- 
est acts of public virtue, rest on their heads, and the members of 
the Rhode-Island Legislature, having thus before the close of the 
eighteenth century, provided for the full enjoyment of a right 
which forms so essential an article in the great system of social 
order, will be mentioned with high expressions of gratitude and 
honor, through the ages and generations which are yet to suc- 
ceed. It is, nevertheless, the sense of the town, that, in case any 
particular alteration of the bill, to extend it to native Indians, or 
other people of color, or as it may respect any particular society, 
shall appear eligible, to the representatives on hearing before the 
General Assembly, these instructions are not to be construed to 
militate against any such amendment." 

In October following, the House of Representa- 
tives passed the bill into a law. The Senate post- 
poned the matter until the next February session, 
(1 800) when they concurred with the House. It met 
with great opposition in the General Assembly, and 
measures were soon put in motion to ensure its re- 
peal, by which its fair operation never was felt. The 



EDUCATION. 509 

end designed was accomplished, the act became un- 
popular, and was repealed in February 1 803. 

In prospect of the passage of this act, the town 
appointed a committee to purchase Whipple Hall, 
and the proprietors' interest in the " brick school 
house." This was effected with little difficulty. At 
the April town meeting, 1 800, a committee, consist- 
ing of James Burrill, jr. Richard Jackson, jr. .John 
Howland, John Carlile, William Richmond, John 
Corlis and Joel Metcalf, was appointed to devise a 
plan to carry the act of the General Assembly into 
effect. They exhibited a report recommending the 
establishment of four schools, to be kept up during 
the year ; one to be kept in Whipple Hall, one in the 
" brick school house," one in a new house to be built 
at the south end of the town, and the other in a new 
house to be built on the west side of the river. 
They recommended that there should be a principal 
in each school, at a salary of ;^300, and so many 
ushers or assistants, with such salaries as the town 
council should deem expedient, all whom should be 
appointed by the council. They proposed that the 
town should constitute one school district, under the 
act of the General Assembly. The main features 
of this report were adopted, and the details of the 
plan left to the council, who were also charged with 
the superintendence of the schools. A tax of ^6000 
was ordered, which, with the other funds belonging 
to the town, were appropriated toward carrying the 
system into operation. The council immediately 
commenced their part of the labors. 

Arrangements were soon made for the erection of 



^10 EDUCATION. 

the new houses, ordered by the town. The one at 
the south end of the town, was located on Transit 
street, on the same lot now occupied by a school 
house, and the one on the west side of the river, near 
the corner of Friendship and Claverick streets. In 
July they appointed James Wilson, John Dexter, 
Moses Noyes and Royal Farnum, principals, and 
subsequently, Daniel Young, Lucius Bolles, Grave- 
ner Taft, Ezra Leonard and Wilham Morton, ushers 
or assistants, of these schools, two assistants being 
assigned to the school on the west side of the river. 
In August, the town appointed the first school com- 
mittee under the act of the General Assembly. It 
consisted of Jonathan Maxcy, Enos Hitchcock, Ste- 
phen Gano, William Jones, James Burrill, jr., John 
Howland, Jabez Bowen, David L. Barnes, Amos 
M. Atwell and John Carlile. The powers of this 
committee were derived from the public school act 
and were very limited, the town council being in- 
vested with the general oversight, supervision and 
government of the schools. The council and school 
committee met on the 16th of October and adopt- 
ed rules and regulations for the government of the 
schools, and shortly after, the council communi- 
cated to the principals of the schools, some further 
rules to be by them observed in the discharge of 
their duties. The preliminary arrangements being 
made, the schools were opened on the last Monday 
of October 1800, under very favorable auspices. — 
On the 23d of December there were attending in 
the school in the 



EDUCATIOI^. 611 

First district, in Whipple Hal), under Mr. Dexter, 180 
Second " in brick school house, " Mr. Noyes, 230 
Third " south end, " Mr. Farnum,240 

Fourth " west side, " Mr. Wilson. 338 

Subsequently, the school in the fourth district was 
divided, and a part put under a master without any 
assistant or usher at a salary of four hundred dollars 
per year, making the sum paid annually for the sup- 
port of schools, for salaries alone, :$f3,200. This con- 
tinued to be the arrangement until 1812. It is 
matter of regret that the records furnish no data 
from which to ascertain the number of scholars in 
these schools during this period. That the number 
decreased after the novelty of the system had worn 
off, is quite probable. I have not been able, how- 
ever, to ascertain the exact numbers, except in 
April 1803, and May 1804. At the first, the num- 
ber was 708, and at the second, 736. 

"From 1812 to 1818, there were five schools. — 
Five masters, at ^500 salary, also five ushers, at a 
salary of ^200, making the annual expenditure, for 
tuition alone, ^3,500." The number of scholars, it 
is supposed, was not increased much, if at all, during 
this period. In August 1818, the salaries of the 
ushers was raised to ^250. In the following year, a 
school house was erected on the west side of the 
river, on Pond street. The fourth district was then 
divided into two, and from .this time to 1824, there 
were five masters at a salary of ^500, and five ush- 
ers at ^250, and the average number of scholars 
about 830. Thus they remained until 1828, with a 
slight variation, which will be hereafter noticed. 

At the January session, 1828, the General Assem- 



512 EDUCATION. 

bly passed another act establishing pubhc schools 
throughout the state. From the passage of the first 
act, (1800) the town of Providence had continued, as 
we have seen, to keep up public schools, notwith- 
standing the repeal of that act in 1 803. After its re- 
peal, the whole burden of their support rested on the 
town ; and it was borne without murmuring. The 
poor and middhng classes received, in the education 
of their children, much more than they contributed 
for the support of the schools ; while the rich were 
amply compensated for their part of the expense, by 
the increased security which they enjoyed for their 
property, and the increased happiness they saw 
around them. Upon the passage of this law, which 
brought in the state to the pecuniary aid of the town, 
a vigorous attempt was made to increase the num- 
ber, usefulness and standing of the pubhc schools 
in Providence. The general act put the schools 
under the exclusive control of a school committee 
in each town. In June 1828, the first election was 
made under this law. The board consisted of 
twenty-one persons. A little time previous to the 
passage of this act, the town council had been oblig- 
ed to divide the schools in two of the districts, the 
scholars being too numerous for accommodation in 
the school houses. This was the commencement of 
primary schools in the town. Previous to this, in all 
the districts, children of all ages, received instruc- 
tion in all the branches taught. The monitorial 
system of instruction was established in one of the 
writing schools in 1828, to test its efficiency. It re- 



EDUCATION. 513 

mained for some years, and until its early friends 
were willing to have it changed back. 

One of the first acts of the committee under the 
act of 1828, was the estabUshment of a primary 
school in each of the districts. It was soon found, 
that the numbers attending these schools would be 
quite too large for one instructress, and an assistant 
was added to each school. The salary of a precep- 
tress was fixed at $175, and her assistant, at $100. 
The salaries of the preceptors and ushers of the 
other schools remained the same. A school for col- 
ored children was established in 1828, the master of 
which received $400 per year ; a primary was ad- 
ded soon after. The number of schools in the town, 
at the time of the adoption of the city charter, was 
twelve, five writing and five primary, and one 
writing and one primary for colored children — the 
amount paid for tuition, five thousand seven hundred 
dollars, and the average number of scholars for the 
last three years, about twelve hundred. 

Since the adoption of the city charter great and 
permanent improvements and additions have been 
made to the schools, school houses, and system of 
public instruction. The schools have been increas- 
ed to twenty-five, of the following descriptions : 
sixteen primary and secondary, six grammar, one 
high school, and two schools for colored chil- 
dren. Each primary school is under the care of 
a preceptress and one assistant ; each grammar 
school under a master, and at least one male or two 
female assistants ; and each school for colored chil- 
dren under a master or preceptress and one male 
65 



614 EDUCATION. 

or female assistant. The high school is not yet 
opened, progress is made in the erection of the build- 
ing for its accommodation. Its site is at the corner 
of Benefit and Angell streets. That will be under 
the care of a principal and one or more assistants. 
A superintendent, appointed by the school commit- 
tee, has the general oversight and management of all 
the schools, school houses, estates and apparatus be- 
longing to the public school establishment. The 
school committee consists of thirty persons, appoint- 
ed in pursuance of the general school law of the 
state. The salaries paid to the superintendent and 
teachers are as follows: — To the superintendent, 
;^1250 ; and to the principal of the high school, 
01250 ; to each male assistant in high school, ^750 ; 
to each female assistant, ^500 ; to each master of a 
grammar school, $800 ; to each male assistant, ^400 ; 
to each female assistant, ^275 ; to each preceptress 
of a primary and secondary school, $250 ; to each 
assistant, $200 ; to each master of a school for 
colored children, $500 ; to each preceptress, $200; 
to each male assistant, $250 ; to each female assist- 
ant, $150. 

The whole expense of the public schools, for the 
year ending in June 1842, was $16,649, of which 
$5,057 42 was received from the state. The num- 
ber of scholars receiving instruction during the last 
quarter of that year, was 3,805. The free school 
estabhshment, it is presumed, will not suffer by com- 
parison with that of any other town or city in the 
Union. 

It should not be supposed that all the means of 



EDUCATION. 515 

edttcatioii which the children and youth enjoyed in 
this town, have now been enumerated. The fact is 
far otherwise. The corps of private instructors has 
ahvays been large and respectable, so far as means 
are left to form a judgment on the matter. I did 
mtend to append a list of such as had given or prof- 
fered instruction in Providence ; but supposing that 
a bare list of names, and nothing more, would give 
little interest, have abandoned the idea. In 1789, 
six of the principal schoolmasters associated ior the 
purpose of agreeing upon their charges for tuition. 
If this be the origin of the trades' union in this coun- 
try, their successors did not learn from them the art 
of demanding extravagant wages for services ren- 
dered. They fixed the price of tuition in English, at 
fifteen shillings per quarter. In May 1767, a school 
for the instruction of young ladies in writing and 
arithmetic, was advertised. The school hours, from 
six to half past seven in the morning, and from half 
past four to six in the evening, would be deemed 
now quite as unfashionable as the price of tuition, 
two dollars per quarter. In 1808 and 1809, two 
academies were incorporated, under the names of 
the " Providence School Society," and the " West- 
minster School Society." Since then, other similar 
establishments have received from the public a lib- 
eral patronage. In October 1821, the number of 
academies and schools of all grades, was sixty-one, 
and the number of scholars attached to them, 2,805. 
In 1831, a similar examination was made, and the 
result showed eleven public schools, having 1,150 
scholars, and fifty-six private schools, having 1,682 



516 EDUCATION. 

scholars ; being, in all, 2,832, almost one thousand 
less than the number now attending the pubHc 
schools only. The number of private schools has 
considerably decreased, since the new organization 
of the public schools. 

friends' school. 

The institution in Providence, under the care of 
Friends, is called " The New-England Yearly Meet- 
ing Boarding School." Its object is to impart to 
the children of members of the society of Friends, 
a guarded education, embracing not only the more 
common branches of an English education, but ex- 
tending also to the higher departments of the math- 
ematics and classical studies. 

The school was originally established and opened 
for the reception of scholars, at Portsmouth, Rhode- 
Island, in the year 1784. It was continued there 
four years, when, from want of sufficient encour- 
agement, the school was suspended. 

In 1814, Moses Brown offered to the acceptance 
of the society, the farm on which the school is now 
located, containing about forty-three acres of land. 
The erection of a suitable building was soon com- 
menced. It consisted of a centre building, fifty-four 
feet square, three stories high, with two wings, each 
forty-two by forty-four feet, two stories high, and a 
basement story under the whole. Since then, the 
wings have been enlarged, so that they are now 
eighty-four by forty-two feet. Another building, 
forty by fifty feet, has since been built, two stories 
high above the basement. The wings of the first 
named building contain the school rooms and dor- 



EDUCATION. 617 

mitories of the students. The centre building is 
occupied by the family of the superintendent, and 
contains, also, the meeting room, library, &c. The 
building last erected, contains a spacious lecture- 
room, laboratory, and other public rooms. The phi- 
losophical apparatus is well selected and ample. 
The mineralogical collection probably surpasses that 
belonging to any similar institution in the state. 

The location of the school is on the rising ground 
in the east part of the city. For salubrity and beau- 
ty, it could not be exceeded. The land is one hun- 
dred and eighty-two feet above tide water, and it is 
said that in a clear day, every town in the state, ex- 
cept New Shoreham, may be seen from the observa- 
tory on the centre building. The school was open- 
ed for the reception of scholars, on the first of Jan- 
uary 1819, and has always received a liberal pat- 
ronage. 

Among the prominent benefactors of the school, 
may be mentioned Moses Brown, his son Obadiah 
Brown, and William Almy. Obadiah Brown be- 
queathed the institution ^100,000, the income of 
which is appropriated to its current expenses. 

The number of scholars averages about 150 of 
both sexes. The price of board and tuition is ^60 
per annum. At present, none are admitted but 
members or children of members of the Society of 
Friends. A committee appointed annually by the 
New-England Yearly Meeting of Friends, has the 
general direction of the school. The immediate 
care of it, is in two Friends, man and wife, who are 
called superintendents, and who exercise a general 



618 EDUCATION. 

parental care over the scholars. Four male and 
three female teachers, are usually employed. 

BROWN UNIVERSITY. 

The only university in the state is located at Prov- 
idence. It was incorporated in 1764. The corpo- 
ration is divided into two branches, that of the fel- 
lows, and that of the trustees. The number of the 
fellows is twelve, of whom eight, including the Pres- 
ident, are required to be Baptists ; the remaining 
four can be selected from any religious denomina- 
tion. The trustees are thirty-six in number, of 
whom the charter requires that twenty-two shall be 
Baptists, five Friends, four Congregationalists, and 
five Episcopalians. Notwithstanding these provis- 
ions in the charter place the institution under the 
government of the Baptists, there are other provis- 
ions in the same instrument, which excludes secta- 
rianism from the course of academical instruction. 
It prohibits the introduction of any religious tests 
into the institution, and declares that all the mem- 
bers of it shall " forever enjoy full, free, absolute 
and uninterrupted hberty of conscience," " and that 
youth of all religious denominations shall and may 
be admitted to the equal advantages, emoluments 
and honors of the college or university," "and that 
the public teaching shall, in general, respect the 
sciences ; and that the sectarian differences of opin- 
ions shall not make any part of the public and clas- 
sical instruction." 

The institution was at first called Rhode-Island 
College. The name was afterwards, in 1804, chang- 



EDUCATION. 519 

ed to Brown University, in honor of Nicholas Brown 
Esq. late deceased, who was its most munificent 
benefactor. 

The following sketch of the early history of this 
institution was drawn up by the Rev. Morgan Ed- 
wards, 1771, and is copied from a volume of his man- 
uscripts in the Cabinet of the Rhode-Island Histori- 
cal Society. 

" Young indeed the institution is, and therefore short would 
its history be, had it received its existence, locality, endowment 
and permanency, like other institutions of the same nature ; but 
contrariwise, some peculiar circumstances attended each, which 
infer the interposition of Providence, and bespeak it to be a 
thing of God and not of man only. The first mover for it, 1762, 
was laughed at, as a projector of a thing impracticable. Nay, 
many of the Baptists themselves discouraged the design, pro- 
phecying evil to the churches, in case it should take place, from 
an unhappy prejudice against learning, and threatened, not non- 
currence, but opposition. Nevertheless, a young man, who is 
now at the head of the institution, went to Rhode-Island govern- 
ment, and made the design known. The reason of his attempt 
in this province, was, as has been observed, that the legislature 
is there chiefly in the hands of the Baptists, and therefore, the 
likeliest place to have a Baptist college established by law. The 
remainder of what I intend to say, on this head, shall be in the 
words of President Manning ; to which I shall add the history of 
the first charter by Daniel Jenckes, Esq., who both, for obvious 
reasons, think it necessary to have them published. President 
Manning's narrative is as follows : ' In the month of July 1763, 
we arrived at Newport, and made a motion to several gentlemen 
of the Baptist denomination, whereof Col. Gardner, the deputy 
governor, was one, relative to a seminary of polite literature, 
subject to the government of the Baptists. The motion was 
properly attended to, which brought together about fifteen gen- 
tlemen, of the same denomination, at the deputy's house, who re- 
quested that I would draw a sketch of the design against the day 
following. That day came, and the said gentlemen, with other 



520 EDUCATION. 

Baptists, met, in the same place, when a rough draft was produc-^ 
ed and read : the tenor of which was, that the institution was to 
be a Baptist one, but that as many of other denominations 
should be taken in, as was consistent with the said design. Ac- 
cordingly, the Honorable Josias Lyndon and Col. Job Bennett 
were appointed to draw a charter, to be laid before the next Gen- 
eral Assembly, with a petition that they would pass it into a law ; 
but the said gentlemen pleading unskilfulness, touching an affair 
of the kind, requested that their trusty friend, Rev. Ezra, now 
Dr. Stiles, might be solicited to assist them. This was opposed 
by me, as unwilling to give the Dr. trouble about an affair of 
other people. But they urged, that his love of learning and 
Catholicism, would induce him readily to give his assistance. 
Accordingly, their proposal was consented to, and his assistance 
obtained, or rather, the drafting of the charter was left entirely 
to him, after being told that the Baptists were to have the lead 
in the institution and the goverment thereof forever, and that no 
more of other denominations were to be admitted than would be 
consistent with this. The charter was drawn, and a time and place 
appointed for the parties concerned to meet and hear it read. 
But the vessel in which I was to sail for Halifax, going off that 
day, prevented my being present with them long enough to see 
whether the original design was secured. And as the corpora- 
tion was made to consist of two branches, trustees and fellows, 
those branches to set and act by distinct and separate powers, 
it was not easy to determine, by a transient hearing, what those 
powers might be. The trustees were presumed to be the prin- 
cipal branch of authority, and as nineteen out of thirty-five were 
to be Baptists, the Baptists were satisfied, without sufficient ex- 
amination into the authority vested in the fellowship, which, af- 
terwards, appeared to be the soul of the institution, while the 
trusteeship was only the body, and placing entire confidence in 
Dr. Stiles, they agreed to join in a petition to the Assembly, to 
have the charter confirmed by authority. The petition was pre- 
sented and cheerfully received by the Assembly, and the charter 
read ; after which a vote was called for and urged, by some, to 
pass it into a law. But this was opposed by others, particularly 
by Daniel Jenckes, Esq. member for Providence, alledging that 
the Assembly required more time to examine, whether it was 



EDUCATION. 521 

agreeable to the design of the first movers lor it, and, therefore, 
prayed to the house, to have the perusal of it while they adjourn- 
ed for dinner. This was granted, with some opposition. Then 
he asked the Governor, who was a Baptist, whom they intended 
to invest with the Governing power in said institution 't The Gov- 
ernor answered, the Baptists, by all means. Then Mr. Jenckes 
showed him, that the charter was so artfully constructed, as to 
throw the power into the Fellows' hands, whereof eight out of 
twelve were Presbyterians, usually called Congregationalists, 
and the other four might be of the same denomination for aught 
appeared in the charter to the contrary. Convinced of this, 
Governor Lyndon immediately had an interview with Dr. Stiles, 
the Presbyterian minister of Newport, and demanded why he 
had perverted the design of the charter? The answer was, " I 
gave you timely warning to take care of yourselves, for that we 
had done so with regard to our society ;" and finally observed, 
that " he was not the rogue." When the Assembly was con- 
vened again, the said Jenckes moved that the affair might be 
put off to the next session, adding that " the motion for the col- 
lege originated with the Baptists, and was intended for their use, 
but that the charter in question was not at all calculated to an- 
swer their purpose ; and since the committee, entrusted by the 
Baptists, professed they were misled, not to say, imposed upon, 
that it was necessary the Baptists in other parts of the colony 
should be consulted, previous to its passing into a law, especial- 
ly as few, if any of them, except himself, had seen it, and prayed 
that he might have a copy for the same purpose ; all which was 
granted. When the charter came to be narrowly inspected, it 
was found to be, by no means, answerable to the design of the 
agitators and the instructions given the committee. Conse- 
quently, application was made to the Philadelphia Association, 
where the thing took its rise, to have their mind on the subject, 
who immediately sent two gentlemen hither, to join with the Bap- 
tists of this colony, in making what alterations and amendments, 
that were to them specified before their departure. When they 
arrived. Dr. Ayres of Newport was added to the committee, and 
they, happily, drafted the present charter, and lodged it, with a 
new petition, in proper hands. The most material alterations 
were, appointing the same number of Baptists in the fellowship, 

66 



EDUCATION. 

that had been appointed of Presbyterians, by Dr. Stiles, settlin: • 
the Presidency in the Baptist Society, adding five Baptists to th. 
Trustees, and putting more Episcopalians than Presbyterians ii 
the corporation.' 

Thus the Baptists narfowly escaped being jockied out of their 
college by a set of men, in whom they reposed full confidence. 
How the same party have acted since, will appear hereafter. I 
now proceed to the further history of the first charter by the 
said Daniel Jenckes, Esq. 

" While I attended the business of the Assembly, held August 
1763, Capt. William Rogers came to the council chamber and 
presented me with a paper, with the design that 1 should sign 
it, adding, " That it was a petition for a Baptist college, he 
knew I would not refuse." Business not permitting me to attend 
to him immediately, I requested he would leave with me the pe- 
tition and charter ; meanwhile, the sergeant made proclamation 
requiring the members to take their seats. In my seat, I began 
to read the papers, but had not done, before the petition and 
charter were called for, which I gave to the sergeant and he t6 
the speaker at the board. The petition being read, a motion 
was made to receive it and grant the charier. After some time, 
I stood up to oppose proceeding immediately on the petition, 
giving my reason in words to this effect. " I understood that 
the college in question was sought for by the Baptists, that it 
was to be under their government and direction, with admission 
only to a few of other religious denominations to share with them 
therein, that they might appear as catholic as could be, consist- 
ent with their main design ; but on the contrary, I perceived by 
glancing over the charter, while I sat in my place just now, that 
the main power and government and direction, is vested in 
twelve Fellows, and that eight out of the twelve are to be Pres- 
byterians, and that the other may or may not be of the same de- 
nomination, but of necessity, none of them is to be a Bap- 
tist. If so, there is treachery somewhere, and a design of 
grossly imposing on the honest people who first moved for the 
institution, I, therefore, desire the matter may lie by till the af- 
ternoon." This was granted. In the afternoon the matter was' 
resumed, with a seeming resolution, in some, to push it through 
at all events ; but I had influence enough to stop proceedinga 



EDUCATION. 523 

then also. That evening and next morning, I made it my business 
to see Governor Lyndon and Col. Bennett, and to inform them 
of the construction of the charter. They could not believe me, 
for the confidence they had in Dr. Stiles' honor and integrity, 
until seeing convinced them. What reflections followed, may 
be better conceived than published. However, We all agreed 
to postpone passing the charter into a law, and did effect our 
purpose for that session, notwithstanding the attempts of Mr. 
Ellery, and others of the Presbyterians, to the contrary. Before 
the breaking up of the Assembly, the house, at my request, di- 
rected the speaker to deliver the charter to me, after I had made 
a promise it should be forthcoming, at the next meeting of the 
Assembly. I took the charter to Providence and showed it to 
many who came to my house. Others borrowed it to peruse at 
home. Meanwhile the messengers from the Philadelphia Asso- 
ciation arrived in Newport, which occasioned the committee of 
Newport to send to me for the charter. I asked for it of Dr. 
Ephraim Bowen, who had borrowed it last. The Doctor said he 
had lent it to Samuel Nightingale, Esq. Search was made for it 
there ; but it could not be found ; neither do I know, to this day, 
what became of it. When the next General Asembly met, on the 
last Wednesday in October 1763, the second charter was pre- 
sented, which was much faulted and opposed by the gentry who 
concerned themselves, so warmly about the other, and one in 
particular, demanded that the first charter, which had been 
entrusted with me, might be produced. Then I related as 
above, that it was lost, and the manner, how it was lost, but the 
party, instead of believing this, very rudely suggested, that I 
had secreted the charter, and in the face of the court, charged 
me with a breach of trust, which brought on very disagreeble 
altercations and bickerings, till, at last, I was necessitated to say, 
that " if there had been any foul doings, it was amongst them 
of their own denomination at Providence." Their clamors con- 
tinued, and we gave way to them that session, for peace sake. 
Meanwhile Dr. Bowen, who is a man of strict honor and integ- 
rity, used all means to recover the former charter, posting up 
an advertisment in the most public place in town, and making 
diligent enquiry, but to no purpose. At the next Assembly, 
which met in February, 1764, the new charter was again 



524 EDUCATION. 

brought on the carpet, and the same clamor against it and un- 
just reproaches against me, were repeated. It was said " that 
the new charter was not like the old, and was constructed to de- 
prive the Presbyterians of the benefit of the institution." To 
which it was replied, " that it was agreeable to the design of 
the first undertakers, and if calculated to deprive the Presbyte- 
rians of the power they wanted, it was no more than they them- 
selves had attempted to do to the Baptists." After much and 
warm debate, the question was put and carried in favor of the 
new charter, by a great majority." 

This charter lay dormant for about two years, except that 
some nominated in it, did qualify themselves in order to become 
a corporation, and did open a subscription among themselves 
and choose Rev. James Manning to be President. But in Sep- 
tember 1766, the tuition part of it was begun at Warren, by 
said President, who soon had eight or twelve scholars, which 
brought on the first commencement September 7, 1769. Be- 
fore this, in February 1767, the Rev. Morgan Edwards, of Phil- 
adelphia, set out for Europe to solicit money toward the paying 
the salary of the President and Assistant, for hitherto we had no 
fund, and succeeded pretty well, considering how angry the 
mother country then was with the colonies for opposing the 
stamp act. Afterwards the Rev. Hezekiah Smith and others, 
gathered small sums in America for the same purpose, but after 
all the endowment is so scanty that the college is in arrears to 
the President, to this day, who has suffered considerably by it. 

To the year 1769, this seminary was for the most part friendless 
and moneyless, and therefore, forlorn, inasmuch that a college 
edifice was hardly thought of But Mr. Edwards making fre- 
quent remittances from England, some began to hope and many 
to fear, that the institution would come to something and stand. 
Then a building and the place of it were talked of, which open- 
ed a new scene of troubles and contentions, that had well nigh 
ruined all. Warren was at first agreed on as a proper situation, 
where a small wing was to be erected in the spring of 1770 and 
about ,£800 raised toward effecting it. But soon afterwards, 
some who were unwilling it should be there, and some who 
where unwilling it should be any where, did so far agree, 
as to lay aside the said location, and propose that the county 



EDUCATION. 525 

which should raise most money should have the college. That 
of Providence bid high for it, which made the county of New- 
port, which is jealous of Providence on account of trade, ex- 
ert itself to the utmost. However, Providence obtained it, which 
so touched the jealousy and piqued the pride of the islanders, as 
to make many of them enemies to the institution itself The 
same is too much the case with the other disappointed counties. 
Nevertheless, by the adventurous and resolute spirits of the 
Browns and some other men of Providence, the edifice was begun 
in May 1770, and roofed by the fall of that year. The next sum- 
mer it was so far finished as to be fit for the reception of scholars. 
This college is allowed to be a neat pile of building and most 
pleasantly situated. The building is of brick, one hundred and 
fifty feet by forty-six, four stories high, exclusive of the cellar, 
which is partly above ground. In the middle on each side, is a 
projection of fifteen feet making the whole resemble a cross. — 
In one of these projections is the chapel, in the opposite, the 
dining room ; above is the library, the apparatus room &c. — 
The chambers are fifty two in number, opening to large aisles, 
running the whole length of the building. Upwards of one hun- 
dred scholars may be here accommodated. The situation of the 
college is remarkably airy, healthful and pleasant, being the sum- 
mit of a hill pretty easy of ascent and commanding a prospect of 
the town of Providence below, of the Narragansett Bay and the 
islands, and of an extensive country, variegated with hills and 
dales, woods and plains, &c. Surely this spot was made for a 
seat of the muses. The first commencement, mentioned before, 
was celebrated at Warren, September 7, 1769, whereat was a 
great concourse of people who openly professed their admiration 
of the performances of the young gentlemen and the regularity 
and decorum of the whole business of the day." 

After giving the names of the graduates at the 
first three commencements, and the names of the 
persons composing the corporation, Mr. Edwards 
remarks : 

" I shall finish this appendix with a letter addressed to Pres- 
ident Manning, whom the writer supposes to have expected the 
friendship and help of the Presbyterians, with respect to the col- 



526 EDUCATION. 

lege, had not the Baptists, in newspapers, complained of the op- 
pression of their brethren in New-England, and threatened to 
carry those complaints to the throne in case they should be con- 
tinued any longer ; at least, the writer supposes the President to 
have ascribed their present enmity against the college and indus- 
try to prevent youth from resorting thither, to those complaints 
and threatenings. Part of the letter is as follows : 

' I should not have ventured to oppose my opinions to yours, 
had not facts, recent facts, decided the matter in my favor ; and 
show that the goodness and candor of the president, have im- 
posed on his judgment. Remember you not, the first charter 1 
While the Baptist college was yet in embryo, they very disin- 
genuously opposed it as such, and contrived to make it their 
own, since which disappointment. Dr. Stiles would have nothing 
to do with it, though courted again and again to accept even a 
fellowship therein. And when the present charter was present- 
ed to the Assembly at South Kingstown, remember you not what 
clamor they raised against it there ? and what stout opposition 
they made to the passage of it, in so much that its friends 
thought it best to desist 1 And how they triumphed afterwards 1 
And when the affair was brought on again at East Greenwich, 
the next session, you can never forget, with what heat and 
coarse expressions, the same oppositions were renewed, nor the 
mortification and murmurings which the passing of it occasion- 
ed. It is true, while the charter lay dormant, they remained 
easy, and, as you say, appeared well pleased when you had set 
it on foot at Warren. But the reason of that is obvious ; they 
knew, that while the college stood friendless and moneyless, as 
it then did, they should have the pleasure to see it fall, and to 
mock those who began to build a tower and were not able to 
finish it. But, seemed they good humored when money came 
thither from Europe ? Or, did they not look as the man of Bristol 
did, at your first commencement, and put the same invidious 
construction upon every thing, that he did on the complaisance 
you showed him, that day. Their good affection toward the 
college edifice was but varnish ; for while with specious argu- 
ments they would have it here and anon there, and then, in 
another place, they were only working to prevent its being any 
where : and soon as it had a locality and the beginning of its 



EDUCATION. &2.1 

existence at Providence, did they not, with some misled Baptists, 
attempt to get another college, to destroy yours, and actually 
carried their design through the lower house ? This also fail- 
ing, what remains but to prevent youth from resorting to it. 
Their slandering the officers of instruction, as insufficient ; the 
town where it is in, as a lawless place ; the college, as wantino- 
government ; their representing it as a nest of Anabaptists, cal- 
culated to make proselytes ; their visiting grammar schools and 
tampering with masters and parents ; their scolding Presbyte- 
rian youth, when they enter with you, as your neighbor Rowley 
did, who is capable of nothing but what is gross and indelicate ; 
their refusing to pay their subscriptions, &c. ; are all intended 
to hurt what they could neither prevent nor destroy. Think 
you that their present opposition to the college is the effect of 
those newspaper complaints and threatenings of Presbyterian 
oppression in New-England ? Why, then, did they oppose it 
before those complaints and threatenings had existence. Think 
you they will befriends should we desist from these complaints 
and court their favor ? It cannot be, except God should once teach 
them to love their neighbors as themselves, and to do as they 
would be dohe by. Destroying the Baptist college will pacify 
them, and nothing else. The existence of that on the hill of 
Providence is a Mordecai in the gate. I told you, long ago, that 
if you could not do without the Presbyterians, you could not do 
at all. I need not inform you that I deal in generals. I except 
the honest, the trusty and the good, and some such Presbyte-^ 
rians I met with, in their connexions with this college. God 
send us more such, and mend the rest.' " 

Mr. Edwards' intimate connexion with the insti- 
tution in its infancy, must have made him well ac- 
quainted with the facts as they transpired ; but it 
cannot be doubted, that his strong predilections and 
prejudices may have imparted a deeper coloring to 
some of his statements, than his impartial judgment 
would have approved. This remark may also be 
applied to the statements furnished Mr. Edwards by 
President Manning and Judge Jenckes. 



628 EDUCATION. 

In addition to the facts derived from the above 
named source, a few have been gleaned from other 
sources. The first draft of the charter referred to 
by Mr. Edwards, and supposed to be lost, is still in 
existence. It was recently found among the files 
and papers of the church over which Dr. Stiles pre- 
sided. Where it was, when sought for in 1763, still 
remains involved in doubt. 

The permanent location of the institution, it 
would seem, was made to depend upon the amount 
of subscription received in each county in the state. 
An advertisement inserted in the Providence Ga- 
zette, under date of January 12, 1770, and signed 
by three of the Fellows, states that the county of 
Newport had exceeded the other counties in the 
amount of its subscription. The corporation met 
on the 7th of February following, and by a vote of 
twenty-one to fourteen, decided that " the said edi- 
fice be built in the town of Providence, and there 
be continued forever." They broke ground for the 
building now known as University Hall, on the 26th 
day of March, and the corner stone of that building 
was laid by John Brown, on the 14th day of May 
following. The buildings of the institution in 1 842, 
consisted of Hope College, Manning Hall, and 
Rhode-Island Hall, in addition to the one first built. 
These have been erected within a few years, and 
the first two by the late Nicholas Brown, the dis- 
tinguished patron of the institution. His donations, 
at various times, including the legacy given in his 
will, do not fall short of ^100,000. University 
Hall and Hope College, are mostly occupied by the 



EDUCATION. 529 

students, while Manning Hall and Rhode-Island 
Hall, are appropriated to the use of the library and 
philosophical apparatus, including also a laboratory 
and lecture room. 

One of the results of the location of this institu- 
tion at Providence, was an application to the Gen- 
eral Assembly, by another set of petitioners, for 
another college. At the February session, 1770, a 
charter for an academy and college, to be located in 
Newport, passed the lower house of Assembly, by 
twenty majority. The apphcation was not favora- 
bly received in the upper house, where it was either 
rejected or indefinitely postponed. The minute- 
book of the Senate for that session, cannot be found, 
but it did not pass that body, for no mention is made 
of it in the records of the General Assembly. 

Dr. Manning remained at the head of this intitu- 
tion as President, from its first organization until his 
death, in 1791. He was succeeded by the Rev. 
Jonathan Maxcy. In 1802, Dr. Maxcy resigned the 
presidency, and subsequently was elected president 
of Union College, Schenectady, which he after- 
wards resigned, and was chosen President of Co- 
lumbia College, in South Carohna, which station he 
held until his death. The Rev. Asa Messer was 
elected President soon after the resignation of Dr. 
Maxcy. He held the oflice until 1826, when he re- 
signed, and was succeeded by the present incum- 
bent, the Rev. Francis Wayland, jr. In 1842, the 
board of instruction consisted of a president, five 
professors and three tutors. The number of under 
graduates was then about 1 70. The whole number 
67 



530 EDUCATION. 

of graduates was about 1,500. The philosophical 
apparatus of the University will bear comparison 
with that of most of the Universities in the country. 
Its library contains 10,000 volumes, besides which, 
there are two societies, composed of undergradu- 
ates, having Ubraries containing 7,000 volumes. 
The necessary annual expenses of a student, inclu- 
ding board, varies from ^$1112 to ;$fl34 per year. 

The following incident, kindly communicated by 
John Osborne, of Smithfield, is inserted to show that 
the discipline of the college, in its infancy, was quite 
as strict as that of any similar institution at the pres- 
ent time : 

The late Judge Peleg Arnold, when about 18 years of age, 
in going to mill, heard as he approached Friend's meeting house 
at upper Smithfield, a great noise like the breaking in of win- 
dows, and being desirous of ascertaining the cause, rode up the 
hill to within about 20 rods of the house, when he discovered 
two young men on horseback each with a club, smashing in the 
front windows of the meeting house. 

Immediately on seeing him they wheeled and rode off at full 
speed. He being a vigorous young man and determined to as- 
certain who they were in order to bring them to justice, threw 
his bag of corn in the road and started in pursuit. The race 
was a sharp one and continued for six miles, when the Judge 
came up with and stopped them on Cumberland Hill. After 
learning their names and places of residence, he permitted them 
to proceed. One of the young men proved to be a student in 
the college ; and the President being informed of the circum- 
stance, wrote to the Clerk of the Monthly Meeting the follow- 
ing letter : 

Providence, December 12, 1770, 

Sir — You may think strange that I, a stranger to you, 
should address you by this epistle, but will excuse me, when I 
give the reason, which is, an information that I have received, 



EDUCATION. 



631 



that one Scott, a youth under my tuition, some time ago riding 
through Smithfield, (in company with one Dennis, of Newport,) 
rode up to, and, in a most audaciously wicked manner, broke 
the windows of the Friends' meeting house in said town, of 
which meeting I understand you are clerk. Upon the first hear- 
ing of this scandalous conduct, I charged him with the fact, 
which he confessed, with no small degree of apparent peni- 
tence : whereupon I thought good to inform you, and by you, 
the Meeting, that they shall have ample reparation of damages, 
and such other satisfaction as they shall think proper ; being 
determined to punish with the utmost rigor, all such perverse 
youth as may be entrusted to my care, as I hold such base con- 
duct in the greatest detestation. 

You will be so good as to let me know when the first meeting 
of business is held, that I may send him up to appear before 
them, and make not only reparation, but such a confession be- 
fore the Meeting as shall be fully satisfactory. I choose to mor- 
tify him in this way ; and should be very glad that some of the 
heads of the Meeting would admonish him faithfully, and show 
him the evil of such doings, if this would be agreeable to them ; 
but I speak this, not to direct them in the matter, but what 
would be agreeable to me. When this is settled, we shall dis- 
cipline him with the highest punishment we inflict, next to ban- 
ishment from the society ; and with that, if he does not comply 
with the above. 

The youth has been but few months under my care ; is a child 
of a respectable family in Kingston, Massachusetts Bay, and had 
his school learning at New-Haven. I am sorry for his friends, 
and that it happened to fall to my lot to have such a thoughtless, 
vicious pupil : but am determined this shall be the last enormi- 
ty, one excepted, of which he shall be guilty while under my 
care. I hope the Meeting will inform me how he complies with 
these injunctions, if they think proper to take these or any other 
methods. Please, by the first opportunity to favor me with a 
line in answer to the above requests, and you will do a favor to 
A real friend, 

JAMES MANNING 

Mr. Thomas Laphara, jr., in Smithfield. 



532 EDUCATION. 

In reply to which, as requested, Thomas Lapham, jr. sent him 
the following letter : 

Smithfield, the 17th of 12th mo., 1770. 

Respected Friend — These may inform that I received thy 
letter of the 12th inst., concerning one of thy pupil's base con- 
duct, in breaking the windows of our meeting-house, and agree- 
ably to thy request therein, I hereby inform, that our meetings 
for business are held on the last fifth day of every month; so 
that our next will be on the last fifth day (or Thursday) of this 
instant, at the house where the windows were broken. A meet- 
ing for worship begins at 1 1 o'clock, and commonly holds two 
hours : then begins the meeting for business. Therefore, if the 
youth appear before us, I intend to send thee an account of his 
second progress. I am glad to hear such proper methods propo- 
sed for the settling of his scandalous deed — and that the affairs 
of the college may be so conducted as to be a means of promo- 
ting virtue and piety, which are far preferable to arts and sci- 
ences, is the real desire of one who wishes well unto all. 

THOMAS LAPHAM, Jr. 

The young man, according to the direction of the President,, 
appeared before the next monthly Meeting for business, and in- 
formed the Meeting what he had done, made a suitable acknow- 
ledgment, paid the damage done to the windows, received some 
wholesome admonition and advice, and returned to his college 
duties, it is to be hoped, a better man." 

Our view of the means of education in Providence 
would still be incomplete, without some notice of 
Sunday schools. Originally designed as an elee- 
mosynary institution, supported and carried on by 
private beneficence, they commend themselves to 
the favor of every philanthropist. 

Sunday schools were at first established as a 
means of aflfording to children employed in manu- 
facturing establishments, the means of gaining a por- 
tion of that education aflforded, by common schools, 
to children not so employed. 



EDUCATION. 533 

The first in the United States, it is believed, was es- 
tabhshed by Samuel Slater, the father of cotton man- 
ufactures in this country, for the benefit of the chil- 
dren in his cotton mill in North Providence. This was 
in the spring of 1796. When the original object 
of Sunday schools becomes changed, and they are 
made a means of diffusing morality and reUgious in- 
struction to the rising generation generally, then it is 
that they are deemed to deserve only qualified praise ; 
for in a greater or less degree, sectarianism dic- 
tates the instruction given. It was in this stage of 
their existence, that Sunday schools were intro- 
duced into Providence. This was in March, 1816. 
The first school was established by the Methodists. 
In the course of two years after this, there were five 
schools here. Now, in 1842, the schools are in- 
creased to thirty, taught by nearly five hundred teach- 
ers, and containing about five thousand scholars. 

Thus far our view has been confined to the nec- 
essary and useful branches of education. The or- 
namental deserve a word in passing. Before 1763, 
dancing had not been taught in Providence, by any 
professor of the art. The want of a professor in 
this art began to be felt as a serious evil. To rem- 
edy it, a correspondent in the Gazette, states the 
fact, and adds, what he believed to be another, that 
a competent teacher who could play his own fiddle, 
would meet with encouragement in Providence. — 
Every proposed improvement has always met with 
its opponents. A portion of every community, at 
all times, are satisfied with the wisdom and ways of 
their ancestors, or look upon every change, as be- 



534 eMcation. 

ing from bad to worse. So it was in this case. — 
This correspondent drew down on his head the ire 
of some such individual. It led to a long contro- 
versy, the opponents contending that a spinning 
school would be more profitable and useful. The 
dancing master came soon after this. There was a 
teacher of French here in 1773. The earhest teach- 
er of instrumental music that I have been able to 
find was in 1784. It is not probable he was the 
first. Vocal music must have been taught very ear- 
ly. I can find no early trace of drawing or painting. 

One other means of mental improvement still re- 
mains, and that is public libraries. 

Before 1754, a number of individuals associated 
together to form a public library. The design met 
with due encouragement. A company was formed 
and a well selected and valuable collection of books 
bought by subscription. The state generously af- 
forded the society the use of the council chamber 
in the state house for their library. The books 
were burned with the house, on the evening of De- 
cember 24, 1758. The company received from 
the General Assembly the grant of a lottery, with 
the proceeds of which they replaced their lost libra- 
ry. After the present court house was erected, it was 
kept for many years in the senate chamber, and was 
in very general use. In progress of time, it became 
neglected. New works were not added to the col- 
lection, and the shareholders ceased to take that 
interest in it, which it deserved and which was nec- 
essary to keep any such institution in order. The 
want of new books, led to the formation of another 



EDUCATION. 535 

library. In June 1831, a company, composed in 
part of share holders of the Providence Library, ap- 
phed to the General Assembly and received a char- 
ter of incorporation, under the name of the Provi- 
dence Athenaeum. They soon formed a very valu- 
able library, mostly of modern works. In a short 
time, it was ascertained, that if the reading commu- 
nity would not support one public library, it would 
not two. The estabhshment of the Providence 
Athenseum, withdrew from the Providence Library a 
part of its patronage, and in its turn, the existence 
of the Providence Library kept from the Athenaeum, 
patronage, which under other circumstances it 
would have received. In view of this, several mem- 
bers of both institutions met, and as a means of uni- 
ting both libraries, agreed to become members of a 
third public library company under the name of the 
Athenaeum, which should swallow up the other two. 
At the January session of the General Assembly 
1836, they obtained a charter of incorporation. It 
soon became, by purchase, the owner of the other 
two libraries. 

In March 1836, Nicholas Brown and the heirs of 
Thomas P. Ives, offered to give the Athenaeum a lot 
of land on the corner of Benefit and College-streets, 
for the location of a building, ^6000 towards the 
erection of a building thereon, and #4000 for the 
increase of the library, provided other individuals 
would subscribe $10,000 toward the building and 
;^4000 more for the library, before the first of June 
then next. The Athenaeum found little difliculty in 
complying with these terms. The citizens of Prov- 



636 EDUCATION. 

idence were too much alive to the importance of 
the object in view not to avail themselves of the mu- 
nificent offer. They broke ground for the building 
on the 4th of April 1837, and completed it in No- 
vember. It is forty-eight feet front by seventy-eight 
deep, one story high with a basement. The front 
is of Quincy granite, hammered ; the sides of rough 
ashler granite. The basement story is occupied by 
the Franklin Society, and the principal one by the 
Athenaeum. A room was offered to the Rhode-Isl- 
and Historical Society for the accommodation of 
their cabinet, but was dechned. The accommoda- 
tion of these societies, in addition to the Athenaeum, 
was part of the original offer of the munificent ben- 
efactors. The building was designed by Wilham 
Strickland, of Philadelphia. It cost, including the 
preparation of the lot, nearly ^19,000. The hbrary 
consists of about ten thousand volumes of well se- 
lected and highly valuable books. The price of a 
share in this institution is so small, being only fifteen 
dollars, and the annual tax so light, being limited at 
five dollars, that almost any individual can avail him- 
self of the advantages which it offers. 

The time and study-saving machinery of pubhc 
lectures, is, in Providence, a thing of comparitively 
modern invention. The present generation is ac- 
customed to see the corners of the streets, at all 
times, covered with placards and handbills of itine- 
rant lecturers, who for a small sum, in a very short 
time, and with no preparatory study in their hearers, 
promise to enlighten a promiscuous audience, in 
the deepest arcana of the most abstruse science. 



EDUCATION. 537 

The generation which preceded us had not the ad- 
vantages of these raih'oads to scientific excellence. 
They had to delve through ponderous folios and 
quartos, each for himself, to acquire but a tithe of 
the knowledge which modern lecturers promise this 
more favored generation. The leader in this reform, 
to whom is due the honor of introducing this system 
to this community, was Dr. Moyes, of Edinburg. 
He came to Providence in the beginning of the au- 
tumn of 1784, and published his intention of giving 
twenty-one lectures on philosophical chemistry, or 
the philosophy of nature, with experiments, at the 
state house, for the sum of one guinea. The fact 
that he was quite blind, and had been so since he 
was eighteen months old, moved the sympathy and 
excited the curiosity of the good people of Provi- 
dence, and secured him a good audience. 

The following year, Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, 
then a professor in Rhode-Island College, gave a 
course of lectures at the state house, on Natural 
History. Since then, men of less attainments and 
less natural abilities, have, from time to time, en- 
lightened and amused this community. But wheth- 
er upon the whole, the amount of knowledge ac- 
quired in this way, is so great or so valuable, or so 
lasting, as that acquired by the old fashioned mode 
of thought and personal study, is a subject upon 
which no lectures have, as yet, been given, and, of 
course, it cannot be expected that any opinion will 
be expressed in relation to it. 
68 



CHAPTER NINTH. 

NEWSPAPER AND PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS. 

In this chapter, it is designed to bring together 
all that can be collected in relation to the newspa- 
pers and periodicals which had been, published in 
Providence, before and at the adoption of the city 
charter. It cannot be expected that every pub- 
lication of the kind will be noticed ; all that can be 
promised is, that none shall be intentionally omitted. 

The first newspaper printed in Providence, was 
" The Providence Gazette and Country Journal." A 
handbill, containing the prospectus of the publisher, 
is now before me, bearing date September 1 , 1 762. 
It is signed by William Goddard, and proposes to 
publish a weekly newspaper, in case sufficient en- 
couragement should be offered ; the first number to 
be issued on Wednesday the 20th day of October. 
The terms were " seven shillings lawful money, per 
annum, or equivalent in currency." The first num- 
ber appeared on the day appointed. It contains a 
well written address of the proprietor to his patrons, 
and the commencement of " The History of Provi- 
dence," now understood to have been written by 
Gov. Hopkins. New-York dates are up to the 1 1th 
of the same month. It was printed opposite the 
court house. The second number was printed on 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 



559 



Saturday October 30th, the day of pubUcation hav- 
ing been changed, as the paper states, so " that the 
gentlemen in Newport and other towns in the south- 
ern part of this government, or in Connecticut, who 
shall please favor this undertaking, may receive their 
papers by the post." It is both amusing and in- 
structive to read the advertisements in these early 
Newspapers. Much of the most interesting parts 
of the history of any municipal corporation, can be 
learned from this uninviting source. The character 
of the inhabitants may in part be gathered from 
the forms these advertisements assume, and the 
signs which merchants and tradesmen adopted to 
catch attention. 

The following poetical advertisement is taken 
from the Providence Gazette of November 19, 1796. 
The author, Jonathan Cady, will long be remem- 
bered as a pains-taking, industrious, rhyming shoe- 
maker. Among his cotemporaries, many there 
were who could claim higher honors as a poet, but 
few better entitled to the appellation of an honest 
man and good citizen. 

" ADVERTISEMENT. 

It may be wise to advertise, 

The work is now in hand, 

He makes a heel, neat and genteel 

As any in the land. 

Court, block and stick, made neat and sleek 

None equal in the state. 

All those that view, may say 'tis true, 

What I do here relate. 

But, to be short, another sort 

Of heels, are called, spring. 

By John Smith made, this is his trade : 



540 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS 

He served and learned, at Lynn. 
Truly 'tis said, these heels are made 
Within old Providence, 
Sold by wholesale, or at retail, 
One dozen, for twelve pence. 
The purchaser need go no further 
Only inquire of Bene Thurber, 
And he can show you where to stop. 
Because he lives close to my shop. 
A bunch of grapes, is Thurber's sign, 
A shoe and boot is made on mine. 
My shop doth stand in Bowen's lane 
And Jonathan Cady is my name." 

The next week some brother poetaster addressed 
the following distich to the rhyming cobbler. 

" To Mr. Jonathan Cady. 

Make an end to your rhymes, close accounts with the past. 
And take to your heels and you'll speed well at last" 

The following advertisement copied from the 
Gazette of the same year, shows, that the complaints 
so rife in more modern times, against domestic 
servants, are of long standing. Its insertion may 
induce some of the complainants to enquire wheth- 
er part of the evils complained of do not originate 
from themselves. 

" Five Hundred Dollars Reward. — Was mislaid, or ta- 
ken away by mistake, (soon after the formation of the abolition 
society,) from the servant girls in this town, all inclination to do 
any kind of work, and left in lieu thereof, an impudent appear- 
ance, a strong and continued thirst for high wages, a gossiping 
disposition for every sort of amusement, a leering and hankering 
after persons of the other sex, a desire of finery and fashion, a 
never-ceasing trot after new places more advantageous for steal- 
ing, with a number of contingent accomplishments, that do not 
suit the wearers. Now if any person or persons will restore to 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 541 

the owners that degree of honesty and industry, which has 
been for some time missing, he or they shall receive the above 
reward of five hundred dollars, besides the warmest blessings of 
many abused householders." 

Sometimes, it is difficult to discover the connec- 
tion between the sign and the commodities offered 
for sale. That Shakespeare's head should be se- 
lected as a sign for a printing office, or bookstore, 
or a Buck and a Glove, for a leather dresser's shop, 
excites no surprise. But why a dealer in English 
and India goods, should select for his sign, an Ele- 
phant, a Golden Eagle, a Boy and a Book, a Black- 
boy and a Butt, a Fish and a Frying-pan, a Golden 
Fox, a Black Boy, a Bunch of Grapes, the Sultan's 
Head, or a Brazen Lion, is by no means so appar- 
ent. Such were, however, some of the signs as- 
sumed by such dealers, as appears by the early Ga- 
zettes. We ought also to be, occasionally, remind- 
ed of some things to which these advertisements re- 
late. It might influence, at least, our language, to 
others. For instance, the following, inserted in 
January 1763. 

" To be sold for want of employ — A likely, spry, healthy 
negro boy, about ten years of age. Inquire of the printer." 

Some of a similar character are found at later 
dates. In October 1766, is one of the following 
tenor: 

'^ To be sold at public vendue, to the highest bidder, at the 
jail in Providence, on Wednesday 15th of this inst. October, by 
order of the Superior Court, pursuant to his sentence, one Jo- 
seph , a stout, able-bodied, active man, for the terra of 

three years, to satisfy the damages and costs of his prosecution 
and conviction for stealing sundry goods from Mr. Obadiah 
Sprague, of North Providence. W. WIIEATON, Sheriff." 



542 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

In July 1763, the printing office was removed to 
"the store of Judge Jenckes near the great bridge," 
and in March 1765, to " the house opposite Mr. Na- 
than Angell's." This was just North of the First 
Baptist meeting house. After the pubhcation of No. 
134, May 11, 1765, the Gazette was discontinued 
until August 9, 1766. Mr. Goddard says, in No. 
134, that " his hopes far exceeded his success in 
the undertaking," but expressed a determination to 
re-commence his paper as soon as the stamp-act 
should be repealed. On the 24th of August 1765, 
a " Gazette Extraordinary" appeared in which Mr. 
Goddard declared his intention soon to resume the 
publication of the Gazette. Instead, however, of do- 
ing so, he removed himself and part of his printing 
materials to New-York. On the 9th of August 
1 766, the Gazette appeared again, published by Sa- 
rah Goddard & Company, at the printing office near 
the great bridge. In June 1767, it was removed 
to the Post Office, opposite Knight Dexter's. This 
must have been near No. 91, North Main street. — 
Sarah Goddard was mother of William, and he was 
probably "the Company." This copartnership was 
dissolved in September 1767, after which Mr. God- 
dard and John Carter became joint proprietors and 
publishers, and continued so till November, when 
Mrs. Goddard removed from Providence, and Mr. 
Carter became sole proprietor of the Gazette. 

The following passage in the Hfe of Mr. Goddard, 
is described by himself, in his correspondence with 
Mr. Isaiah Thomas, of Worcester: 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 543 

" During the great alarm and stagnation of business, occa- 
sioned by the British stamp-act being passed into a law, to be in 
operation here, T went from Providence to New-York, and as- 
sisted Mr. Holt. He showed me several elegantly written and 
highly spirited essays, against the unjust tax, which no printer 
at New-York dared to publish. I volunteered my services, went 
to Woodbridge, and obtained leave to use the apparatus there 
at pleasure, where I planned a newspaper with this title. 

THE 

CONSTITUTIONAL [Joifl OT die.] COURANT. 

C A snake cut into thirteen parts, with initials in each, em- ) 
l blemating the thirteen colonies, in the centre of the title ) 

Containing matters interesting to liberty, hut no wise repugnant 
to loyalty. 

Then followed an address from the editor, Andrew Marvel, 
mentioning the prudent fears of New- York editors, who declined 
printing the subjoined, awakening performances, lest they and 
their families should be ruined by the hand of power, &c. ob- 
serving, that I had no family and no such apprehensions, and 
having competent knowledge of the printing business, I was 
determined to devote my time and talents to promote the wel- 
fare of my devoted country, in opposition to the alarmino- 
strides of power, &/C., and, intimating if No. 1 was well re- 
ceived, other numbers would follow. The paper was complet- 
ed ending thus : ' Printed by Andrew Marvel, at the sign of 
the bribe refused, Constitution Hill, North-America.' I sent 
them by a confidential agent to New-York. Thousands were 
rapidly sold. It excited much alarm in the government. A 
council was called at the fort, but nothing could be done with 
the petty Junius, who was, in a great degree, the sole depositary 
of his own secret. When troubles were overpast, by the repeal 
of the odious law, this paper was noticed in the Annual Register, 
and Andrew Marvel's address published, the editor of that work 
observing, that it was the most significant paper that made its 
appearance during the troubles in North-America. When one 
of the council at New-York demanded of the hawker, Lawrence 
Sweeney, ' where that incendiary paper was published,' he could 
obtain no other reply than ' at Peter Hassenclaver's Iron works. 



544 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

may it please your honor.' Peter Hassenclaver, a German of 
wealth, carried on extensive iron works, well known in New- 
Jersey. Frequently, afterwards, daring writings appeared with 
this imprint — ' Printed at Peter Hassenclaver's Iron works.' " 

Mr. Goddard afterwards engaged in the publica- 
tion of the " Gazette and Post Boy," in New- York, 
" The Pennsylvania Chronicle and Universal Ad- 
vertiser," in Philadelphia, and " The Maryland Jour- 
nal and Baltimore Advertiser," in Baltimore. In 
1792, he returned to Providence, where he resided 
until his death in 1817. Mr. Thomas says of him, 
in his History of Printing, " few could conduct a 
newspaper better than Goddard ; he was a capable 
editor, and his talents were often drawn into requi- 
sition." He died in 1817, aged 78 years. 

In October 1771, the Providence Gazette was 
printed in " the new building on Main street, front- 
ing the court house," and subsequently " in Meeting 
street, opposite the Friends' meeting-house." In 
November 1793, John Carter and William Wilkin- 
son became partners and joint publishers of the Ga- 
zette, the office being removed to " the Post Office, 
opposite the market." They proposed, in 1795, to 
pubhsh the Gazette semi-weekly, but did not receive 
sufficient encouragement to warrant their doing so. 
The firm continued until May 1799, when Mr. Car- 
ter became again the sole owner of the establish- 
ment, and so continued until February 1814, when 
he conveyed it to Hugh H. Brown and Wilham H. 
Wilson. 

The Gazette, under the editorship of Mr. Carter, 
is such a monument as the firmest patriot and the 
best citizen might honestly desire. He prided him- 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. o45 

self on the typographical correctness of his paper, 
and the public relied on the correctness of its con- 
tents. It would be difficult to find an error in either 
department, justly chargeable to Mr. Carter. He was 
a native of Philadelphia and served his apprentice- 
ship with Dr. Franklin. His friend Mr. Goddard, 
in the correspondence before referred to, described 
him, in 1810, with equal truth and humor, by saying, 
" every virtue appears in full vigor, except his pa- 
tience." He never was remarkable for the last 
named virtue, in matters connected with his business, 
although in ordinary social intercourse, few men ex- 
hibited more courteous manners or a better spirit. 
He died August 19, 1814, in the 70th year of his 
age. 

Messrs. Brown and Wilson published the Gazette 
until June 1816, when it passed into the hands of 
Mr. Brown. He was sole publisher until January 
1 820, when he formed a connexion in business with 
Walter R. Danforth, who had the oversight of the 
editorial department of the paper. The Gazette 
then became a semi-weekly journal, issued during 
the first year, on Mondays and Thursdays, but af- 
terwards on Wednesdays and Saturdays. This ar- 
rangement continued until January 1, 1825, when 
the firm was dissolved, and Mr. Brown became again 
sole owner of the establishment. He remained sole 
proprietor and pubhsher, with Albert G. Greene as 
editor, until October 5, when the Gazette became 
united to the Rhode-Island American. The joint 
establishment was the property of Carlile (Francis 
Y.) and Brown. The place of pubhcation, from 
69 



546 i\EWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

1814 until the union of the two estabUshments, was 
the building at the corner of Market 'Square and 
South Main street. After the union, it was publish- 
ed in one of the buildings on the north side of Mar- 
ket Square. From October 1825, WilUam S. Pat- 
ten was the editor, for one year. Christopher £. 
Robbins succeeded him. In March 1827, the firm 
of Carlile and Brown was dissolved, and Mr. Carlile 
became sole proprietor and publisher, and in April of 
the same year, Benjamin F. Hallett took the edito- 
rial chair. In 1827, " The Microcosm " was united 
to this establishment, and in July 1829, " The Ca- 
det and Statesman." The proprietors, then, were 
Carlile and Parmenter, (Jonathan C.) and the title 
of the semi-weekly paper, " The Rhode-Island 
American, Statesman and Gazette." The proprie- 
tors commenced at the same time the publication of 
a daily paper, under the title of " The Daily Adver- 
tiser." In November 1829, Daniel Mowry, 3d. be- 
came the sole proprietor. The Daily Advertiser 
was discontinued after February 1833. Mr. Mow- 
ry continued the publication of a weekly paper, 
under the title of " The Microcosm, American and 
Gazette," until April 1833, when he sold the estab- 
lishment to James S. Ham and Joseph Knowles. 
They published the paper one year, under the firm of 
J. S. Ham & Co., after which it was discontinued. 

During the revolutionary war, and the troubles 
preceding it, the Providence Gazette advocated 
whig principles. After the peace of 1783, it oppo- 
sed the paper money party in the state, and advoca- 
ted the adoption of the Constitution of the United 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 



647 



States. Subsequently, after the new organization 
of parties, it was a high federal paper, in the latter 
part of its existence, it espoused the cause of anti- 
masonry. During the first half century of its exist- 
ence, the opinions of the editor are seldom given 
on any subject. The reader is supphed with facts, 
and left to draw his own conclusions from them. 

The next newspaper, in order of time, was " The 
American Journal and General Advertiser." It was 
pubhshed weekly, on Thursdays, by Southwick (Sol- 
omon) and Wheeler, (Bennett) from March until 
November 1779, at the corner of North Main and 
Meeting streets, and subsequently by Mr. Wheeler, 
on the west side of the river. The pubhcation was 
continued nearly, if not quite, up to the commence- 
ment of " The United States Chronicle." 

" The United States Chronicle, Political, Com- 
mercial and Historical," was a weekly paper, com- 
menced in January 1784, by Bennett Wheeler, and 
pubhshed on Thursdays. He printed it for eighteen 
years, bringing it down to 1802, when it was discon- 
tinued. The Chronicle advocated the adoption of 
the constitution of the United vStates, and the gen- 
eral views of the federal party. 

The earhest semi-weekly paper in Providence, 
was " The State Gazette and Town and County 
Advertiser." The first number bears date January 
4, 1796. The publisher and proprietor was Joseph 
Fry. It was a small paper, even for those times. 
The days of publication were Mondays and Thurs- 
days, and the place, " the north side of Market 



548 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

Square." It continued at least six months, but did 
not probably survive the first year. 

'' The Providence Journal and Town and County 
Advertiser," was a weekly paper, pubhshed by 
John Carter, jr. on Wednesdays, for three years, 
commencing January 1^ 1799. 

Mr. Samuel J. Wilhams commenced the publica- 
tion of " The Impartial Observer," in July 1 800. 
It was a weekly paper, printed on Mondays. 
Benoni Williams became the publisher, after March 
1801. It was discontinued after the second year. 
Proposals were issued by Mr. Williams for the pub- 
lication of a paper in the place of the Impartial 
Observer, to be called " Liberty's Centinel," a 
few numbers of which were published. 

" The Providence Phenix" commenced in May 
1803. The publishers were Theodore A. Foster 
and Wilham W. Dunham. It was published weekly, 
on Saturdays, in Westminster street. Mr. Foster 
left the concern, after the first year, and Mr. Dun- 
ham continued sole publisher, until July 1805, the 
place of publication being changed to Market 
Square. Wilham Olney succeeded Mr. Dunham, 
and published the Phenix until his death, January 
10, 1807. He was succeeded by Jones (Josiah) 
and Wheeler (Bennett H.) In 1816, they changed 
the name to that of " The Providence Patriot and 
Columbian Phenix." From January 1 , 1819, it was 
pubhshed semi-weekly, on Wednesdays and Satur- 
days, by Jones, Wheeler, and Barzillai Cranston, 
under the firm of J. Jones and company. Mr. 
Cranston left the concern after the first year. The 



NEWSPAPERS AiND PERIODICALS, 549 

publication was continued by Jones and Wheeler, 
until May 1823, when Eaton W. Maxcy succeeded 
Mr, Wheeler, and the name of the firm was changed 
to Jones and Maxcy. After one year, Mr. Maxcy 
left, and was succeeded by Wilham Simons, and 
the firm's name again changed to Jones and Simons, 
and so continued, until December 1829. Mr. Si- 
mons then left the concern, after which it was pub- 
Hshed by Mr. Jones, as agent, for about three years, 
during a part of which period, James O. Rockwell 
was editor. Soon after this time, the Patriot 
was discontinued. During the whole of its exist- 
ence, it was a high party paper, of the JeflTersonian 
school of politics. 

" The Rhode-Island Farmer," was the title of a 
weekly paper, printed by Heaton (David) and Wil- 
liams, (Benoni) commencing in the summer of 1804, 
and continuing about one year. Amos Hopkins 
was the reputed editor. 

"The American" was commenced October 21, 
1808, by Dunham (Wilham W.) and Hawkins (Da- 
vid, jr.) This was the second semi-weekly paper 
printed in Providence. After the first year, the 
name was altered to "The Rhode-Island American." 
The days of pubhcation were Tuesdays and Fridays, 
and the place, the north side of Market square. 
Dunham and Hawkins continued the publishers 
until May 1812, when Mr. Hawkins became sole 
proprietor, and so remained until October 1813. 
He then disposed of the establishment to Miller 
(John) and Man (Wilham W.) who continued its 
publication until April 1814. Up to this late date, 



660 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

there was no regular editor to this paper. Then 
WiUiam G. Goddard became joint proprietor with 
Miller & Man, and assumed the charge of the edi- 
torial department. In January 1815, Mr. Miller re- 
tired from the concern, and the pubhcation was con- 
tinued by Goddard and Man, until the death of Mr. 
Man in March 1817, when Mr. Goddard became 
sole proprietor. The paper was pubhshed by God- 
dard and Knowles (James D.) from July 1819, until 
October 1820, when Mr. Knowles retiring, Mr. 
Goddard became, again, sole publisher as well as 
proprietor, and so continued until October 1825, 
when he transferred the establishment to Francis Y. 
Carlile, who immediately connected it with the 
Providence Gazette, as has been before stated. 

The American was ever a decided advocate of 
the principles and pohcy of the old Federal party. 

During the last war, a weekly paper was started 
in Providence, under the name of " The Providence 
Centinel and War Chronicle." Herman B. and 
Daniel Man, were the publishers, and George R. 
Burrill, the editor. But a few numbers were ever 
published. 

"The Manufacturers' and Farmers' Journal, and 
Providence and Pawtucket Advertiser," commenc- 
ed in January 1820. It was issued on Mondays and 
Thursdays. Miller (John) and Hutchens (John) 
were the publishers, and William E. Richmond the 
editor. The editor's name was withdrawn from the 
imprint, after the first year. At the end of the third 
year, Mr. Miller became the sole proprietor, and so 
continued, till May 1833, when he entered into co- 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 551 

partnership with George Paine. They published 
the Journal, up to January 1 , 1 836, when the es- 
tablishment passed into the hands of George W. 
Jackson, who retained it until July 1838, when he 
transferred it to Knowles (Joseph) and Burroughs 
(Wilham L.) These last named gentlemen owned 
the establishment up to February 1839, when Mr. 
Burroughs transferred his interest to John W. Vose. 
In July 1840, Knowles and Vose transferred a part 
of the establishment to Henry B. Anthony. Mr. An- 
thony assumed the editorial chair in July 1 838. Pre- 
vious to that time, Benjamin F. Hallett, Thomas Riv- 
ers, Lewis Gaylord Clark, and Thomas H. Webb, had 
successively been editors of the Journal, although no 
editor's name appeared in the imprint, after the first 
year. In 1 824, the Independent Inquirer was united 
to the Journal establishment, and after that time, it 
was issued from the same office. In July 1829, the 
proprietors commenced publishing a daily paper, un- 
der the name of " The Providence Daily Journal." 
"The Courier" became united to the Journal, in 
1840, and was issued only semi-weekly, on Tues- 
days and Fridays. 

The leading object of the Journal, at its outset, 
was to aid the cause of home industry and domestic 
manufactures. It did good service to that cause 
then, and has ever been its faithful and efficient ad- 
vocate. In questions of general politics, it is identi- 
fied with the Whig party in the state and country. 
Though it is now in its green old age, it has surviv- 
ed all the other newspapers which were in course of 
publication at its commencement. 



552 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 



" The Independent Inquirer" commenced Au- 
gust 27, 1823. It was published weekly for about 
one year, by Barnum Field, after which he trans- 
ferred the establishment to the Journal. 

" The Beacon" was issued weekly for more than 
two years, commencing January 10th 1824, by Wil- 
ham S. Spear. It was a fearless paper, in the most 
extended signification of the term. 

" The Microcosm" was also a weekly paper. It 
was commenced June 10, 1825, by Walter R. Dan- 
forth. After No. 13 of the third volume, it was 
transferred to the Rhode-Island American, as before 
stated. 

" The Literary Cadet and Saturday Evening Bul- 
letin," was the title of a weekly paper, commenced 
April 22d, 1826, by Smith (Samuel J.) & Parmenter 
(Jonathan C.) After the first year, it became a semi- 
weekly. This was a very popular newspaper, and at 
an early day of its existence is said to have obtained 
a weekly circulation of about four thousand cop- 
ies. Sylvester S. Southworth was the editor of it 
during the greater part of its existence. In July, 
1 829, it was united to the American and Gazette. 

" The Investigator and General Intelhgencer" 
was published weekly, by James B. Yerrinton, com- 
mencing in October 1827. William Goodell was 
editor, and the place of publication the Canal Mar- 
ket building. This was a political paper, not at- 
tached however to any party, of course it received 
the patronage of neither, but on the contrary was 
opposed by all. In December 1828, it was removed 
to Boston and united to the " National Philanthro- 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 553 

pist." Subsequently, it was united to the " Genius of 
Temperance," and carried to New-York, where it 
was discontinued. 

In 1818, a small paper entitled "The Juvenile 
Gazette," was published a few months. Origen 
Bacheler edited it at first, and subsequently William 
H. Smith. Hugh H. Brown printed it. 

" The Repubhcan Herald," under the title of 
" The Herald," commenced in August 1828. The 
following month, it was enlarged, and the name 
changed. John S. Greene, was the printer and 
publisher until July 1829, when he transferred it to 
William Simons, jr. who has ever since published it. 
He removed the place of publication from " the 
Whitaker building" so called, to the north side of 
Market Square. The Herald was published weekly 
on Saturdays, up to January 1 832, after which it was 
issued on Wednesdays and Saturdays. In February 
1840, Mr. Simons commenced the publication of 
" The Daily Evening Herald," but discontinued it, 
after about six months, for want of support. The 
Herald has always advocated Democratic principles. 

" i'he Beacon Light" commenced Saturday, 
March 11, 1829, and continued but a short time. — 
W. A. Brown was the publisher of it. In May fol- 
lowing, the same pubhsher issued " The Little Gen- 
ius," which was also a short lived paper. 

" The Literary Subaltern," was first published 
semi-weekly, commencing January 1, 1829. At 
the close of the first year, it became a weekly paper. 
William Marshall was the publisher until October 2, 
1829, when he transferred it to Hall (John W. D.) 
70 



554 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

and Simmons (Brown.) Mr. Hall relinquished his 
interest in the concern to Mr. Simmons, who re- 
mained sole publisher until November 30, 1832, 
when he sold the establishment to Sylvester S. 
Southworth, who published it but a short time. He 
was the editor of it from its commencement. This 
was a literary and political paper, and fearlessly in- 
dependent. 

" The Providence Free Press" began in April, 
1830, in this city, having been previously, for some 
time, published in Pawtucket. During its publica- 
tion, which was but a single year, it was the organ 
of the Anti-Masonic party in the state. 

"The Chronicle of the Times," was the title of 
a newspaper, a few numbers only of which were 
pubhshed. The first number bears date September 
18th, 1831. Bennett H. Wheeler was proprietor 
and editor. 

" The Scourge," was published in the year 1810, 
occasionally. It bore the name of no printer, pub- 
lisher or editor. The contents were generally so 
personal, as to render secrecy desirable by all con- 
cerned in it. Only three or four numbers were 
published. 

There is another class of Periodicals almost ex- 
clusively devoted to the diffusion of religious infor- 
mation. These are ordinarily of a sectarian origin 
and character. So many different sects have always 
existed in Providence, in proportion to its popula- 
tion, that such publications have always had but lit- 
tle patronage, not enough to sustain them for any 
considerable length of time. 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 555 

The first, in order of time, was " The Rehgious 
IntelHgencer or Christian Monitor." This was a 
weekly paper, of quarto form, of four pages. It 
was pubhshed, at the American office, and edited by 
James D. Knowles. The first number is dated May 
13, 1820. After six months, he discontinued it, for 
want of support. 

In May, 1821, Barber Badger, revived this paper, 
under the name of ^' The Rehgious Intelhgencer." 
After a few numbers, it assumed the name of "The 
Rhode-Island Religious Intelhgencer." It was is- 
sued from the same office, weekly. In May, 1823, 
it was enlarged to a folio, and became a half news- 
paper, with the title of " The Religious Intelligen- 
cer and Evening Gazette." It was published in 
this form, one year. 

" The Rhode-Island Baptist" was published in 
monthly numbers, from October 1823, to September 
1824. Allen Brown was the editor and publisher, 
and John Miller the printer. 

" The Christian Telescope" commenced August 
7, 1 824. It was a weekly quarto, of four pages, 
and was edited by David Pickering, pastor of the 
First Universalist church, and printed and published 
by Barzillai Cranston, for one year. After that, 
John S. Greene became the pubhsher. In August 
1826, it was enlarged to eight pages, and the title 
changed to " The Christian Telescope and Univer- 
salist Miscellany." In December 1826, F. C. Swain 
became associated with Mr. Greene in the publica- 
tion of this paper. From December 1 826, to Sep- 
tember 1 827, it was printed by Cranston and Mar- 



556 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS 

shall, after that Mr. Greene printed it and was sole 
publisher. He changed the form to a folio, and the 
name to " The Christian Telescope and Friday 
Morning General InteUigencer," in November 1828, 
and Jacob Frieze became associated with Mr. Pick- 
ering in the editorship. It was discontinued in the 
year 1829. 

" The Anti-Universalist," commenced in 1827, 
was the antagonist of the Christian Telescope. Ori- 
gin Baclieler was its publisher and editor, and James 
B. Yerrinton, the printer, a part of the time, at least. 
It was removed to Boston in December 1828, where, 
after undergoing various changes of proprietor, print- 
er, editor, and even name itself, it ceased to be. 

" The Hopkinsian Magazine," edited by Otis 
Thompson, of Rehoboth, and printed by Hugh H. 
Brown, was published from 1824 to 1840. 

" The Freewill Baptist Magazine," commenced 
in May 1826. The first volume consists of eight 
numbers, which were published quarterly, by seve- 
ral elders of the Rhode-Island Quarterly Meeting, 
Zalmon Tobey being the editor, and Barzillai 
Cranston the printer. After the first volume, the 
Quarterly Meeting assumed the pubhcation of the 
work, which extended through two volumes more, 
up to May 1 830. The last two volumes were issued 
in monthly numbers, under the same editor, the first 
of them being printed by James B. Yerrington, and 
the other by Marshall & Hammond. 

" The Rehgious Messenger," was the title of a 
weekly quarto of four pages, commenced July 2, 
1825. It was printed by Barnum Field, for Origen 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 557 

Bachelor, editor, every Saturday morning. In 1826 
and 1827 it was published under the title of " The 
Rhode-Island Rehgious Messenger," by James B. 
Yerrington and Yerrington & Elhs, " under the pa- 
tronage of the Rhode-Island State Convention," and 
edited by a committee of that body, until August 
12, 1826, when James N. Seaman became the 
editor. In the course of the year 1827, it was en- 
larged to a folio form, and William Goodell became 
the editor. In January 1828, it was published on 
Friday mornings, and v/as probably discontinued that 
year. This was a sectarian paper, only so far as to 
make it accord with the views of what were called 
"Evangelical Christians," and yet, though patronised 
by so large a class of Christians, it died for want of 
support. 

" The Gospel Preacher," was published about one 
year from December 1827. David Pickering was 
the editor, and John S. Greene the printer. It was 
issued monthly, in octavo form, each number con- 
taining two original sermons, by Universalist minis- 
ters. 

" The Union Conference Magazine," was the ti- 
tle of a periodical published in August 1829, by 
Ray Potter. It was devoted to the interests of 
the Freewill Baptists. One number only was pub- 
lished. 

" The Rhode-Island Journal and Sunday School 
and Bible Class Advocate," was a semi-monthly 
publication, edited and published by the Rev. David 
Benedict, during the year 1831. 

"The Sunday School Herald." A single sheet with 



558 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

this title was published on the 26th day of April 1832, 
under the patronage of the Sunday School Union. 

No papers of this class were being published at 
the time of the adoption of the city charter. Those 
that previously existed, had stopped, and generally 
after a comparatively short race, and for want of 
patronage. This did not happen because the citi- 
zens of Providence did not patronize such pubUca- 
tions. There can be no doubt, that their subscrip- 
tions for such papers published abroad would have 
supported several at home. 

Such also was the case with periodicals purely lit- 
erary. With great exertions, one or two such pub- 
lications have outlived their first year. It will be 
seen that most of this class never attained that age. 

The first in order of time, was " The Rhode- 
Island Literary Repository." This was a monthly 
publication, in octavo form, commenced in April 
1814. The editorial department was under the su- 
pervision of Isaac B9.iley. The publication was 
relinquished at the end of the first volume. Robin- 
son (Martin) and Rowland (Benjamin) were the 
publishers. 

" The Ladies' Magazine " was also published 
monthly. The first number appeared in March 
1823. The second did not appear until August fol- 
lowing. The work was suspended after a few 
months. It was " edited by a lady," and printed by 
John Miller. 

"The Ladies' Museum" commenced in July 
1825. This was published weekly for one year, by 
Eaton W. Maxcy, when it was discontinued. 



NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 559 

" The Toilet and Ladies' Cabinet of Literature," 
was a small weekly quarto of four pages, which 
commenced January 5th, 1828. Josiah Snow was 
the publisher; Owen G. Warren edited it until No- 
vember. After that, Samuel M. Fowler was the 
editor. From August 1828, until November, it was 
published by W. A. Brown, and after that, by Smith 
and Parmenter. The second volume commenced 
January 24, 1829, under the title of " The Satur- 
day Evening Gazette and Ladies' Toilet," in folio 
form. 

This was followed, in 1829, by "> The Bruno- 
nian," edited by students of Brown University. It 
was published monthly, in octavo form, for one year, 
commencing in July. 

" The Original," was the title of a monthly maga- 
zine edited by Frances H. Whipple and printed by 
Marshall and Hammond, in 1829. Two numbers, 
only, were published. 

" The OUa Podrida" was made up principally of 
original matter, and published occasionally by John 
Bisbee, afterward a distinguished Universalist cler- 
gyman. Not more than three or four numbers were 
ever published. 

Some periodicals remain, which could not prop- 
erly be classed with the preceding, but which de- 
serve to be noticed as part of the periodical litera- 
ture of Providence. They are. Almanacs, Direc- 
tories, Registers and Tax books. 

The first Almanac published in Providence, and 
" calculated for its meridian," was by Benjamin 
West, in 1 763. From that year up to the present 



660 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

time, (1843) there always has been at least one print- 
ed each year. Dr. West calculated and pubhshed 
one yearly, with little if any omission, until 1783. 
In 1769, Abraham Weatherwise published one, and 
in 1790, and in several successive years, Bennett 
Wheeler pubhshed his " North American Calendar." 
The venerable Isaac BickerstafF commenced here 
his labors in almanac-making, as early as 1781. 
Each succeeding year since, has added one to his 
literary progeny. Notwithstanding the increase of 
rival publications addressed to the religious and po- 
litical partialities, and to the various prejudices of 
the prevailing ism of the year, whatever it is, the 
works of Mr. BickerstafF are sought after with 
avidity. His omission recently, to publish prognos- 
tications in relation to the weather, have diminished, 
in some degree, his popularity ; but no other alma- 
nac-maker could have sustained himself, after such 
a departure from long estabhshed usage. 

The pubhcation of " The Rhode-Island Register 
and United States Calendar," commenced in 1819, 
by Hugh H. Brown. This was continued annually 
until 1832, by him, and by the firm of Brown & Dan- 
forth. 

The first " Directory" of Providence, was pub- 
hshed by Brown & Danforth, in 1824. Since that 
time a Directory has generally been published once 
in two or three years. 

The publication of the " Tax Book," commenced 
in 1827, and has generally been followed up every 
year since. Though written principally in Arabic 
characters and abounding in figurative language, it 



xNEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 561 

is a work much conned over. That part of it which 
points out what each individual is bound to pay 
toward the public burdens, is, in most instances, read 
with a sigh, by the persons interested, while that 
part which contains the reasons for the apportion- 
ment, the valuation of each, is perused with pleas- 
urable sensations. Many a man is not aware of 
his wealth, till he finds it in this book, while others 
enjoy a secret pleasure in its perusal, arising from 
the success of their endeavors to conceal their pros- 
perity. Upon the whole, it is rather a taking work. 



71 



CHAPTER TENTH. 

PURCHASES OF THE NATIVES, AND DIVISIONS OF 
THE TOWN. 

It was the misfortune of most of the Enghsh col- 
onies in America, to be early and deeply involved in 
disputes with one another in relation to their respect- 
ive jurisdictions and boundaries. These arose partly 
from the conflicting and contradictory patents grant- 
ed by the English sovereigns, and the boundaries 
prescribed in successive charters. No one can pe- 
ruse these instruments without being struck with the 
utter ignorance of the geography of the country, and 
with the utter recklessness of consequences, which 
they evince. It is scarcely possible to conceive 
that the vast tracts of land which they convey could 
ever have been esteemed so valueless as these cir- 
cumstances prove that they were ; and yet, nothing 
but their small value at that time, could have pre- 
vented such innumerable and endless quarrels as 
would ruin any country, however valuable. Anoth- 
er fruitful source of disputes, was the ambiguity, 
vagueness and uncertainty, which pervaded most of 
the grants that the colonies received from the natives. 
These arose, in some instances, probably from de- 
sign, and in others, from the difficulty of communi- 
cation between the parties. Hence in part origina- 



INDIAN PURCHASES, &c. 563 

ted the distrust and jealousy of the natives, which 
continually filled the colonists with fears, and occa- 
sionally overwhelmed them in blood ; and hence, 
also, private bickerings and disputes between ad- 
joining colonies as to title, which frequently disturb- 
ed the peace of these infant settlements. As the 
disputes first alluded to, related principally to juris- 
diction, and grew out of the grants from the com- 
mon sovereign of them all, they were definitely set- 
tled by appealing to that sovereign. But the latter 
were more lasting, because no such effectual and 
speedy method existed for their settlement; and 
more acrimonious, as they involved individual inter- 
est and private feeling. 

The colony of Providence was happily exempted 
from disputes of the first class ; not that the causes 
that produced them elsewhere, were not also in ac- 
tive operation here, producing the like results, but as 
the colonists of Providence had neither patent nor 
charter from England, except as united with the 
other colonies within the state, all those colonies so 
united, were the party in these disputes, and they be- 
long to the history of the state, rather than to the 
history of the town. Difficulties enough, however, 
arose from the other cause, to retard the growth and 
mar the tranquillity of the town, during almost the 
whole of the first century of its existence. The 
deed of the sachems to Mr. Williams, which is given 
on page 26, is, in an especial manner, liable to the 
charge of ambiguity and vagueness. The bounds 
established and confirmed by it, " from the river 
and fields of Pawtucket, the great hill of Neotacon- 



664 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

kanitt, on the northwest, and the town of Masha^ 
paug on the west," are more exact and certain than 
those of most deeds of the same kind, executed at 
the same period. " The great hill of Neotoconka- 
nitt" still retains its location and its name. It is 
about three miles westerly from where Weybosset 
bridge now stands. "The town of Mashapaug" 
was near the pond that now bears the same name 
about two miles south of Neotaconkanitt. " The 
river and fields of Pawtucket," have given their 
name to the village of North Providence, which now 
probably occupies the place of the " fields." Had 
the description ended here, or added as a southern 
bound the Pawtuxet river, there would have been 
little difficulty or doubt about the matter. But it 
does not ; the deed goes on, for a new considera- 
tion, to grant " all that land from those rivers" (that 
is, the Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket,) " reach- 
ing to Pawtuxet river ; as also the grass and mead- 
ows upon the said Pawtuxet river." 

This clause is apparently inconsistent with the 
preceding part of the deed, and the meaning of the 
whole instrument is rendered by it, vague and uncer- 
tain. The extent of the grant is made tenfold more 
uncertain, by the confirmation, as it was called, 
which was appended to it in 1639. Miantonomi, 
one of the original grantors, then confirmed the 
deed and " acknowledged this his act and hand up 
the streams of Pawtucket and Pawtuxet, without 
limits, we might have for our use of cattle." — 
Such was the indefinite extent of the first purchase 
of Providence. With such bounds, if bounds thev 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 665 

may be called, it must have required the greatest 
prudence on the part of the settlers, to prevent diffi- 
culties between them and the ignorant and jealous 
Narragansetts. They succeeded, however, in main- 
taining peaceable relations with them, while strife 
and contention between themselves divided them 
into parties, and weakened and almost destroyed 
the system of government which they had established. 

This deed was understood to convey little more 
than the right of jurisdiction over the land it describ- 
ed. The general right that the sachem possessed in 
the soil, passed under it, but such Indians as had 
built wigwams, or planted upon it, were also to be 
satisfied. In some instances, individuals among the 
purchasers, bought off the natives residing on their 
lands, and in others the whole body of purchasers join- 
ed, and, from their common stock, paid them for 
their right in the soil, and it was not uncommon that 
a succession of such claimants would appear, and re- 
ceive satisfaction. The sums paid to these individ- 
uals, generally far exceeded the amount paid to the 
sachems. 

In 1646, Massasoit, sachem of the Wampanoags, 
laid claim to the sovereignty of part of the purchase, 
or of land adjoining it. It is generally supposed 
that his jurisdiction never extended beyond the Nar- 
ragansett bay and the Seekonk river. Yet, in those 
times, it was deemed expedient to quiet their pos- 
session by purchase of every claimant, however friv- 
olous or unfounded his claim might be, rather than 
to expose themselves to the imputation of denying 
the right of the natives to the soil on which they 



566 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

dwelt. In this case, an agreement was made with 
Massasoit, for a conveyance of his pretended right. 
The terms were settled and the deed drawn, but when 
it was presented to him for his signature he refused 
to execute it. The circumstances are detailed at 
length in the following " testimony" copied from 
the state records. 

Wapewasik, over against Portsmouth 10. 7. 46 so called. — 
We, Gregory Dexter, Thomas Olney, Roger Williams and 
Robert Williams, in a word of truth and faithfulness declare, 
that being requested by the town of Providence, in our name 
and in their behalf, to buy the right which Ousamequin pretend- 
eth to a parcel of land, which lies between our bounds at Paw- 
tuckqut and an Indian plantation northwest from thence called 
Loquassuck, and knowing that our town had right to the feed- 
ing and grazing of cattle upon the said parcel of land, by our 
grant of the Nanhygganset purchase before such times as they 
since released him of his subjection, as also, that it was upland, 
from the water and most of it barren and rocky, without meadow ; 
so making a journey to Ousamequin's house, offered him but 
fifteen fathom of white wampum (it being a time when white 
wampum only was current, and which we knew he would accept) 
but he desired to have commodities and wampum, and, at last, 
we agreed upon ten fathom of white wampum, four coats of En- 
glish cloth, six of the best English hoes, and English axes, and 
twelve great knives, which wampum and commodities, he desir- 
ing speedy payment, we went, all of us, over to Portsmouth, to 
procure the said wampum and commodities, he furnishing us 
with a canoe and a native, where some of us performed good 
service for him, in some controversies between the English and 
him. We brought him the wampum, which he accepted of, the 
coats also, which he accepted of, and received the cloth, choos- 
ing out of two parcels, but of twelve knives he ch;:se eight, out 
of six hoes, he chose one, we promising to procure him the rest 
of the hoes and hatchets and knives to his liking, which lie was 
fully content. Afterward going to sleep, he begged two coats 
of us, which we promised to give him : yet in the morning some 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 567 

of us refusing to sell him shot, as also all refusing to give him 
four coats more, he took forth ouf money and goods again to us, 
which we refused, not being willing to countenance such deal- 
ing in the barbarians, and having before, in their payments and 
a coat to his chancellor which he desired, and other small gifts 
unto them, laid out the value of about forty fathom of wampum, 
we were not willing to wrong our own country in granting his 
desire of four coats, and so unreasonably to raise the price of 
such parcels of land in this barbarous wilderness, and, therefore, 
we declare, that the said land, according to a fair and righteous 
bargain, belongs to the town of Providence, the town paying to 
Ousamequin, as aforesaid. 

Roger Williams, Robert Williams, 

Gregory Dexter, Thomas Olney. 

In 1658, a committee was appointed to treat with 
the Indians who claim Loisquisset, and clear it for 
the town. There is no report of their proceedings. 

The Court of Commissioners, in May 1659, au- 
thorised the town to buy off the Indians within their 
bounds, and to add not exceeding three thousand 
acres to their jurisdiction, by purchase of the sachems. 
They soon availed themselves of the liberty first 
granted. At the same time they also took deeds 
from the sachems, successors of Conanicus and 
Miantonomi. In these, the western bounds of the 
colony are more clearly defined. By one of the 
two parties that then divided the town, these were 
called deeds of mere confirmation ; the other party 
considered them as new purchases. 

" Providence, the 3d month, ^Oth day, 1659. 
This be known to all that it may concern, in all ages to come, 
that I Caujaniquaunte, sachem of the Narragansetts, ratify and 
confirm to the men of Providence, and to the men of Pawtux- 
cette, their lands and deed, that my brother Meantonomeah 
made over and disposed to them, namely, all the lands between 



568 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

Pawtucket river and Pawtuxet river, up the streams without 
limit for their use of cattle ; and I also do for summer and win- 
ter feeding of their cattle and ploughing and all other necessary 
improvements, as for farms and all manner of plantations what- 
soever : This land, I say, above said, I confirm to the aforesaid 
men at this present, twenty full miles, beginning to measure 
from a hill, called Fox's hill, upon a straight line, running up 
into the country between Pawtuckette and Pawtuxcette river. 
This land and these appurtenances I hereby confirm to them 
and their heirs and assigns forever, and that my heirs and assigns 
shall not molest them nor their assigns forever in any of the 
lands above said ; and that I am always ready to defend their ti- 
tle from the claim of any Indians whatsoever. In witness where- 
of I hereto set my hand. 

The mark of ^^* — |***-^ CAUJANIQUAUNTE. 




The witnesses, 
AWAUSHOWES, his f mark. 
Mattackcees, called Newcom, his V\ mark. 

We also witnesses : 

Nathaniel Waterman, 

Andrew Harris. 

I, Aiaquaomit, own this my father his act and deed, which is 
above written, and do acknowledge, that I have received full 
satisfaction for all the right and claim which could be laid by 
me unto any of those lands which my brother hath sold unto the 
men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxett. Witness my 
hand this 28 of April in the year 1660. 



^ 



The mark V.— fr"*--' of AIAQUAOMIT. 



W The mark of Mattackcees, alias Newcom. 
Thomas Olney Junior. 

For Pawtuxette and Providence, the 6 mo, 13 day, 1659. 

This be known to all ages upon any just occasion, that we 
Cussuckquanth and Nenekealah chief sachems over the Indians 
in these parts of the country, ratify and confirm to the men of 
Providence and the men of Pawtuxette, their lands according to 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 569 

their joint agreements, which our brother Meantenomeah pos- 
sessed them with, that is, all the lands between Pawtuck- 
ette and Pawtuckcett, between the streams of these rivers, and 
up these streams without limits, or as far as they shall think fit. 
These lands and the appurtenances, we confirm to them, in and 
for good considerations, to them, their heirs and assigns forever, 
Nevertheless, it shall not be lawful for the aforesaid men to re- 
move the Indians that are up in the country, except they shall 
satisfy those Indians, and so cause them to depart willingly, neither 
shall any of those Indians sell any part of their said lands to any 
man whatsoever, only it shall be lawful for those Indians to re- 
ceive some recompence for their removing off, if they see cause, 
of the aforesaid Englishmen of Providence or Pawtuxette ac- 
cording to their joint agreement. Also we bind our heirs and 
assigns forever not to molest, the aforesaid men nor their heirs 
nor assigns upon any of the aforesaid lands forever. 
Witness our hands 

CUSSUCKaUANTH his mark :— > 
NENEKEALAH his mark * * 

AwATHowEs his mark *- 

Richard Ssiith, 

James Smith. 

These bear witness to all ages to come, to such as are con- 
cerned herein. That w«, Scuttape and Q,uequaganewet, son to 
Meakeaw, son to Q,uanuanone, called by the English Qun- 
nounicus uncle to Meantonomeah, who made a peace with the 
English in the Massachusetts, for all the Indians in these parts, in 
the time of the Pequote war with the English. This our grand- 
father and cousin, chief sachems, granted to Roger Williams, 
agent for the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett, a 
tract of land, reaching from Pawtucket river to Pawtuxcett riv- 
er, all the lands between the streams of those rivers, and up 
those streams without limits for their use of cattle, did they grant 
to the men abovesaid, the men of Providence and the men of 
Pawtuxcett to whom we establish the lands aforesaid up the 
streams of those rivers, and confirm without limits, or as far as 
the men abovesaid of Providence and Pawtuxcett shall judge 
convenient for their use of cattle, as feeding, ploughing, plant- 

72 



570 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

ing all manner of plantations whatsoever ; we say, all the lands, 
according to the limits abovesaid, we establish and confirm to 
the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett, accordincr 
to their joint agreement, in the most absolute tenure of fee sim- 
ple, to them, their heirs and assigns forever, and hereby bind 
ourselves, our heirs and assigns, not to molest or trouble the men 
abovesaid in the full enjoyment of the land abovesaid. Never- 
theless, it shall not be lawful for the men abovesaid to remove 
the Indians, that are up in the country from their fields, without 
the Indians' consent and content, nor shall it be lawful for any of 
those Indians to sell any of the lands abovesaid to any, only it 
shall be lawful for them, to take of the men of Providence and the 
men of Pawtuxcett, according to their joint agreement, satis^ 
faction for their removing. And we have established to the 
men abovesaid the land and deed granted by our grandfather and 
cousin, so do we also confirm the grants of confirmation by our 
cousins Cussuckquanth, Caujaniquanutte and Nenekealah. 

The mark of SCUTTAPE, J 

Dated this first of December 1659 — 
Signed and delivered in presence of us 

Manatash, q his mark, Indian interpreter, 

Nantomoroawe, I his mark, 

Richard Smith, 

Richard Smith jr. 

James Smith, 

William Dvre. 



The mark of aUEaUAGANEWET. 




In February following, a grant of thirty shillings 
was made to Aioquomitt, in consideration of his deed. 
A committee, consisting of Thomas WalHng, Henry 
Brown, WiUiam Harris, WiUiam Wickenden, John 
Fenner and Daniel Brown, was appointed " to set 
the bounds of the plantation twenty miles from Fox's 
hill westward, up in the country," in pursuance of 
the deeds last copied. 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 571 

That Mr. Williams was dissatisfied with these pro- 
ceedings, is evident from the following correspon- 
dence, between him and the town, in October of 
this year: 

" Loving Friends and Neighbors — Divers of yourselves have 
so cried out of the contentions of your late meetings, that (study- 
ing my quietness) I thought fit to present you these few lines. 
Two words, I pray you to consider. First, as to this plantation 
of Providence ; then, as to some new plantation, if it shall 
please the same God of mercies, who provided this, to provide 
another, in mercy for us. 

First, as to this town. Although I have been called out of 
late to declare my understanding as to the bounds of Providence 
and Pawtuxet, and although divers have land and meadows in 
possession, beyond these bounds, yet I [illegible] that none 
of you think me so senseless as to put any barbarian to molest 
an Englishman or to demand a farthing of any of you. 

Second. If any do, (as formerly some have done and di- 
vers have given gratuities, as Mr. Field, about Neotoconkanitt, 
and others) I promise, that as I have been assistant to satisfy 
and pacify the natives round about us, so I hope I shall, still 
while I live, be helpful to any of you, that may have occasion 
to use me. 

Now as to some new plantations, I desire to propose that 
which may quench contention, may accommodate such who 
want, and may also return monies unto such as have of late 
disbursed. To this purpose, I desire, that we be patient and 
not torment ourselves and the natives, sachem and people, put- 
ting them upon mischievous remedies, with the great noise of 
twenty miles new, or old purchases. 

Let us consider if Miswosaket and Wayunkeke, and the land 
thereabout, may not afford a new and comfortable plantation, 
which we may go through with all effectual endeavors, for true 
public good. To this end, I pray you consider, that the inhabit- 
ants of these parts with most of the Cowesets and Nipmucks, 
have long since forsaken the Narragansett sachems, and sub- 
jected themselves to the Massachusetts ; and yet, they are free 



672 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

to sell their lands to any whom the Massachusetts shall not pro- 
test acrainst. To this end, observing their often flights, and to 
stop their running to the Massachusetts, I have parlied with 
them, and find that about thirty pounds will cause them to leave 
those parts and yield peaceable possession, I suppose then that 
the town may do well to give leave to about twenty of the inhab- 
itants (of which I offer to be one, and know others willing) to 
lay down thirty shillings a man toward the purchase. Let every 
one of this number have liberty to remove himself or to place a 
child or friend there. Let every person who shall afterward be re- 
ceived into the purchase lay down thirty shillings, as hath been 
done in Providence, which may be paid, by some order agreed on, 
to such as have lately disbursed monies. Unto the effecting of 
this, I offer, gratis, my time and services, in hopes, that such as 
want may have a comfortable supply amongst us, and others made 
room for, who may be glad of a shelter also. 
Yours, to serve you, 
27, 8, 60, so called. ROGER WILLIAMS." 

The following answer, drawn up by Thomas OI- 
ney, sen. William Harris and Arthur Fenner, was 
returned by the town : 

" We received your letter, and it being read in the ears of the 
town, they considered this answer : 1. That from these words 
in our evidence taken by you which are these, " the lands upon 
Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket," which lands, comprehend 
Masswasacutt, it appears ours already, and when we plant there, 
we will arrree with the Indians either to remove or fence. 3. 
When as you say, the Indians have subjected to the Bay, we 
say, they were subject to the Narragansett sachems when you 
bought the land which we now have, and yourself propose yet to 
buy. And we know, that if we let go our true hold already at- 
tained, we shall, if not ourselves, yet our posterity, smart for it, 
and we conceive herein, that we do truly understand what your- 
self doth not. And if your apprehension take place, as we hope 
it never will, in these your proposals, we haply may see, what, we 
conceive you desire not, the ruin of what you have given name 
to, viz. poor Providence. As for the natives complaining, we 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 573 

have not yet wronged them any further than satisfaction, that 
we know of, nor shall not. What their wrongs to us are, we have 
hitherto rather smothered, than complained, yet we must tell 
you, that we shall not be averse to any fair gratuity, either to 
take them off their fields or otherwise, always having respect un- 
to the act of the sachems, whom you have formerly so much 
honored. And herein, if you can accomplish, we shall be ready 
to assist with further pay, upon our former grounds, otherwise 
we shall not meddle, and forbid any so to do. Thus in love, 
though in brief return, we rest your neighbors. 

The Town of Providence, 

Per me, THOMAS OLNEY, jr. 
Oct. 29, 1660. Clerk in the behalf of the town. 

To Mr. Roger Williams, these." 

I suppose "Miswosaket" and " Masswasacutt," 
in these letters, to refer to the same place. It was 
probably situate near what is now called " Mesh- 
wansecut" pond, in the northeast corner of the 
present town of Scituate. " Wayunkeke " is in 
Smithfield, between the Wanasquatucket and Paw- 
tucket rivers. 

At a town meeting in January 1661, a number of 
townsmen were permitted to purchase Aquidneset, 
reserving a right to all the others to become jointly 
interested with them, by paying a proportion of the 
purchase money, by the first of March. The town 
annex to this permission, a provision that it shall not 
affect the rights of the town acquired from the Nar- 
ragansett sachems. 

In May, the town borrowed £20 to pay for clear- 
ing off certain Indian titles. Probably it was ex- 
pended in procuring the following deeds : 

"Providence, 10, 3, 1661, so called. This certifieth that I, 
Wettiaskant, sachem, formerly living at Wachimoqut, now at 



674 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

Kaukanchavvanshad, do give up and resign to Thomas Olney, 
sen. John Brown and Roger Williams of Providence, for the 
use of the said town, all my interest and claim to a certain 
tract or lordship of land lying west northwest or thereabouts, 
from Providence, called Wayunkeke; the bounds of the said 
lands from the Indian fields at Wayunkeke are eastward to a 
ridge of hills called Pamechipsk, westward to a river called 
Toyasqut, which runs down to Pawtucket, southward to a way 
in the midst of a plain ground between Wayunkeke and Misho- 
nosakit pond, northward to a place called Quttonikanit. The 
said lordship, with all the rights and privileges, fields, meadows, 
rivers, fishings, trees, stones, and whatever else I formerly en- 
joyed there, as mine own inheritance from my father, and long 
by me enjoyed, I now for good consideration, in hand received 
and agreed upon, with my heart resign as aforesaid. Witness 
my hand. 

Witness, The mark of WUTTIASKANT, + 

The mark of George, called Machichacou, or Pigseyes, □ 

The mark of Pompmuanit, O 

William Hake. 

Providence, 27, 10, 61, so called. Be it known unto all men, 
that I, Maugin, called Tom of Wauchimoqut, do freely give up 
all my claim of right to any lands about Notacunckanet, and so 
forward to Sakesakit and Paugatchat, and so from thence for- 
ward to Mishosakit, unto the town of Providence, and promise to 
help the men of Providence to clear the Indians from their 
fields at the places aforesaid. This writing I make to Thomas 
Olney, sen. John Brown, Valentine Whitman and Roger Wil- 
liams, appointed by the town to clear off Indians, for the town's 
use. In witness whereof, I set my mark. 

The mark of H MAUGIN, 
Witness, called Tom of Wauchimoqut. 

Daniel Williams. 

Providence, 12, 1, 1661. Be it known unto all men by these 
presents, that I, Waumsittou, or Sepauqut, chief sachem of Pau- 
kanawqut, do, by these presents, for the consideration of one 
hundred fathom of wampum, and other gifts received, make 
and pass over unto Thomas Olney, sen. John Sayles, John 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 575 

Brown, Valentine Whitman and Roger Williams, all my right 
and interest, claim and challenge, unto any lands, grounds and 
meadows lying and being on the west side of Seecunk or Paw- 
tuckqut river, for the use of the town of Providence, excepting a 
tract of land, about four or five miles, which I gave leave to Wil- 
liam, or Quashawaunamut of Massachuset, to dispose of, which 
said land begins at the old field of Wasquadomisk ; and whereas, 
I have no interest in any land beyond that tract assigned to Wil- 
liam aforesaid, only some subjects of mine lay claim to the next 
tract of land beyond that of William, his tract, called Mashack- 
qunt, I do promise to deal with my said subjects to treat and 
agree with Providence men, if they please, before any other 
English. In witness of the premises, I set to mine hand and 
seal, The mark A of ALEXANDER. 

alias Waumsittou, or Sepaugut. 
In the presence of 

Daniel Williams, 

John Sausaman, 

The mark H of Tom Waciiamoket. 

Providence 24, 4mo, 1662, so called. 

This witnesseth that I, Wesauomog sachem, inhabitant of 
Mishpashit, do by these presents, for good considerations in hand 
received, with which I acknowledge myself fully satisfied, I wive 
and surrender up all my right, interest and claim unto the land 
aforesaid, unto Thomas Olney, sen. John Brown, Valentine 
Whitman and Roger Williams, in the name and for the use of 
the men of Providence and their heirs and assigns forever ; and 
do promise to keep a league of friendship and love with them 
and to endeavor that all the natives of Mashousakit, shall so do, 
and that the English may freely cut the meadows, build houses, 
feed cattle, and plant the ground, in peace and safety. The 
bounds of this land he saith, is southward from the pond of 
Mishousakit about three miles to a pond called Nanipsick,. 
northward joining to Wayunakege, eastward, near Sakesakit^ 
and westward about seven miles. 

In witness of the premises, I subscribe my mark, 

Witness, The mark of WESAUOMOG,, O 

The mark of George, called Pigseyes, □ 

Obadiah Hullmes, 

Marke Luccar. 



576 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

These are all the conveyances made by the na- 
tives to the town that can now be found in the files 
or records. There is a reference to another deed 
from Wuttation. The land that it conveyed, hes 
either in Smithfield or in Burrillville, but neither the 
extent, bounds, or location of it, can be ascertained. 
Purchases were also made from the natives by indi- 
viduals, some of which embraced large tracts. — 
Among the most considerable of these was the West- 
quanoid purchase, which lies between the north branch 
of the Pawtuxet river, and the dividing line between 
the present counties of Providence and Kent. The 
Westquanoid purchasers, belonged principally to 
Rhode-Island. 

It is impossible to locate the lands conveyed by 
these deeds, with exactness. 

About the same time that Mr. Williams executed 
his first deed to his twelve companions in exile, the 
following arrangement was entered into between 
them, for a division of the lands : 

"An agreement made between the several inhabitants of the 
town of Providence, the 8th of the 8 month 1638. It is agreed, 
this day abovesaid, that all the meadow ground at Pawtuxet, 
bounding upon the fresh river upon both sides, is to be impro- 
priated unto these thirteen persons, being now incorporate in- 
to our town of Providence, viz. Ezekiel Holyman, Francis 
Weston, Richard Waterman, Thomas Olney, Robert Coles, 
William Carpenter, William Harris, John Throckmorton, Roger 
Williams, John Greene, Thomas James, William Arnold, Stuke- 
ly Westcott, and to be equally divided among them, and every 
man to pay an equal proportion to raise up the sum of twenty 
pounds for the same, and if it shall come to pass, that some or 
any one of these thirteen persons abovesaid do not pay or give 
satisfaction for his or their equal proportion of the abovesaid 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN, 577 

sum of twenty pounds, by this day eight weeks, which will be 
the seventeenth day of the tenth month next ensuing, that they 
or he, shall leave their or his proportion of meadow o-round unto 
the rest of those thirteen persons, to be at their disposing who 
shall make up the whole sum of twenty pounds, which is to be 
paid unto Roger Williams. 

Memorandum. On the third day of the tenth month, 1638, 
so called, according to former agreement, I received of the neigh- 
bors abovesaid the full sum of ,£18. 11. 8, per me, 

ROGER WILLIAMS." 

The date of the foregoing agreement, as stated in 
the copy from which the foregoing was copied, is 
the same with the date of the " Initial deed" of Mr. 
Wilhams ; but it is evident there is either a mistake 
in the date or in the body, of the instrument. From 
the eighth of October, eight weeks woukl not be the 
seventeenth but the third day of December, the date 
of the memorandum of payment. 

The object of the agreement, undoubtedly was to 
secure to the first settlers and purchasers of Provi- 
dence, a portion of the purchase for their own use. 
The natural meadows on the banks of the Pavvtux- 
et were selected as being of the greatest immediate 
value. There existed no necessity of precision in 
the bounds of the part so set off, at first, nor while 
the proprietors of both purchases were the same in- 
dividuals. Nor was it then contemplated, that any 
change of circumstances, would render it more diffi- 
cult to state the precise bounds at some future pe- 
riod. But as soon as the proprietors of Providence 
were increased by the admission of other persons, 
to the "same fellowship of vote" with the original 
purchasers, the want of certainty in the description 
73 



578 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

and boundaries of the portion appropriated to them- 
selves exclusively, was felt as a great evil. It gave 
rise to mistrust and jealousy among the inhabitants 
of Providence, and divided them into parties. An 
attempt was made as early as 1640, to settle the line 
between the two proprieties. The difficulty had 
then so far progressed, that the parties were obliged 
to call upon some individuals to act as arbitrators 
between them. Their report is given in page 40. 
They decided, that the dividing line should 

" Run upon a straight line from a fresh spring, being in the 
cruUy at the head of the cove, running by the point of land call- 
ed SaxefFrax, unto the town of Mashapaug, to an oak tree stand- 
ing near the cornfield, being at this time the nearest cornfield 
unto Pawtuxet, the oak tree having four marks vv^ith an axe, till 
some other landmark be set for a certain bound. Also, we 
agree, that if any meadow ground lying adjoining to that mea- 
dow that borders upon the river of Pawtuxet, come within the 
aforesaid line, which will not come within a straight line from 
the long cove to the marked tree, then, for that meadow to be- 
long to Pawtuxet ; and so, beyond the town of Mashapaug, from 
the oak-tree, between the two fresh rivers Pawtuxet and Wanas- 
quatucket of an even distance." 

This report was signed by the greater part of the 
proprietors of both purchasers. It does not appear 
that the hues then agreed upon were run out. In 
fact, the indefinite nature of the bound set to the 
purchase, precluded the possibility of their ever 
being run out. The line from the spring to Masha- 
paug, was definitely settled, but the line " between 
the two fresh rivers, Pawtuxet and Wanasquatucket, 
could not be, until the parties agreed " what land 
and meadows" upon the Wanasquatucket they pos- 
sessed, and what was granted them in 1639^ when 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 679 

Miantonomi acknowledged his prior deed and 
added, " up the streams of Pawtucket and Paw- 
tuxet, witliout hmits, they might have for their use 
of cattle." There remained then ample matter for 
dispute, and as the parties grew warm, it is to be 
feared, that there was on both sides a departure from 
the principles with which both started. The ex- 
istence of these two parties may be easily traced in 
the language used in the subsequent deeds from the 
sachems. Those first procured, were intended to 
operate as deeds of confirmation of the previous 
grant to Mr. Williams, estabhshing a western bound- 
ary to it. The party that was not active in pro- 
curing them, insisted that they were a fraud upon 
the natives, as deeds of confirmation, and affected 
to consider them deeds of new purchases, the con- 
sequence of which would be to vest the whole in the 
proprietors of Providence. A majority of the town, 
however, accepted them as deeds of confirmation. 
Pawtuxet purchasers accordingly paid one fourth of 
the expense of procuring them. In accordance 
with the extent of land conveyed by these deeds, the 
town, in March 1660, agreed that their western 
bounds should be set twenty miles west of Fox's 
Hill. A committee was appointed to run the west- 
ern fine. At the same time, they also agreed that 
the dividing line between Providence and Pawtuxet, 
should be " midway between Wanasquatucket and 
Pawtuxet, twenty miles." A committee was ap- 
pointed in April 1661, consisting of Arthur Fenner, 
William Wickenden and Thomas Hopkins, " to meet 
three of Pawtuxet men and run the line " " up into 



580 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

the country, beginning at the tree at Mashapaiig.'' 
They did not execute their commission till several 
years afterwards. The next proceeding on the sub- 
ject was in March 1666, when it was mutually 
agreed, that " the line of difference shall be run be- 
tween Providence and Pawtuxet from the end of 
the hne already set near unto Pawchaset river, and 
from thence upon a straight hne to Hypse's rock, if 
said rock is midway between Pawtuxet and Wanas- 
quatucket, if not, then opposite it, at midway." A 
committee was appointed, the same day, to run out 
this hne. There is no evidence of any proceedings 
by them, nor is it to be wondered at, when the 
agreement did not more exactly define the course to 
be run. The committee appointed in 1661, report- 
ed in January 1668, that they had run the hne 
agreed on from the spring to the marked tree at 
Mashapaug, and thence " northward to a centre be- 
twixt the two rivers upon an equal distance, near 
unto a great rock, and from thence westerly upon a 
straight hne near unto Pawchasit river." Their re- 
port was accepted by the town in February following. 
These lines, it will at once be perceived, extend only 
part of the way between the two proprieties, as Paw- 
tuxet purchasers claimed them to extend. In 1675, 
another committee was appointed by the town to con- 
fer with Pawtuxet men about the dividing hne. The 
result of the conference does not appear in any report, 
but it did not result in any settlement of the matter 
in controversy. 

Recourse was, in the mean time, in many in- 
stances, had to legal process. Suits were institu- 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 58l 

ted in various courts and jurisdictions, for alledged 
trespasses. These served to arouse private feelings 
and to enlist them in the disputes, without, in any de- 
gree, settling the question out of which they arose. 
The tribunals in this colony were not so constituted 
as to be impartial in relation to the matter. It could 
scarcely happen, that some of the Assistants who 
composed the highest judicial tribunal then known, 
would not be interested in the question under de- 
bate, though they might not be in the issue on trial. 
At any rate, the losing party would always have it 
in his power to shake the confidence in such tribu- 
nals, on such matters, where whole communities 
Were, in fact, parties in feeling. In 1630, recourse 
was had to the courts of Massachusetts. After the 
subjection of some of the Pawtuxet purchasers, with 
their lands, to that government, two of them, Wil- 
ham Carpenter and Robert Coles, commenced a suit 
in the county court at Boston, against William Har- 
ris, for trespass on Pawtuxet lands. The court en- 
tertained jurisdiction over the cause, and gave judg- 
ment for the defendant. No one, it is presumed, 
will now suppose that the courts of that Province 
ever could have obtained any jurisdiction over the 
matter in dispute or the defendant in the action, 
both being many miles beyond their charter fines. 
Nor was it possible for them to execute their judg- 
ments on the land, as their right to the jurisdiction 
was disputed by this colony. 

In June 1677, the difficulties had increased to 
such a degree, that William Harris one of the Paw- 
tuxet proprietors, undertook a voyage to England 



582 



INDIAN PURCHASES AND 



to petition the king for the appointment of special 
commissioners to hear and determine them. In his 
petition he gives a summary of the difficulties and 
dangers that surrounded the Pawtuxet purchase. — 
He states that he and his twelve partners had pur- 
chased the land about forty years before, that their 
purchase or parts of it, were claimed by the town of 
Providence, the town of Warwick, the colony of 
New-Plymouth and two parties of ^the province of 
Massachusetts Bay ; that they were intruded upon 
by these claimants, and that although they had sued 
some of them, they could obtain no redress for their 
wrongs. The prayer of the petition, was, that the 
governors of New-Plymouth, Massachusetts, Rhode- 
Island and Connecticut might be required to hear their 
complaints themselves, or to appoint such as were 
just and able men to hear them, and with the aid of a 
jury equally chosen out of the respective govern- 
ments to determine all differences concerning the 
lands at Pawtuxet. All these various claims de- 
pended on the extent of the original purchase of 
Providence. Neither Warwick, New-Plymouth, nor 
the parties from Massachusetts could maintain their 
claim against the rightful bounds of Providence, as 
they were founded on conveyances from the na- 
tives subsequent to the purchase by Mr. Williams, 
and were either included within or were bounded 
upon, his grant. It has been before stated, that the 
question between Providence and Pawtuxet de- 
pended on the extent of Providence westerly, and 
the course that the dividing line should run, beyond 
Mashapaug. The prayer of this petition was grant- 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 



683 



ed, and a commission sent to the four governors. — 
They appointed commissioners to hear the matters 
in dispute. These were Thomas Hinckley and 
James Cudworth, of Plymouth, Simon Lynde and 
Daniel Henchman, of Massachusetts, George Den- 
nison and Daniel Wetherell, of Connecticut, and 
John Coggeshall and Peleg Sanford, of Rhode-Isl- 
and. They met at Boston on the third day of Oc- 
tober 1677, and empannelled a jury, four of whom 
belonged to Massachusetts, two to Plymouth, three 
to Connecticut, and three to Rhode-Island. They 
then adjourned to Providence, where they met on 
the 17th day of November. Five cases were then 
entered and tried before the jury. William Harris, 
Thomas Field and Nathaniel Waterman were the 
plaintiffs. The defendents were, John Tours, of 
Hingham, the town of Warwick, John Harrod and 
partners, Edmund Calverly, Gregory Dexter, Arthur 
Fenner and the town of Providence. A paper call- 
ed the declaration of the plaintiffs in the last nam- 
ed case contains, near the close of it, what was the 
issue between the parties in that cause ; 

" Whether the said town of Providence should not, with us, 
run the line agreed on by us for partition between the said riv- 
ers Wanasquatucket river and Pawtuxet river, at an equal and 
even distance, and equally upward into the country, as high as 
the place or pond, called Punhangansett, the most westerly 
bound, which is about twelve miles from the most easterly bound 
set at Providence : and who hath the best right and truest title 
to the lands on the southward side of the said line." 

On the 21st of November the jury returned a ver- 
dict for the plaintiffs for two pounds, damages, and 

" Also that the said defendents run the aforesaid line, equally 



584 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

between Pawtuxet river and Wanasquatucket river, till they 
meet a thwart line from the head of Wanasquatucket river, di- 
rectly running to Pawtuxet river/' 

The court accepted the verdict and issued three 
warrants to carry it into effect, one to the Assistants 
of Providence, requiring them to summon the free- 
men of Providence to meet and choose a commit- 
tee to run the Hnes described in the verdict — one to 
the town sergeant of Providence, requiring him to 
give the plaintiffs possession, after the above Hnes 
were run, and the third to the Assistants, requiring 
them to see that the town sergeant dehvered pos- 
session according to their warrant to him. The 
court then adjourned to meet at Boston on the 23d 
of May 1679, "to consult with their respective gov- 
ernors whether they had power to grant execution 
for the cost of court, &c." and to prepare a report 
of their proceedings to the king. The commission- 
ers from Connecticut being absent, the court ad- 
journed to the 18th of June, then to meet at Prov- 
idence. The verdict, as accepted by the court, was 
far from determining the controversy between the 
parties. Something was to be done by the defend- 
ants ; they were to run the very lines which were the 
foundation of the dispute, and the language of the 
verdict was so loose and indefinite, as to their length 
and courses, that there was little probability that 
they would be run in a manner satisfactory to the 
plaintiffs. This was the fact. In April the plaintiffs 
proposed to the town of Providence to appoint sur- 
veyors to run the Hnes. The proposition was not 
acceded to. At the adjournment on the 18th of 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 585 

June, the defendants produced a plan showing a Une 
which they affirmed was according to the verdict. 
It extended from what they supposed to be the head 
of Wanasquatucket river, to a point in Pawtuxet 
river where the Pawchasit river empties into it. 
Providence contended that the line so run was " a 
thwart hue" in the language of the verdict " from 
the head of Wanasquatucket river directly running 
to Pawtuxet river." The plaintiffs objected to this 
line, and refused to accept it as the line the jury in- 
tended, as this line made an acute angle and not a 
direct thwart line or right angle, as they construed 
the language of the jury to require. The court then 
" thought it might be most satisfactory to have the 
former jury themselves, explain their own meaning 
in their verdict," and adjourned to the first day of 
October, at which time the jurors were summoned 
again to appear. At the time of the adjournment 
only five of the commissioners were present ; the 
next day, the two from Rhode-Island appeared, but 
one being still absent (Wetherell, of Connecticut,) 
they withdrew themselves, on the ground that no 
proceedings could be had unless all the commission- 
ers were present. The remaining five commission- 
ers, taking a different view of their powers, contin- 
ued in session. All the jurors except the three from 
Rhode- Island, appeared on the first day of meeting. 
They did not appear till the second, and then " re- 
fused to do any thing as to the explanation of what 
they intended in their former verdict," alledging 
that they had previously explained it in writing. 
The remaining nine jurors explained their meaning 
74 



686 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

to be as the court had previously declared it and as 
the plaintiff claimed, and also, on oath, declared to 
the court, that the jurors from Rhode-Island had 
concurred with them in this explanation. The 
commissioners' report is dated the 5th of October 
1678. 

Mr. Harris made another voyage to England in 
1679, and presented a petition to the king, complain- 
ing that the judgment remained unexecuted, and that 
the plaintiffs were still kept out of possession. The 
magistrates of Rhode-Island were required, by letter 
dated July 9, 1679, to cause the judgment to be 
carried into immediate effect. This letter was pre- 
sented to the governor and assistants in general 
council, on the 30th of September. They issued an 
execution on the judgment, reciting the verdict in 
the words used by the jury, and appointed John 
Smith, of Newport, the marshal, to execute the 
same. He made his return to the general council 
on the 10th day of December, that he had not de- 
livered possession of the lands described in the exe- 
cution, that he had applied to the plaintiffs for them 
to point out the lands, but that they had neglected to 
do so. It seems he spent several days in Provi- 
dence and Pawtuxet, endeavoring to discharge his 
duty. It is probable, from his detail of circumstan- 
ces, that the plaintiffs were determined not to accept 
possession, except according to their construction of 
the verdict, and they would not point out the land 
unless he would run the lines described in the ver- 
dict, which he refused to do, because the verdict 
made that the duty of the defendants. Not disheart- 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 587 

ened by these rebuffs, in January following, Mr. 
Harris again embarked for England, with a design 
of preferring another petition to the king for redress. 
On his passage he was taken a prisoner, by a Barba- 
ry corsair, and carried to Algiers. He remained 
there more than a year, and was finally ransomed, at 
the cost of about ;$fl200. He travelled through 
Spain and France, reached London, and died a few 
days after his arrival there. During the whole of 
this controversy, Mr. Harris had acted as the attor- 
ney of the Pawtuxet purchasers, he being also one 
of them. There existed between him and Mr. Wil- 
liams, a personal, or what became a personal, con- 
troversy, for many years before his death. The 
origin of it is not known nor whether it grew out of 
the dispute between the proprieties, or whether that 
dispute did not owe to it much of its violence. So 
far as proceedings were had before courts and juries, 
Mr. Harris generally succeeded, while Mr. Williams 
seems to have gained and kept an ascendancy in 
the affairs of the town. Little is known of the early 
life of Mr. Harris. He first landed in Boston, and 
the tradition is that he came in the same ship with 
Mr. Wilhams. He left Salem with Mr. Williams, 
and was one of the first six that crossed the Seekonk. 
The records do not show that he ever took a leading 
part in the affairs of the town, or was often called 
by his fellow townsmen to hold offices. He held 
the office of Assistant for Providence, for several 
years, during some of which there was a large num- 
ber, if not a majority, of the freemen of the town op- 
posed to him. His influence lay in other parts of 



588 



INDIAN PURCHASES AND 



the colony. The proceedings commenced against 
him in the colony, and the complaints urged against 
him by the town, have heretofore been given in 
preceding chapters. In defending what he supposed 
were the rights of Pawtuxet purchasers, he was in- 
defatigable. They were prosecuted with a zeal and 
industry, and at an expense, which the matter in 
dispute would hardly seem to justify. The argu- 
ments or pleas he made before the commissioners, in 
1677 and 1678, are preserved. They exhibit deep 
thought, and much of the scholastic reasoning, pecul- 
iar to that age, but are deficient in that general and 
classical knowledge which distinguished the learned 
men of his day. Although he acted throughout the 
controversy as an attorney for the purchasers, no one, 
from reading his arguments, would hesitate a moment 
in determining that he was never educated a lawyer. 
While they show an intimate acquaintance with the 
statutes of England, they, at the same time, show that 
his knowledge of law extended no further than to 
them. His knowledge of the principles of the com- 
mon law, so far as it extended, was not derived from 
books, but from deep reflection and the innate 
strength of his own mental powers. His perception 
of them was quick, and his conclusions from them 
just, wherever he did not permit his prejudices and 
prepossessions to influence him. He appears to 
have possessed an ardent temperament, combined 
with such an uncommon degree of firmness as 
amounted almost to obstinacy. From the proceed- 
ings in the Pawtuxet controversy, it may be doubted 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 589 

whether this latter principle may not have delayed 
its termination. 

At the time of the third and last voyage to Eng- 
land, and probably before, Mr. Harris was engaged 
as the agent of Connecticut in urging the claims of 
that colony to the jurisdiction over the Narragan- 
sett country. While this circumstance evinces the 
respect which that colony had for his talents and in- 
tegrity, it may account for some of the prejudices 
against him in Rhode-Island. 

It does not appear that any steps were taken, after 
the death of Mr. Harris, in relation to the settle- 
ment of this controversy, until 1682. In November 
of that year, the town of Providence appointed 
" five trustees," with full power " to end the differ- 
ence " with Pawtuxet, and " agree upon the line to 
be run." They apphed themselves to the task, and 
in January they executed an agreement with the 
Pawtuxet proprietors, establishing the future line of 
division between them and Providence. They re- 
ported their proceedings to the town in April, and 
were then instructed to run out the line. Thus far 
they had perfected nothing. The dividing line had 
been settled in 1640, by the "combination" signed 
by the parties. A vote of the town, in 1660, had 
fixed the course of the line, and finally the jury be- 
fore the commissioners, in 1677, had directed how 
the line should run. These trustees had therefore 
done no more than had been repeatedly done be- 
fore. They stopped at the very point where the 
difiiculty commenced. It is worthy of remark, 
however, that the line now agreed upon contract- 



o90 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

ed the limits of the Pawtuxet purchase, far more 
than either of the preceding ones. By this, it 
was to extend no farther west than the seven-mile 
Hne. The north Hne was to be run from the spring 
in the gully at SaxefFrax cove, to Mashapaug, and 
from thence to a point in the seven-mile line midway 
between the south bounds of the purchase, and the 
point where the seven-mile hne crossed the Wanas- 
quatucket river. These hnes were not run out by 
the trustees. In fact, they could not be, for the 
south boundary of the purchase was then in dispute, 
and the seven-mile line no where crosses the Wanas- 
quatucket. There is no reason, notwithstanding 
this, to doubt the sincerity of the contracting par- 
ties. The same trustees were empowered, at the 
time of their appointment, to settle the difficulties 
with Warwick. They probably expected then soon 
to accomplish this. It is no great imputation on 
them to believe, that the seven-mile hne had not 
been run its whole length northward, nor that the 
whole course of the Wanasquatucket had not been 
explored. 

The dividing line between Providence and War- 
wick, so far as related to jurisdiction, was settled by 
the General Assembly, in October 1696. They de- 
cided that the north side of the Pawtuxet river, from 
the junction of its northern and southern branches, to 
its mouth, should separate the jurisdiction of the two 
towns. 

In 1707, a new claimant appeared for part of the 
lands supposed to be within the purchase of Provi- 
dence. This was the Westquanoid Company. 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN, 691 

They claimed all the land lying south of the north 
branch of the Pawtuxet, under a deed from the na- 
tives. This dispute was, however, of short duration* 
In October 1708, it was agreed between them, that 
a line should be run due south from the centre of 
Punhangansett pond, to Warwick north line, and 
that the dividing line between Providence and West- 
quanoid, should cross this line at right angles, mid- 
way between its extremes. No further difficulty 
appears to have existed in relation to this line. Like 
the Pawtuxet controversy, this related solely to title 
to lands* The jurisdiction of Providence over it 
was never questioned. 

The dividing hue between Providence and Paw- 
tuxet had not been run out in 1708. A petition was 
presented to the purchasers of Providence this year, 
by one of their number, praying that it might be. 
In the following year a committee of Pawtuxet pur- 
chasers was directed by that body to run it out. It 
does not appear that either of these attempts went so 
far as even to agree upon the dividing hue, much less 
to run it out. It slumbered till February 11, 1712, 
when another agreement was made between a com- 
mittee of Providence and a committee of Pawtuxet. 
It recites that the dividing line " was agreed upon 
in 1682-3j but no bounds set, which left the matter 
in dispute," and then follows the line at that time 
agreed upon, varying from all preceding ones, and 
still further reducing the extent of Pawtuxet pur- 
chase, beginning at Mashapaug, and to run west 
fourteen degrees north, to the seven-mile line, and 
then due south to Warwick line. The committee 



692 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

who executed this agreement, in the May following 
run out the line agreed on, and set up bounds, and 
this ended the controversy. 

Although the proprietors of Providence had oc- 
casionally for years previous to 1718, held meet- 
ings apart from the town, for the transaction of busi- 
ness relating solely to the lands of the purchase, yet 
the bodies had but one clerk and one set of records. 
And in many instances, orders which concern only 
the propriety, were passed by the town. Little care 
was taken to keep the line of separation distinct in 
the records, and hitherto little attention has been 
paid to it in this and the preceding chapters. It was 
impossible to do it, without conjecturing from the 
contents of certain orders and proceedings by which 
body they were passed. Less ambiguity, it was 
thought, would arise from this course, than from 
pursuing the contrary one, and marking out the dis- 
tinction as the work progresssed. In 1713, a dis- 
pute arose between the purchasers and town, as to 
the records, and in the beginning of 1718, the pur- 
chasers removed it, by choosing a clerk for their 
own body and opening a new set of records. Since 
that time, the records have been kept distinct. The 
records of the proprietors are divided into two sets, 
one relating to land to the east, or within the seven- 
mile line, the other relating to land to the west, or 
without the same line. This line was first established 
in 1660. It runs due north and south, seven miles 
westward of Fox's hill, or Fox point, as it is now 
called. It is the dividing line between the present 
towns of Smithfield, Cranston and Johnston on the 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 593 

east, and Scituate, Gloucester and Burrillville on the 
west. It originally marked the extent of the early 
divisions of the lands, westward. 

The disputes and difficulties which have heretofore 
been traced from their rise to their final determina- 
tion and settlement, related solely to rights of prop- 
erty and soil. The right of jurisdiction over all the 
land lying between Warwick on the south, Connec- 
ticut on the west, Massachusetts on the north, and 
Pawtucket or Seekonk river on the east, was always 
admitted to be in Providence. It was all called the 
township of Providence. Jurisdiction was also 
claimed over the land which constitutes the present 
town of Cumberland. This was denied by Plymouth, 
and afterwards by Massachusetts, and was a matter of 
contention between the colonies, until 1746, when 
it was settled by the king in council, and the juris- 
diction given to the colony of Rhode-Island. 

As settlements increased towards the borders of 
the township, the inhabitants began to experience the 
great disadvantages growing out of such extended 
limits. The meetings of the freemen were holden 
in the village which was, then, generally styled 
the town of Providence. Inhabitants living at the 
extremities of the township were obliged to travel 
twenty miles or more, to attend them. Municipal 
regulations, highly neccessary for the village, were 
totally inapplicable to the other parts of the town. 
The different pursuits too, of the inhabitants, those 
in the village part being principally traders, mechan- 
ics or merchants, and the rest, generally, husband- 
men, also required for each, different regulations. 
75 



594 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

The first, from their situation, would need frequent 
town-meetings, to make rules and by-laws for 
their government, and would require expenditures 
from the public treasury, in which the other would 
feel and have but little interest. These circumstan- 
ces naturally produced a desire for a division of the 
town into separate municipal corporations. In 
April 1730, a petition was presented to the freemen 
of the town, in town meeting, praying that the town 
might be divided into three or more towns. It was 
assented to at once, and the General Assembly of 
the colony, at a session in February following, passed 
an act dividing the town into Providence, Smith- 
field, Scituate and Gloucester. The bounds of Prov- 
idence were declared to extend south to Warwick, 
west to the seven-mile line, on which it measured 
eight and a half miles, and northward to a line drawn 
from the weir on Pawtucket river about half a mile 
north of Pawtucket falls, to the north end of its 
western boundary on the seven-mile hne. 

In 1754, upon the petition of some of the inhabi- 
tants of Providence, the town of Cranston was set 
off from the southwesterly part of Providence. By 
this act the southerly line of Providence was declar- 
ed to be a straight line from Hawkins' Cove on 
Providence bay or river, to a bend in Pochasset riv- 
er, near Charles Dyer's, then to follow the river up 
to the Plainfield road, then by that road to the seven- 
mile line. The town of Cranston takes its name 
from Samuel Cranston, who for many years was 
governor of the colony. The petition states there 
were, at this time, 600 freemen in Providence, 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 595 

In 1759, the township of Johnston was erected, 
out of the westerly part of Providence. The divid- 
ing Hne begins on the southern bank of Wanas- 
quatucket river, due north from the easternmost 
part of Solitary Hill, and runs thence due south to 
the northern hne of Cranston. From the place of 
beginning, the hne north, is the Wanasquatucket riv- 
er. This town was named after Augustus Johnston, 
at that time attorney general of the colony. 

The township of Providence still consisted of a 
large area of land and contained a large number of 
inhabitants. The compact part had been empow- 
ered for some years to meet and assess themselves for 
the purchase of fire engines, which the proximity and 
materials of their dwellings made necessary. In 
1763, engine men were elected as town officers. — 
In 1764, a town watch was agreed upon. Several 
grants of lotteries for the paving of the streets had 
been obtained. In all these improvements, those 
inhabitants who were without the compact parts of 
the town had little interest. They felt it, therefore, 
an unnecessary burden to contribute towards them, 
and even the attendance upon the town meetings 
necessarily and frequently called in relation to such 
improvements was no small tax upon them. Induc- 
ed by these or some other reasons, one hundred and 
fifteen of the inhabitants in the northerly part of the 
township preferred a petition to the General Assem- 
bly at their February session, 1765, to be set oflf 
into a town by the name of Wenscutt. They pro- 
posed that the dividing line between Providence and 
Wenscutt should run from the southernmost point 



696 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

where the hne of Johnston meets the Wanasqua- 
tucket river, by that river to the northwest corner of 
the town's land east of Forestack meadow, thence to 
the middle of Mill Bridge, and thence due east to 
Seekonk river. In their petition they stated the 
number of freemen in Providence to be upwards of 
four hundred, and that about one hundred and sixty 
of them resided in the part proposed to be set off. — 
This petition was continued till the next session and 
a citation ordered to the town of Providence. At 
the same February session, a counter petition, signed 
by twenty-nine of the " inhabitants of the northern 
part of Providence," was also presented. This pe- 
tition charges, " that divers persons, inhabitants of 
the same part of the town of Providence in which 
we dwell, have been instigated and set on by crafty 
and designing men to desire of this Assembly that 
the said town of Providence may be again divided 
into two towns, in such a manner and by such boun- 
daries as are directly calculated to serve the inter- 
ested views and purposes of such instigators," and 
prays to be heard against that petition. The char- 
ges in this petition may probably be traced to the 
high spirit of party which characterised the Ward and 
Hopkins era in the colony. The first signer of the 
petition for dividing the town was Elisha Brown, one 
of the most active and influential partisans of Gov. 
Ward in the north part of the colony. The signers 
of that petition were probably mostly Ward men, 
and the signers of the other, Hopkins men. The 
Hne proposed for a dividing line, evidently shows 
that some ulterior object was sought after in the di- 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 597 

vision, for it passed though the compact part of the 
town. It was not so drawn as to separate the agri- 
cultural from the mercantile part of the communi- 
ty, but it is fair to conjecture, that as it embraced the 
residence of Ehsha Brown, it set off with him, as 
the town of Wenscutt, so many other partizans of 
Gov. Ward as would secure the election of repre- 
sentatives to the General Assembly favorable to 
Gov. Ward. He had that year, 1765, succeeded 
against Gov. Hopkins, and this seems to have been 
resorted to as a means of perpetuating his power 
in the colony, and perhaps of rewarding some of his 
faithful adherents, by the multiplication of offices. — 
There is no evidence that any citation ever issued 
to the town of Providence on this petition ; on the 
contrary, it is expressly stated in a protest signed 
by the deputies of Providence, that none had been 
issued or served. The petition however was grant- 
ed, at the June session 1765, and the dividing hue 
established as prayed for, but the name of the new 
town was changed from Wenscutt to North Provi- 
dence. At a town meeting in August, a com- 
mittee was appointed by the town of Providence to 
remonstrate against the division, and in November 
the deputies were instructed to procure a re-union. 
All efforts proved ineffectual, while Gov. Ward's par- 
ty prevailed in the colony. In April 1767, Gov. 
Hopkins secured the ascendancy, and in June follow- 
ing the southern bounds of North Providence were 
established as they now exist, commencing at the 
same point, following Wanasquatucket river to the 
southerlv end of Forestack meadow, thence to the 



598 INDIAN PURCHASES AND 

northwest corner of the burying ground, thence 
easterly and southerly by said burying ground to 
Harrington's lane, thence easterly by the north side of 
that lane to the southwest corner of Joseph Olney's 
land, thence south across the said lane, thence easterly 
by the south side of that lane to the dividing line 
between land of Wilham and Phineas Brown, and 
by that dividing hne to Seekonk river. 

This is the last town that was severed from the 
original lands of Providence. The interests of 
the compact and agricultural parts of the township 
required the divisions which had been made. The 
original town, under any circumstancse, was alto- 
gether too extensive to be embraced in one munici- 
pal corporation. Some of the towns so severed 
from Providence have been since divided into 
other towns. Thus the original town of Scituate, 
so named by the first settlers of it, from the town 
of Scituate in Massachusetts, from which many of 
them came, has been divided into Scituate and Fos- 
ter, the last town taking its name from Theodore 
Foster, formerly one of the senators from this state 
in the Congress of the United States. The town of 
Gloucester, so called from the Duke of Gloucester, 
has been divided into Gloucester and Burrillville. — 
The latter town derives its name from James Burrill, 
jun., formerly attorney general and afterwards chief 
justice of the state, and senator in Congress. The 
town of Cumberland, which was annexed to the 
county of Providence by decision of the king in 
council in 1746, was so called in comphment to 
Prince Wilham, Duke of Cumberland. 



DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 599 

The several divisions of Providence have rather 
accelerated than diminished her prosperity. While 
the younger branches of the family have been rapid- 
ly increasing in population and wealth, the parent 
stock retains all the freshness and vigor of youth. 
As she parted with a large proportion of her outlands 
as portions for her several daughters, her attention 
has been gradually and necessarily turned from ag- 
riculture to commerce and manufactures. The 
same enterprising spirit which enabled the first set- 
tlers successfully to combat all the difficulties of 
their wilderness situation, and to force from a com- 
paratively lean and unproductive soil, both suste- 
nance and comfort, when directed in succeeding 
times to commerce, led the way to China and the 
East Indies, and whitened every sea with her canvass. 

The area of Providence is about six square miles. 
Its form is irregular, and its surface diversified with 
hills and dales. The two rivers, Moshassuck and 
Wanasquatucket, unite in the town and form Provi- 
dence harbor or river, into which the Pawtucket 
empties itself, at Fox Point. The land on the west 
of the Moshassuck, is generally hght and sandy ; 
the highest part of it, Jefferson plains, is seventy-six 
feet above tide-water. East of the Moshassuck, the 
soil is a heavy loam, underlaid with slate and grey 
wacke. The highest point of it is two hundred and 
four feet above tide-water. This is just north of 
Olney street, in the range of the Dexter Asylum 
and the Friends' school. 



• CHAPTER ELEVENTH. 

MISCELLANEOUS. 

In this chapter it is designed to embody various 
facts and traditions connected with the town of 
Providence, which could not easily be embraced in 
either of the foregoing chapters. 

In answer to a circular, craving information, the 
author received a long and very interesting letter 
from Samuel Thurber, one of our oldest and 
most respectable citizens, since deceased. As this 
is the only answer he received, although the circular 
was sent to many persons, such parts of it will here 
be given, as have not already been embodied in this 
work. 

Sir — -Your request for information concerning circumstances 
and things appertaining to this town, I cannot answer agreeable 
to my desire, by reason of having been permitted to outlive my 
memory or recollection, in a very considerable degree, being 
now in my 81st year. I will endeavor, however, to recollect, then 
must take things as they occur, therefore you must not expect 
accuracy or uniformity. Should I happen to state any thing 
worth your notice, make such use of it as you think may be 
beneficial. 

Changes in the face of the soil, in this town, are hardly visi- 
ble, excepting near the streets, where the improvement or change 
is o-reat. The time is within my recollection when there were 
not more than six or eight buildings on Benefit street, and no 
street over the hill excepting that called Jail-lane. The old 
jail, standing on the north oide of it, was one of the buildings. 



MISCELLANEOUS, 601 

All carriages going to or from the east part of the town, passed 
through Olney's lane, or through a street quite at the south part 
of the town. At that time I think I had some knowledge of 
nearly every family in town. As respects the river, I doubt 
whether the tide covers half the ground it did seventy years 
since ; wharves first built, then Water streets beyond the wharves, 
acres filled or raised south of Weybosset and Broad streets. 
Where Westminster street is, and all north of it, the tide flowed. 
I am told that there was a knoll, or small round hill, near the head 
of what is now called the Long wharf, which at that time was 
an island. Old people have often told me of having picked ber- 
ries on it. An old man long since told me that while there was 
difficulty with the Indians, several of them got slily upon 
that hill and fired at a small company of white young men who 
were playing at nine pins, Viear where the court house now 
stands, and hit one of their pins. I am told that the first vessel 
which sailed from this town for the West Indies, was loaded at a 
wharf that was then a little to the westward of the canal market. 
I once saw a vessel of about thirty or forty tons, a fisherman, un- 
loading at a wharf then adjoining to what is now called Smith 
street. Many vessels of large burthen have been built on the 
west side of what is called the canal basin, and at other places 
north of the great bridge, which bridge I believe was fifty or 
sixty feet longer than it now is. There was a draw in it, for the 
purpose of letting vessels through. The channel, I think, is now 
covered by Water street. As respects schools, previous to about 
the year 1770, they were but little thought of; there were in my 
neighborhood, three small schools, perhaps about a dozen schol- 
ars in each. Their books were, the bible, spelling book and 
primer. One kept by John Foster, Esq. in his office ; one by Dr. 
Benjamin West. Their fees were seven shillings and sixpence 
per quarter. One kept by George Taylor, Esq. for the church 
scholars. He, it was said, received a small compensation from 
England. Besides these, there were two or three women schools. 
When one had learned to read, write, and do a sum in the rule 
of three, he was fit for business. About this time, Dr. Jonathan 
Arnold made a move for building a proprietors' school house; 
by his exertions he obtained enough to build one at the norther- 

76 



602 MISCELLANEOUS. 

ly end of Benefit street, which was called Whipple Hall, in con- 
sequence of Mr. Joseph Whipple giving the lot for two shares. 
George Taylor, jr. was the first master. The town, a few years 
since, bought the proprietors out. 

At a time many years since, I fell in with an old gentleman 
standing viewing what was called the old Turpin house. He 
says to me, I am taking a view of the old house where the Gen- 
eral Assembly used to sit: I have been there and should like to 
go in to see whether it looks as it did formerly, I went in with 
him ; after looking round, he says, it is much as it was. This 
house then was standing on the west side of North Main street, 
nearly opposite to the Fourth Baptist meeting house. It ap- 
pears that in the days of Turpin, the original owner, this was a 
very sightly place, and a place of considerable business. He had 
a large yard with an elm tree in it, a fine garden, handsomely 
fenced in, through which there ran a small brook, which came 
from a small swamp, laying a little to the eastward of where the 
meeting-house now is. 

The Rev. John Graves, the church priest, from England, was 
T believe a very pious man. As he was sent over imder the pay 
of that government, his piety obliged him to attend to his en- 
gagement, consequently his hearers left him and employed an- 
other. After the king had acknowledged our independence, he 
considered himself discharged from that quarter, then offered, as 
I was told to officiate as an American, but could not be re-instated. 
He died soon after. The Rev. Joseph Snow, was a truly wor- 
thy man, one it is said, who had done much for his society, and 
who, after becoming old, was slipped aside. The old gentleman 
died with grief. The Rev. Samuel Winsor was a worthy, plain 
Baptist preacher, and was a very useful man. The Rev. James 
Manning did great things in the way of enlightening and inform- 
incr the people. Schools revived by means of his advice and as- 
sistance. Previous to him it was not uncommon to meet with 
those who could not write their names. 

Doctors Joseph Hewes, Ephraim Bowen, and Jonathan Ar- 
nold, all at the same time, were our most eminent physicians. 
Arnold, at the commencement of the revolutionary war, took 
charge of the hospital, and there continued until the peace in 



MISCELLANEOUS 603 

1783. He afterwards went as a member to Congress. He final- 
ly made a settlement in Vermont, and there died. 

As for lawyers, I never had much to do with them, as I ever 
had a contemptible opinion of their trade. I however will relate 
from information, an instance. There was a man who I recol- 
lect of once seeing, by the name of John Aplin. It is said that 
he was a man of learning and of a good address, a poor English- 
man. He found friends who put him forward. He soon became 
popular, and acquired a handsome estate. He, like some others 
of the trade, became very avaricious. A very important case 
presented, both sides wanted him, he so engaged, and received a 
fee from each. This was discovered ; he consequently, between 
two days, up keleg and scud for Connecticut. I doubt whether 
he was ever in Rhode-Island afterwards. He had six sons; one 
of them, by the name of Joseph, was educated to the same trade. 
He was a tory, and went off to the British. I dont know that 
either of them is now living, or that there is an inch of their 
property in the name. 

Manners and fashions were very plain. The dress in general 
was meant to be durable. Men mostly with wash-leather 
breeches ; cloth for most purposes, generally manufactured in 
their families ; laborers of almost every description with leather 
aprons ; the best dress of the most opulent, was of Eno-lish 
manufacture, in a plain style. Some who were a little flashy, 
would wear a cocked hat, a wig, or a powdered head, their hair 
clubbed or queued ; sometimes would buy or borrow some for 
the purpose of giving the club or queue the better appearance. 
Women of the same neighborhood would visit each other with a 
clean checked apron, a striped loose gown, a handkerchief over 
the shoulders, and a sun bonnet ; then pleasantly sit down and 
divert themselves over a dish of bohea tea and a piece of bread 
and butter. A few who considered themselves somewhat supe- 
rior, would wear a silk or calico gown, with long ruffle cuffs, a 
lawn apron, a little roll over the head, resembling a crupper to a 
saddle, with the hair smoothly combed over it, a flat chip hat, 
with a crown about one inch deep, all covered with a thin silk, 
some black, some white, others red, green, &c. 6lc. Young 
men would at times amuse themselves in the lots, at ball, shooting 



604 MISCELLANEOUS. 

at poultry or at a mark, now and then at wrestling or jumping ; 
at times muster in small parties with young women, then have a 
dance ; at harvest time, would go miles to a husking, as the far- 
mers generally would at that time make merry. At the season 
for pigeons, there was too much diversion in destroying them. 
There were many stands set up around our cove, by means of 
which thousands were annually destroyed by shooting. In the 
country they were mostly taken in nets, and brought to market 
by horse loads, in panniers. A man told me that he at a time 
carried a load in that way to Boston, that they were so plenty 
that he could not sell them, neither give them away ; he thought 
that there might be those who had rather steal than to have it 
thought they were beggars, so set his panniers down by the side 
of a street, there left them for awhile; .when he returned, he 
found many more than he had left. 

Captain Jabez Whipple, who lately died in his one hundredth 
year, told me, that when a young man, he, with several others, 
kept a pack of hounds, with which they would at times divert 
themselves in a fox chase ; that at a time they followed one, most 
of the day, at evening they holed him, then made a fire at the 
hole in order to keep him in during the night; they came with 
tools for digging, went to work, and soon found him, suffocated, 
as they supposed, took him out, handed him from one to the 
other, with every appearance of being dead, so threw him on the 
ground, when he instantly took to his toes, and so gave them 
another day's chase. 

As for particular places of resort, I can hardly say that I know 
of any ; the great bridge was a considerable of a place for it, at 
a pleasant time. Captain Joseph Olney kept the principal pub- 
lic house. As the town increased, it settled the fastest nearer 
the tide water. Col. Knight Dexter, opened a public house 
where the people could be more conveniently accommodated ; 
this and other houses being opened for the same purpose, drew 
the custom from the old place, so that it became abandoned. 
Elisha Brown, at a time was doing a very considerable business 
to the northward of Capt. Olney's, near Joseph Turpin's. To 
him there was great electioneering resorting. For several seasons 
party ran high between Samuel Ward, of Newport, and Stephen 



MISCELLANEOUS. 606 

Hopkins, of this town. No one more zealously engaged in the 
cause than Brown, for Ward, and for himself as Deputy Govern- 
or. His zeal, I believe, was rather expensive, as he left to his 
family near nothing, of a good estate. 

The first coach that I ever saw, and I do not know but the 
first one that was ever in this town, was owned by a Mr. Merritt, 
an Englishman, who came and purchased the farm and built the 
house where the venerable Moses Brown lately died, in his 99th 
year. This coach would once in a while come into the street by 
way of Olney's lane, then there would be a running of the chil- 
dren, and a looking from the windows, to see the new wonderful 
thing. About this time, there would be, now and then, a person 
who wanted a passage to Boston. Col. William Brown, who 
lived quite at the north east corner of the town, on a farm, kept 
what was called a curricle, drawn by two horses ; he would be 
their carrier. It would take him about three days to go and re- 
turn. After awhile, Thomas Sabin, I think, was the first that set 
up a stage ; he generally went once a week. After him, Robert 
Currey, then Samuel Whipple ; when they got through by day 
light, they thought to have done well. The mail was carried by 
a Mr. Mumford, on horseback, once a week, between this and 
New-London, and so back. May, 1776, 1 went to Pomfret, thir- 
ty-six miles, in a chaise ; the road was so stony and rough, that I 
could not ride out of a slow walk, but very little of the way ; I 
was near two days in going, such was the general state of our 
roads at that time. 

Eminent men, I can refer to whom they were, the world knows 
them, a Washington, a Franklin, a Lafayette, together with all 
who composed our first Congress, then will add seven eighths at 
least of New-England men. The object and design of the great 
majority at that time was the same. They were ready and wil- 
ling to make any and every sacrifice that should benefit the great 
whole. But very few such at this time ; now the most eminent 
men are those who sacrifice the general good to the interest of 
selected individuals. The arch deceiver did not in former days 
receive such polite addresses as they now do. The fair, plain, 
honest man, although in moderate circumstances, was then the 
most eminent. 



606 MISCELLANEOUS. 

At a time, I saw an old lady walking over the great bridge 
with a cane in her hand. I asked a bystander who she was. He 
said old Mrs. Eddy, that she is now more than one hundred years 
old. After which, I heard that she died, at about one hundred 
and five. A Mr. Miller died about the same time, at about the 
same age. I was at Newport not long since, there I saw a man 
who said he was one hundred years and one month old that day ; 
he was very intelligent, and has since died. John Sayles is said 
to have lived more than one hundred years. Mr. Richard Brown, 
who lived in the north east corner of this town, and died some 
twenty years since, on his century day was so cheery that his 
family presented him with a violin, which in his young days he 
had been somewhat attached to ; he had not lost the use of it ; 
he died before the year expired. 

September, 1828, I visited the asylum in New-York, with one 
of their aldermen; there I saw many old people; among them 
one who it was said would be one hundred and eight years of 
age, should he live until the December following. From his 
appearance, I thought him to be the youngest of those who it 
was said were over seventy. As I doubted, I questioned him. 
He was so intelligent and correct in all his answers, that I more 
doubted, and said to the keeper that it was impossible. He said 
that he, with their chaplain, who was an aged Englishman, had 
been of my opinion, which had occasioned a close interrogation, 
after which they were obliged to believe he was correct. I af- 
terwards saw the same alderman, and enquired concerning the 
old man. He told me, that in the spring following, he desired 
to go to his son who lived in or near to Canada, that if they 
would set him on as far as Albany, he would then find his way 
to his son's. He was set on, as requested. 

I think that you will be able to collect more particular infor- 
mation on war affairs from others than I can give, still should 
you think that I can give particular information on that subject, 
I will do what I can, though you must not expect any thing of 
consequence, from me. With respect sir, yours, 

S. THURBER. 

On a review I must scribble out a little more. — Business and 
occupation was similar to what it now is, except machine manu- 



MISCELLANEOUS. 607 

facturing. Furniture in general was very plain, mahogany was 
but little known. Almost every article cf wood was straight, 
without much paint or polish. But little crockery, and that of a 
coarse kind. Pewter and wood were the principal table furnit- 
ure. Two would be often eating out of the same dish, and per- 
haps a dozen drinking out of the same pewter quart pot or earth- 
en mug. 

In my youngest days there were but few carriages besides 
carts, consequently when women wanted to go abroad it was very 
common for them to go on horseback, sitting on a pillion behind 
a man. Women would often be at market on horseback, with a 
pair of panniers, selling butter, cheese, eggs, &lc. 

The time hath been when an abundance of bass and perch, 
particularly bass, were taken through the ice on Seekonk river, 
in the night season. About fifty years since, I was there 
with perhaps a dozen or twenty others. That night there were 
several tons taken, the most that was ever known to be taken in 
one night. Since then some would be taken every winter, until 
lately, that business seems to be about done. It is supposed 
that the filth washing from the abundance of cotton mills, pre- 
vents their coming into the river. S. T. 

The rising generation will not have so good times as the lat- 
ter have had. What wars and trouble we have had, have been 
but a trifle to what are to be." 

It is seldom one can meet with such a man as was 
Mr. Thurber. He expresses doubts as to the accu- 
racy of some of his statements, and he is the only- 
man who will. His uniform correctness had by no 
means forsaken him, at the time of writing the fore- 
going letter. Few men could remember so well as 
he has, and few had the extent of local knowledge 
he possessed. 

In 1768, the house kept by Joseph Olney, was one 
of the most fashionable houses of the time. The 
neighborhood was the seat of business. Not only 
the General Assembly, but the courts, were holden 



608 MISCELLANEOUS 

at the old Turpin house. The house of Mr. ApHn 
is still standing, a little north of this house, on the 
other side of the street. The lower story of the 
"long brick house," on the east side of North Main 
street, was formerly occupied for Enghsh and West 
India goods stores. The house of Gov. Brown is 
still standing, on the same side of the street, a little 
east of the street, just north of the long brick house. 
After the Joseph Olney tavern was given up, the 
Montgomery tavern was erected, between North 
Main and Stampers street, at the top of Constitu- 
tion hill. It took its name from the likeness of Gen- 
eral Montgomery, which hung conspicuous on the 
sign. After the revolution, it was kept by Major 
Simeon Thayer, an officer of the revolution, who 
deserved more than he obtained, for his services to 
his country at Mud-fort. 

x41exander Thorp and Isaac Cushno petitioned 
the General Assembly, at their October session, 
1736, for the exclusive right to run a stage to the 
Massachusetts. The record does not show the pre- 
cise points to and from which it was to run. The 
petition was granted, the right to continue for seven 
years. A committee of the assembly was appoint- 
ed to prescribe the terms. Then it was probably 
looked upon as a great undertaking, equal to that of 
constructing a rail-road or a canal in modern times. 
Probably this stage, if it ever run, went from New- 
port to Boston. The first stage coach from Provi- 
dence to Boston, is referred to by Mr. Thurber, in 
his letter. That was before the establishment of a 
newspaper at Providence. 



MISCELLANEOUS. 609 

In July 1767, we meet with the first advertisement 
of a regular stage coach running between Provi- 
dence and Boston. At that date, Thomas Sabin 
advertises, that " one starts every Tuesday morning 
from the house of Richard Olney, inn-holder, to 
carry travellers to Boston, on the most expeditious 
and cheap rate." The coach returned on Thurs- 
day mornings. Richard Olney's house was nearly 
opposite the court house parade, on North Main 
street. The notice does not state whether the coach 
went through in a day, or stopped the first night at 
Wrentham, as it did, according to tradition, in ear- 
lier times. In those times, it is said that the owner 
of a stage coach occasionally gave notice a week or 
ten days before-hand, that on a given day, he would 
start for Boston, if sufficient encouragement offered, 
taking care to give notice so that his passengers 
could settle all their worldly affairs and make their 
wills, before commencing such an arduous and dan- 
gerous journey. Previous to this, in 1763, Joshua 
Hacker and Benjamin Lindsey advertised a line of 
two boats to ply between Providence and Newport, 
twice a week, and oftener, if possible, with freight 
and passengers. In 1783, the stage to Boston run 
twice a week. Then, it had ceased to be a seven- 
days wonder to see a man who had been to New- 
York. The line of packets, which soon after phed 
between Providence and New- York, excited the ad- 
miration of passengers. In speed and accommo- 
dations, they were said to be equal to any in the 
world. These continued almost to engross the 
travel between New-York and Providence, Boston 
77 



610 MISCELLANEOUS. 

and the other towns east, until the erection of the 
New-London turnpike, in about 1820. Travellers 
found it quite refreshing to their aching limbs, after 
being shook in the stage coaches of those days, to 
get into the luxurious cabin of a Providence and 
New-York packet. This, it should be borne in mind, 
was before stage coaches were the easy vehicles 
they subsequently became. Strength and durability 
were then the pervading ideas of their builders and 
owners. Although the roads had lost their original 
corduroy character, they had not acquired that 
level smoothness which invited sleep. An occasional 
rock or stump would try the strength of the car- 
riage and the patience of the traveller. Connected 
with the stage coaches over the New-London turn- 
pike, was a line of steamboats from New-London 
to New-York. The more ample accommodation 
of these over the packets, but above all, the certain- 
ty that attends their movements, gave this mode a 
decided preference over the preceding one, and the 
splendid packets soon became mere freight vessels. 
About the same time. Captain Elihu S. Bunker, in 
the steamboat Connecticut, came from New-York 
to Providence, around Point Judith. Thus, it was 
ascertained by actual experiment, that a steamer 
could pass that fearful Point. Before that event, it 
was deemed impossible. Still, some time elapsed 
before the travelling public could be induced to 
patronize the steamers round the Point. Several 
successful voyages destroyed their doubts, and in 
turn the New-London turnpike and the New-Lon- 
don steamers were abandoned. The Point Judith 



MISCELLANEOUS. 6H 

steamers were supposed to possess unequalled facil- 
ities for the traveller. Speed, certainty, safety and 
ease, combined to render them the favorites of the 
public. The facts just stated, show how fickle that pub- 
lic is, and how successive improvements have drawn 
attention and patronage from the modes of convey- 
ance which preceded them. So it was with steam- 
ers. On the completion of the New- York, Provi- 
dence and Boston railroad, leading from Providence 
to Stonington, a portion of public favor was with- 
drawn from the steamers. 

The great thoroughfare between Boston and New- 
York, has always been through Providence. In 
early times, the traveller passed on horse-back from 
Providence through East-Greenwich, Wickford, over 
Tower Hill, and through Westerly into Connecticut. 
This was the regular route to New-York. It also 
was the only direct road from Providence to Connect- 
icut, for many years after the settlement of Provi- 
dence. It is said that the first team from Connect- 
icut, by any road further north, arrived in Providence 
on the 29th September 1722, and was driven by Gov- 
ernor Sessions. U ntil about that period, the usual road 
to that state was through the towns first named. So 
late as 1776, little could be said in favor of the road 
leading from Providence to Pomfret. Mr. Thurber, 
in his letter, states that in May of that year, he was 
nearly two days in going only thirty-six miles. 

As some may be curious to know the expense of 
travelling in early times, I annex the following 
charge, extracted from the account book of Rich- 
ard Brown : 



612 ^MISCELLANEOUS. 

" Oct. the 25, 1737, Mary Tillinghast Dr. 
For the use of my mare, the three days last past, 
a journey to East Greenwich, and carrying double 
on said mare, £0,12,0." 

On the first of the first month 1746, the town 
" agreed that John Smith should have the valley 
where his house stands, in case he set up a mill, as 
also excepting, sufficient highways." This valley 
comprehended all the land between the west bank 
of the Moshassuck river and the hill to the east 
of Jefferson plains, from Smith street on the south 
to Orms street on the north. Charles street, now 
passes along this valley. The grantee, after this, 
generally had the title of " miller" appended to his 
name to distinguish him from other purchasers. — 
Even in those early times and in this small commu- 
nity, the name of " John Smith" seemed not to desig- 
nate any particular individual. Four out of the one 
hundred and one original proprietors of Providence 
had equal title to it. One was called John Smith 
the miller, and sometimes John Smith senior, one 
John Smith the mason, one John Smith Jamaica, 
and the other John Smith Junior. Soon after this 
grant, he set up a grist mill in the valley, near where 
the first stone lock of the Blackstone canal now is. 
The property of the water privilege is still in the de- 
scendants of the first grantee. They continued to 
improve it for a grist-mill until the erection of the 
Blackstone canal. Some years after this, the town 
commenced a suit at law against them, on the 
ground that the original grant, and some subsequent 
acts of the town, and "the miller," obliged them not 



MISCELLANEOUS. 613 

only to "set up," but to keep in repair, a grist-mill 
through all time. The heirs succeeded in repelling 
this claim, after a long and expensive litigation. — 
The surplus water at this privilege has been used 
for various purposes, during this time. A carding 
machine, clothier's works, oil works, a cotton facto- 
ry, a machine shop, a furnace, a fulling mill, and a 
machine for making blankets, have, at different times 
within the memory of the author, been operated by it. 

Under date of the 4th of the third month (May) 
1651, is a record of a coroner's inquest holden on 
the body of Margaret Goodwin, wife of Adam Good- 
win. The jury consisted of twelve, and their ver- 
was that "either the terribleness of the crack of 
thunder, or the coldness of the night, being she was 
naked, did kill her." She had been insane, as ap- 
pears by a previous record. 

On the 28th of July, of the same year, the town 
meeting determined that all common highways 
should be four rods wide. We have great reason 
to regret that this act had not been rigidly enforced. 

In January 1662, a Mr. Hackleton apphed to the 
town for liberty to burn lime and to take stone and 
wood from the commons for that purpose. This is 
the earliest notice of the manufacture of that import- 
ant article. By "the commons," is to be under- 
stood, all lands lying within the purchase, not ap- 
propriated by any particular person. The request 
was granted for a limited time. In 1665, the atten- 
tion of the town was again called to the lime-rock 
within their limits. In October, they ordered "that 
those lime rocks about Hackleton's lime kiln shall 



514 MISCELLANEOUS. 

perpetually be common and that no land shall be 
laid out on the north-east or south-east of said kiln, 
within six poles, nor upon the other sides or parts 
of the said kiln, within sixty poles; this said kiln 
being at or near a place called Scoakequanoisett." 
In the following year the town ordered that lime- 
rock, should continue common whenever any sur- 
veyor should discover it in any quantity, but like 
many similar orders passed in those days and since, 
it was soon disregarded, and Kme-rock land divided, 
like all other. There can be little doubt, that the 
interests of the public have been as well, if not bet- 
ter served, than if these rocks had remained undi- 
vided. 

No trace can be found of the first establishment 
of a Post Office in Providence. In 1758, reference 
is made to Samuel Chase, as the then Postmaster. 
This is the first mention of the matter in any of the 
records. Letters Patent were granted by William 
and Mary, in 1691, to Thomas Neal, to erect and 
estabhsh "an office or offices, for the receiving and 
dispatching letters and pacquets" in America, for 
twenty one years. The rates of postage were to be 
settled by the colonies. As early as 1793, the prov- 
ince of Massachusetts, on the petition of Andrew 
Hamilton, the deputy of Thomas Neal, established 
rates of postage. From Boston to Rhode-Island it 
was fixed at six-pence for every single letter. No 
corresponding act was ever passed by the legisla- 
ture of the colony of Rhode-Island, nor any act 
from which the existence of a public post can be in- 
ferred, except only a provision that the King's post 



MISCELLANEOUS. 615 

shall pass all ferries free of ferriage. The amount 
of postage was regulated by act of parliament, in 
1711. William Goddard succeeded Mr, Chace as 
Postmaster. He subsequently resigned in 1 769, and 
was succeeded by John Cole, and he by John Car- 
ter in 1772. Mr. Carter held the office until after 
the adoption of the constitution of the United States, 
in 1790. WilUam Wilkinson was appointed soon after 
that event, and removed in 1802, during President 
Jeffi3rson's administration. Dr. Benjamin West suc- 
ceeded Mr. Wilkinson, and held the office till his 
death, in 1813, when the office was given to his son- 
in-law, Gabriel Allen, who also held it until his death 
in 1824. Bennett H. Wheeler was his successor. — 
He was removed in 1831, by President Jackson, and 
was succeded by the present incumbent, Edward J. 
Mallett. 

In May 1774, a plan was laid before the Ameri- 
can public in the newspapers, for establishing a new 
American Post Office. It stated that the previous 
establishment had been set up by a private gentle- 
man in the Southern States, that in the 9th year of 
Queen Anne, the Government of Great Britain took 
it into their hands, and that the income of the es- 
tablishment in 1774, was £3,000. It proposed the 
formation of a joint stock company, to establish and 
maintain a Post Office. The subscribers, in each 
colony, to appoint seven from among themselves, 
who should have power to appoint postmasters and 
regulate mails and postage. These committees were 
to be authorised to appoint a postmaster general 
who should adjust the accounts of all postmasters, 



616 MISCELLANEOUS. 

divide surplus of receipts over expenses, and assess 
deficiencies, on the committee of each colony, in 
proportion to the amount of subscriptions. Mr. 
Goddard w^as very active in favor of this project, if 
not the author of it. It was never carried into effect. 

In June 1775, the General Assembly established 
post riders and Post Offices in Providence, Newport, 
Bristol, Warren, Tower Hill, South Kingstown and 
Westerly. A committee of that body were entrust- 
ed with the general oversight and care of the Post 
Office establishment. Rates of postage for single 
letters, were, for not over 60 miles, 5f pence, for 60 
and not over 100, 8 pence, for 100 and not over 
200, 10 pence, for 200 and not over 300, 14 pence. 
In August following, a mail started from Provi- 
dence for New London on every Tuesday afternoon 
to return as soon as may be. John Lassell was 
the post rider at the rate of ^85 per year. Benja- 
min Mumford rode from Newport to Cambridge, 
starting every Monday, at five in the afternoon. 
This arrangement continued but a short time. A 
Continental Post Office was soon established. Mr. 
Mumford then succeeded Mr. Lassell. He received 
his appointment from William Goddard, Surveyor of 
Post Offices. 

The following notice is copied from the Gazette 
of August 15, 1767 : 

" Yesterday, a few gentlemen in this town made a great feast 
for the poor. There was a general invitation of all the objects 
of this liberality, besides a special invitation to many. A hog 
of 120 lbs. was provided, half a sheep, and a lamb, and other 
provisions, at Carpenter's Point." 

It was a pic nic on a large scale, and unique, as 



MISCELLANEOUS. 617 

it respects guests. The place has seen many par- 
ties since, but probably none more replete with 
pleasure than this. 

The same paper, in December following, announ- 
ces as a fact, that " three young ladies, daughters of 
a gentleman of fortune, in the neighborhood of this 
town, have lately clothed themselves in garments of 
their own spinning." The spinning wheel was not 
so old fashioned then, as now. A short time after 
this, it is also recorded, in the same paper, " that a 
number of young ladies, daughters of hberty and 
industry, assembled at the Rev. Mr. Rowland's, with 
their spinning wheels, and at night presented him 
with 1,020 knots of thread." If these things really 
took place as stated, there has been a great change 
in some matters and things. Since the erection of 
cotton mills and the introduction of spinning ma- 
chines, young ladies are not seen carrying their 
spinning wheels to their minister's house, and din- 
ning his ears with their hum-drum noise. 

There were some golden dreams, however, in 
those days ; all was not dry matter-of-fact bone labor. 
The project pourtrayed in the following petition, 
has haunted the imaginations of many since, and it 
will probably be the means of as much anticipated 
pleasure and wealth to future generations, as it has 
been to those that are past. 

To the Honorable General Assembly, to be held at East- 
Greenwich on the last Monday of February, 1768. 

The petition of Samuel Jackson Cooper, Richard Jackson, 
John Updike, Merchants, all of Providence, in the county of 
Providence, humbly sheweth : 

That they are about to dig after pitcoal, commonly called sea- 
78 



618 MISCELLANEOUS. 

coal, in the town of Providence, and make an effectual trial if 
there be any coals there or not ; that they are induced to make 
this experiment from the many natural appearances and marks 
of coal which have occurred to such as are skilled in coal mines, 
and after the most deliberate view of their undertaking, they 
find some encouragement in their proceeding, although the ex- 
periment will be attended with great expense. If any large 
quantity should be discovered, it would certainly be of great 
benefit to the colony, as fire wood grows scarce and consequent- 
ly dear, and no seacoal, as yet discovered, in these parts. The 
place where the bed of coal is supposed to lie, is in the hill at the 
back of the town, from whence it might be put on board of ves- 
sels, with great ease and advantage. It might become a great 
staple, and bring immense sums of money into the colony, which 
would be distributed primarily amongst a multitude of laborers, 
who must necessarily be employed in carrying on the business, 
and from their hands, be circulated through the government. 
It might be the means of bringing into the government, a num- 
ber of vessels from the neighboring colonies, with such neces- 
sary articles, to trade off for coal, as at present we are obliged 
to send after, and can procure no other way, than by a consid- 
erable loss in trade. The petitioners humbly conceive, that if 
they had a monopoly of the whole business, they could not de- 
rive any more advantage to themselves, than a moderate com- 
pensation for their trouble in managing the business and direct- 
ing the operations of the laborers, but the principal advantages 
arising from the business would accrue to the public, and be 
equally distributed. The petitioners are confident, that the leg- 
islature of the colony will constantly attend to and countenance 
every species of business or manufacture, that will have a ten- 
dency to bring the balance of trade into our favor, or that will 
in any way be to the emolument of the colony. With these 
ideas, they humbly pray the Assembly to grant unto them, their 
heirs and assigns, a patent under the great seal of the colony, 
for the sole vending, disposing and exporting all seacoal or pit- 
coal or by whatsoever other name the same may be called,, 
which may be found by them in the town of Providence, and 
that no other person or persons be permitted to sell or export any 
coal found in said town of Providence for the term of fourteen 



MISCELLANEOUS 619 

years after the petitioners shall discover coal ; or grant them 
some other encouragement for their undertaking a business of so 
great expense, and which in event may prove of universal bene- 
fit, as your honors may see fit. The petitioners being ready to 
give sufficient security that they will make an effectual ex- 
periment within three years, and that, if coals should be found 
in sufficient quantities, they will supply the markets at a much 
cheaper rate, than can be imported from abroad, or surrender 
up their patent. And they will ever pray &c. 

The prayer of this petition was granted, and a 
patent ordered to be issued under the seal of the 
colony. Whether they commenced operations or 
not, I have not been able to ascertain. The hill 
referred to, shows that some persons, at some time, 
have sought for wealth beneath its surface. 

The transit of Venus, on the third day of June 
1769, was observed at Providence, by Benjamin 
West and Joseph Brown, assisted by Stephen Hop- 
kins, Moses Brown, Jabez Bowen, Joseph Nash 
and John Burrough. This phenomenon occurs but 
twice in a century. It affords conclusive data for 
determining some of the most intricate and impor- 
tant questions in astronomy. The transit of this 
planet, in 1761, had been observed in all parts of 
the civilized world. It was desirable that the same 
event, occurring in 1769, should also be observed 
by many persons, in different parts of the earth, and 
with great exactness. In prospect of its near ap- 
proach, all the necessary instruments were obtained. 
No expense was spared in procuring them, or in 
making the necessary arrangements. Dr. West 
states, in an account of the proceedings which he 
afterwards published, that Mr. Brown expended 



620 MISCELLANEOUS. 

more than £100 sterling, in making these prepara-> 
tions. A temporary observatory was erected in the 
street, since then, and from this circumstance called 
Transit street, about one hundred feet east of Benefit 
street. Here, on the morning of the third of June, 
were collected not only the gentlemen before named, 
but many others ; some attracted by curiosity mere- 
ly, and some by their love of science. The day 
proved calm and serene. Not a cloud intervened 
to obstruct their observation, but every circumstance 
contributed to facilitate it. The account published 
by Dr. West, bore ample testimony to his science 
as an astronomer. Compared with other observa- 
tions, even with those made under the patronage of 
crowned heads in Europe, it maintains a high place 
for its accuracy. 

Notwithstanding the political dangers and diffi- 
culties with which the colonies were surrounded in 
1772, the inhabitants of Providence found leisure 
to form and perfect plans for their present comfort, 
and for the future well-being of the town. That 
part of the town since called Eddy's Point, was for- 
merly an island, and was connected with the main 
land by an artificial embankment. It had been found 
a very convenient place for business, excepting only 
a want of fresh water for the supply of the inhabi- 
tants. In that year they formed a company for the 
purpose of supplying themselves with this necessary 
article, by an aqueduct from the main land, and ob- 
tained a charter of incorporation from the General 
Assembly. Capt. John Field, the owner of land ad- 
joining, upon which there was a large and perma- 



MISCELLANEOUS 621 

nent spring of good water, generously gave one half 
of it to the company for nine hundred and ninety- 
nine years. Operations were immediately com- 
menced by Joseph Buckhn and Nicholas Clark, 
and in four months they completed the undertaking, 
carrying the water nearly three-fourths of a mile, 
in logs. The aqueduct was supposed capable of 
supplying one hundred gallons per minute. In a 
letter of thanks addressed to Captain Field on the 
26th of August, after the work was completed, they 
say, "we are supplied with fresh water in a more 
convenient manner than any of the inhabitants of 
the colony : and, to use the language of scripturCj 
our situation wasj before, pleasant, though our wa- 
ters were nought ; but, now, through your bounty 
and beneficence, we have at command a spring shut 
up, or fountain, opened at pleasure." In October 
following the "Rawson's Fountain Society," was 
incorporated. The fountain of this corporation was 
dug in land of the heirs of the late Stephen Rawson. 
It was thirty feet in length, thirteen and a half feet 
wide, and about ten feet deep. The main pipe was 
four inches bore and about four hundred rods in 
length. The undertakers of this work, were Amos 
Atwell and Jonathan Ellis. The logs were bored 
by machinery invented by them. 

Since that period, two other fountains have been 
built on the west side of the river. The one belong- 
ing to the Providence Aqueduct Company, is located 
near the junction of Stewart and Conduit streets. — - 
The water is conveyed from it in a double range of 
four inch iron pipes, a part of which was laid at 



622 MISCELLANEOUS. 

great expense, the excavation for the same, varying 
from four to thirty-one feet in depth. The pipes 
from this fountain were extended at first across the 
river, and under its bed. They were broken while 
erecting the bridge, and have not since been replaced. 

The other fountain is located between Fountain 
and Cottage streets, a httle to the east of Dean 
street. The main pipe at the fountain is five inches 
in diameter. The head is sufficient to dehver water 
in the third story of the Union buildings, next the 
bridge. 

These four fountains, supply a greater part of the 
inhabitants on the west side of the river, whose dwel- 
ings are near the salt water, with pure and whole- 
some water. They are owned by different compa- 
nies, and the right to use the water is granted to 
families, at the cost of about ten dollars per year. 

About the year 1803, Col. Jeremiah Olney dug 
a fountain in the northeasterly part of the town on 
his own land, for the purpose of supplying the inhab- 
itants on the east side of the river, with water. Logs 
were laid to the west end of Olney street, but he met 
with little encouragement, the inhabitants preferring 
to dig and own wells, as the land in that vicinity yields 
a great supply of good water at no very great depth. 

A larger quantity of flour was brought to market 
in Providence, from the surrounding country, in 
1774. than in any preceding year. It was in fact so 
great, as to form the subject of a newspaper para- 
graph. Mr. Carter, the editor of the Providence 
Gazette, a man not given to speculation, remarked, 
that there appeared a probability that flour would, in 



MISCELLANEOirS. 623 

time, become " a very considerable article of ex- 
portation." That time has not yet arrived, and 
probably never will, the industry of the people being 
turned to other objects. 

The winter of 1779-80, was one of extreme se- 
verity. It continues to be referred to, up to the 
present day, as " the cold winter." At the time, it 
was said to be more severe than any that had prece- 
ded it for many years. The harbor of Providence 
was closed by ice in November, and continued so 
for nearly two months. The ice extended from New- 
port harbor to " the Dumplings." The island of 
Rhode-Island lost its insular character. Beaten 
paths were made over the ice from Newport to 
Wickford, East Greenwich and Providence. Load- 
ed teams passed repeatedly across Narragansett Bay. 
The ground was covered with snow during the whole 
time, but not so deep as to obstruct the communi- 
cation between different towns. The intensity of 
the cold, and its long continuance, caused great dis- 
tress among the poor. 

" The dark day," in May 1780, is often referred 
to by those who remember it. For several days 
previous to the 19th of that month, the atmosphere 
appeared to be charged with a dry, smoky vapor, so 
that the sun could be viewed with the naked eye. 
At 10 o'clock, on the 19th, the darkness had increas- 
ed to such a degree, as to impede the regular trans- 
action of business. Between half past twelve and 
one, it arrived at its height. Ordinary business was 
wholly suspended. That which was necessary to be 
done, was done by candle-light, though at noon-day. 



624 



MISCELLANEOUS. 



Fowls sought their roosts, cattle retired, as at night, 
and men stood appalled at the dread appearances. 
The busy hum of life was stilled, and all nature 
seemed to wait in dismay for further demonstrations 
of her approaching dissolution. About one o'clock, 
the wind, which had been at southeast, changed to 
the southwest, the darkness began gradually to di- 
minish, and at two o'clock, man and beast and fowl, 
were in the enjoyment of an apparent cloudy morn- 
ing. A very httle rain fell in the morning, while 
the wind was at southeast. During the whole time, 
the air had a sooty, smoky smell, which was also 
communicated to the rain water which was saved. 
This circumstance remembered, led afterward to 
the conclusion, that the strange appearances were 
caused by vast fires, known then to be raging in the 
forests in some parts of the country. The darkness 
was not peculiar to Providence. It extended over 
the greater part of New-England, some parts of the 
middle and southern states, and even to the Canadas. 
Soon after the peace of 1783, the inhabitants of 
the state of Rhode-Island turned their attention to 
manufactures. The first company in the state, for 
the manufacture of cotton, was formed in Provi- 
dence, in 1787. Their object was to make home- 
spun cloth, by hand. At first, they built a jenny, 
of twenty-eight spindles, and after that, a spinning 
frame, having eight heads of four spindles each. 
They obtained the models of these machines from 
Massachusetts. They had also a carding machine. 
The jenny was first operated in one of the chambers of 
the market-house. In the following year, two Scotch- 



MISCELLANEOUS. 625 

men came to Providence, who knew how to use 
the fly-shuttle. A loom was constructed for one of 
them, and set up in the same place. The spinning- 
frame was afterwards removed to North Providence, 
to be worked by water, but it was found quite too 
imperfect for use. Samuel Slater, the acknowledg- 
ed father of American cotton manufactures, arrived, 
at the same place, in January 1790. Before the 
end of the year, he had started three cards, one 
drawing frame, and seventy-two spindles, by water. 
From this small beginning, have arisen the cotton 
manufactures in this country. The first cotton 
thread spun by machinery, in Rhode-Island, was 
spun in the chambers of the market-house, in Provi- 
dence. The first cotton thread spun by water, in 
the United States, was spun in North Providence. 

About 1788, John Fullem worked a stocking loom 
in Providence, and in March 1790, a calendering 
machine was put in operation in the same place, 
moved by horse-power. In 1794, Messrs. Schaub, 
Tissot and Dubosque, were engaged in printing 
calicoes. In 1797, Peter Schaub and Robert New- 
ell were engaged in the same business. They used 
cotton cloth imported from the East Indies, and 
wooden blocks to impart the desired figures and col- 
ors. Previous to this, by several years, calico printing 
in the same manner, was carried on at East Green- 
wich. This, it is supposed, was the first printing done 
in America. The Rhode-Island Historical Society 
have, in their cabinet at Providence, some of the 
calico first printed, and some of the blocks used. 
In August 1765, a large and complete paper mill 
79 



626 MISCELLANEOUS. 

was first finished and put in operation near Provi- 
dence, probably at Olneyville. This is the earhest 
of which I have obtained any information. 

From the peace of 1783, down to the present 
time, (1842) there has been a gradual increase of 
attention to manufactures, and a gradual introduc- 
tion of new manufactures. All the water power 
in Providence, is fully occupied, and besides this, 
there were in operation, in April 1842, thirty-four 
steam engines, in the whole exceeding nine hundred 
and twenty-five horse power. The latter were em- 
ployed in grinding grain, sawing and polishing mar- 
ble, printing cloths, bleaching, calendering and dye- 
ing, sawing and planing lumber, for driving a pump 
in a distillery, and bellows in furnaces and foundries, 
in engraving cylinders for printing goods, and in 
manufacturing machinery, India rubber shoes, small 
wares, furniture, screws, reeds, power-loom pickers, 
carriages, and cotton and woollen goods. 

In 1789, the mechanics and manufacturers of 
Providence formed themselves into an association 
for mutual aid, and obtained a charter of incorpora- 
tion from the state. 

This institution has been of the greatest advan- 
tage to its members and to the community. By an- 
nual assessment, they have become possessed of a 
handsome fund, devoted to charitable purposes, and 
are owners of a large and commodious hall on Mar- 
ket square. Some years since, they estabhshed a li- 
brary, which, in 1842, contained nearly 2,000 vol- 
umes. Individually and collectively, the mechanics 



MISCELLANEOUS. 



627 



and manufacturers of Providence have always wil- 
lingly lent a ready hand for every good work. 

Commerce was a favorite pursuit with the citizens 
of Providence, at an early period of its history. — 
What was the amount of duties on merchandise re- 
ceived before 1790, cannot be now ascertained. — 
The following is a statement of the amount of duties 
on merchandise which accrued in the district of 
Providence from the year 1790 to the year 1831, 
every dollar of which was paid. 



1790 


$23,647 


1811 


$216,975 


1791 


82,268 


1812 


184,624 


1792 


63,387 


1813 


146,249 


1793 


125,511 


1814 


85,016 


1794 


113,326 


1815 


100,390 


1795^ 


279,938 


1816 


269,660 


1796 


223,259 


1817 


210,359 


1797 


251,558 


1818 


210,163 


1798 


135,726 


1819 


404,850 


1799 


194,850 


1820 


118,439 


1800 


283,366 


1821 


99,626 


1801 


294,906 


1822 


485,067 


1802 


269,941 


1823 


250,717 


1803 


368,552 


1824 


247,510 


1804 


422,413 


1825 


103,350 


1805 


341,597 


1826 


304,492 


1806 


375,820 


1827 


203,620 


1807 


284,980 


1828 


195,172 


1808 


173,637 


1829 


132,738 


1809 


131,578 


1830 


100,585 


1810 


338,173 


1831 


284,094 



Since 1 831 , there has been a great falling off in the 
amount of duties in this district. This was probably 
owing, partly, to the fact that enterprise and capital 
have since then been seeking more lucrative em- 
ployment in manufactures, and partly, to the great 
growth and increased commercial importance of 
New-York and Boston. As those cities increase, the 



628 MISCELLANEOUS. 

foreign commerce of intervening and neighboring 
ports must decrease, and the coasting trade engross 
their attention. 

At the August town-meeting, 1795, an attempt 
was made to diminish the danger of destructive fires, 
from the practice of smoking in the pubhc streets. 
Since then the attempts by legislation have been 
multiphed, but public feeling has shown itself in this 
matter, stronger than positive law. The town act 
of 1795, had a peculiar exception attached to it, to 
preserve which it is here inserted. 

" Whereas great danger of fire in this town arises from a very 
improper practice of smoking pipes and segars in the public 
streets, it is therefore recommended, by the freemen of the 
town, in town-meeting assembled, that the citizens wholly refrain 
from that practice ; nevertheless, it is not understood by these 
recommendations, to prevent any among us, the young men or 
others, who may be under the necessity on account of any griev- 
ous malady from using the same by way of medicine." 

If only those smoke in the streets now, who are 
laboring under "grievous maladies," we should 
have a very unfavorable opinion of the salubrity of 
the climate of Providence. At any rate, it would 
seem that some "young men and others" are very 
sohcitous of recovering their health by their constant 
use of this medicine. 

Within a few years past, much has been done by 
individuals toward beautifying the streets of Provi- 
dence by planting ornamental trees on their bor- 
ders. Since the labors of the side walk commis- 
sioners made the rough places smooth in the side 
walks, and permanently fixed the level and grade of 
the streets, there has been an increased attention to 



MISCELLANEOUS. 629 

this matter, and citizens and strangers are beginning 
to feel and appreciate the value of such trees. A like 
spirit pervaded the citizens in 1798. Just before that 
time, the Lombardy poplar was introduced here. — 
The tall and graceful appearance of the young trees 
with their bright glossy leaves, in connexion with 
their foreign origin, gained them many ardent friends 
and admirers. Nurseries of young plants were as- 
siduously cultivated by individuals for sale. The town 
embarked in the speculation and ordered a nursery to 
be set out on the Hospital land. The mania raged 
some years, but not to an equal degree with the mo- 
rus multicaulis mania of later times, nor with such 
ruinous effects on individuals. But it was soon as- 
certained that the Lombardy poplar would not bear 
the rigor of our climate, that its bright glossy foliage 
had a very disagreeable smell, and furnished food 
for a very loathsome and poisonous worm, that its 
form was so graceful that it afforded no shade, and 
that its wood yielded neither fuel nor timber. Its 
foreign origin could not support it, under all these 
disadvantages, and it was generally voted to agree 
with an old minister in an adjoining state, who de- 
clared that he had rather have two pear trees than 
one poplar. But a few remain to the present day. 
In 1803, Daniel Anthony, a surveyor of great ac- 
curacy and skill, made the first map of Providence. 
It was drawn on a scale of fifty rods to the inch, 
and engraved by William Hamlin. Mr. Anthony 
pubhshed a second map, in 1824, on a large sheet. 
A glance at these two maps will do much toward 



630 MISCELLANEOUS. 

convincing any one of the rapid increase of Provi- 
dence between those two dates. 

In 1835, Benoni Lockwood and Samuel B. Gush- 
ing, published a map embracing Providence and 
North Providence. This was on a smaller scale 
than Mr. Anthony's, but more useful, because em- 
bracing the two towns, and other particulars not con- 
tained in the former. 

At the June session of the General Assembly, 
1799, John Smith, one of the Representatives of 
Providence, proposed in the lower House, the call- 
ing of a convention, for the formation of a state 
constitution, to consist of one delegate for every one 
thousand inhabitants. The motion was carried in 
that house, forty-four voting in the affirmative. It 
was probably lost in the Senate, as it does not ap- 
pear in the schedules of the proceedings of the Gen- 
eral Assembly. 

In 1830, James Hammond resigned the office of 
Town Sergeant, which he had held, by annual elec- 
tion, twenty-one successive years. He had literally 
grown old in the service of the public. To dis- 
charge the duties of any office well, the incumbent 
must feel honored by the office. If he feel that he 
honors the office, the public service will suffer, by 
his official conduct. Though the office of Town 
Sergeant is not generally considered a high office, 
Deacon Hammond, as he was familiarly called, felt 
himself honored by it. This appeared in his every 
action. By virtue of this office, he officiated as 
crier to the courts in the county of Providence. 
On these occasions, he seemed conscious of the 



MISCELLANEOUS. 631 

dignity of the office he held. His look, his man- 
ner, his tone, every movement of the w^hole man, 
showed that w^hile he admitted the office of presi- 
ding judge to be superior to that of Town Sergeant 
of the town of Providence, he doubted if any other 
was its equal. This did not appear in haughty, 
overbearing, arrogant conduct, on his part; that 
could never proceed from his humble heart. The 
man would acknowledge his inferiority to all around 
him. The sergeant claimed their deference and 
respect. His enunciation, clear, loud and distinct, 
was well suited to the vocation of crier. The for- 
mal prayer, at the end of the usual proclamations, 
which in other hands were as words of course, sig- 
nifying nothing, accompanied as they always were 
with the uplifted hand and eye of Deacon Ham- 
mond, seemed indeed a prayer. Who that ever 
heard him read aloud the town-clerk's warrant for 
calling a town meeting, can forget his manner. He 
then moved, and looked, and spoke, as though the 
freemen of the town could not assemble in town- 
meeting without his aid. Old age and infirmities 
forced him to resign. And though the town gave 
him a vote of thanks for his services, and testified 
their gratitude in the weightier way of a gratuity, the 
man could not long survive the sargeant. He died 
on the 18th day of February 1831, in the 81st year 
of his age, leaving behind few that could equal, and 
none who would exceed him, as an honest, upright 
man. Had he hved and been blessed with strength 
to warn town meetings, the old way of warning 
them, by beat of drum and proclamation, would not 



632 MISCELLANEOUS. 

have been dispensed with, and perhaps the Town 
form of government would not have been overturned. 
None of the first built dwelling houses are now in 
existence. A part of the " Manufacturers' Hotel," 
on Market square, is beheved to be as old as any 
building now standing. The part alluded to, is near 
the south east corner of the present building. The 
house which was removed in the summer of 1842, 
from the corner of north Main and Church street, 
is also a very old building. The house formerly oc- 
cupied by Gabriel Bernon, a French Hugenot, and 
in which tradition states that the common prayer 
book of the church of England was first used in pub- 
lic worship, now stands between North Main and 
Canal streets, in the rear of No. 49 North Main 
street. It formerly stood on North Main street. — 
The style of the oldest houses- now standing, does not 
indicate that the owners abounded in wealth, or that 
the architects of those times possessed a superabun- 
dance of talent or taste. Comfort and convenience, 
were much more regarded than mere appearance. 
Utility was seldom sacrificed to looks. The oldest 
public building is " the old Town House," a venera- 
ble rehc of this class of structures, proving as far as 
one item can prove a general proposition that the 
same considerations governed the inhabitants in the 
erection of their public and private buildings. The 
buildings of the next class, both pubhc and private, 
show more wealth and taste. The reign of taste 
was soon followed again by that of utility and con- 
venience, and it is not until a comparatively few 
years past, that utility, convenience, and taste, have 



MISCELLANEOUS. 633 

been united. Even within that time some attempts 
liave been made to excel the works of the old Gre- 
cian and Roman architects, by the erection of build- 
ings unique and singular. These attempts have 
been partially successful, and splendid monuments 
of monstrosity have been the result. Reference has 
been made in a previous chapter to several of the 
meeting-houses as fine specimens of architecture. — 
All that are so, were not then named, and the Ar- 
cade deserves also to be named in this connection. 
This was erected in 1827 and 1828. It is buih of 
granite, fronting on two streets, Westminster on the 
north, and Weybosset on the south. It is seventy- 
four feet on each street and two hundred and six- 
teen feet in length. It forms a transept or cross 
of one hundred and ninety-four feet by forty-two. 
The two fronts are ornamented with recess porti- 
cos fifteen feet deep ; each of which is composed 
of six Ionic columns, three feet in diameter, and two 
square antes, and is crowned with an entablature and 
cornice, forming a pediment. The whole height of 
the front collonade is forty feet from the base to the 
pediment. The roof over the entrance-hall, is cov- 
ered with glass thirty-two feet in width and one 
hundred and eighty-eight feet in length ; the rest of 
the roof is covered with tin. The entrance to each 
portico is by a flight of four steps, running, with the 
corner hutments, the entire length of the colonade. 
The entrance hall runs from street to street and is 
thirteen feet wide. The building is three stories 
high, having twenty six stores in each story. Two 
flights of steps under each portico lead to the 
80 



634 MISCELLANEOUS. 

stores in the second and third story. The coridors, 
forming the floors of these stories, are protected by 
a strong cast-iron balustrade, running entirely round 
the interior of the building. The whole cost of the 
building was estimated at ^145,000. It belongs, 
the east half to Cyrus Butler, and the west half to 
the Arcade corporation. The architect was Russell 
Warren. The investment has not been so profita- 
ble as the proprietors might have wished. To eke 
out the profits, they are entitled to the proud reflec- 
tion, that they have erected the most beautiful build- 
ins in Providence, and one that exceeds all others 
in the United States devoted to the same objects. 

The public debt of Providence in 1831, amounted 
to ^108,814,97. In 1842 is was ^222,331,17.— 
Many great and permanent improvements have been 
made since the adoption of the city charter, in which 
the next generation will participate. This view of 
the matter has induced the city government to charge 
that generation also with a part of the expenses. 

Until within a few years, no regular bill of mor- 
tality has been kept in Providence. By reference 
to them, since kept, it appears that the deaths in 
1840, were 552, in 1841, 677, and in 1842, 702.— 
The population by the census of 1840, was 23,172. 



APPENDIX. 

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, FROM ADOPTION OF CITY CHARTER TO 1843. 

I had intended to close the ecclesiastical history at the adoption of the 
city charter in 1832. It was found impossible, from the materials in my 
possession, to give the true religious statistics of the town at that time. 
This induced me to bring down the sketches given in Chap. II. to 1842, 
and to add sketches of such societies as has been formed since the adop- 
tion of the city charter. 

The Power Street Methodist Church, was constituted in 1833, 
and consisted of about fifty persons, who were dismissed from the Chest- 
nut Street Church for the purpose of forming a new church. In 1842, their 
numbers exceeded three hundred and fifty. Their pastors have been 
Charles K. True, David Patten, jr. Hiram H. White, Asa W. Swineton, 
Abel Stevens, Daniel Fillmore, Charles McReding. The present in- 
cumbent is Ephraim Stickney. Their meeting house is of brick, seventy- 
five by fifty feet. It is at the corner of South Main and Power streets, 
was dedicated January 1, 1834, and cost about |il.5, 000 jvhich was raised 
by sale of pews. The church is attached to the Methodist Episcopal 
church in the United States. 

The High Street Congregational Church, consisted at first of 
forty members. Their present number (1842) is 221. It was organised 
December 18, 1834. They erected their present meeting-house in the 
same year. It is of wood, eighty feet by fifty, with a cupola steeple. — 
The cost of its erection was defrayed by lease of the pews for five hun- 
dred years, subject to an annual rent not exceeding eight per cent on their 
valuation. The house belongs to the High street Congregational society, 
incorporated in 1833. William B. Lewis, Nathaniel S. Folsom, and Leon- 
ard S. Parker, have successively been pastors of this church and soci- 
ety. — Mr. Parker is their present pastor. 

New Jerusalem Church. A small society of this denomination has 
been gathered in Providence, and now holds its meetings for worship, in 
Union Hall, near the Universalist meeting-house. It is not known that 
there were any receivers of the doctrines of this church here, prior to the 
year 1824. Some volumes of the writings of Emanuel Swedenborg had, 
at an earlier period, been placed by Mr. Artemas Stebbins, of Swanzey, 



636 



APPENDIX. 



in a circulating library, but few read them, and none are known to have 
believed what they teach. 

In the year 1824, Waldo Ames, and George B. Holmes, came to reside 
in this place. Mr. Ames was a believer in the doctrines of the New Je- 
rusalem. He went to England in 1826, and procured the writings of 
Swedenborg, and others, written in illustration and defence of these doc- 
trines. Mr. Holmes was associated in business with Mr. Ames, and he 
and Mrs. Holmes, became receivers of these doctrines. 

In 1834, James Scott, of North-Providence, and Anson Potter, of Cran- 
ston, became interested in the writings of Swedenborg. The former had 
been educated among the Quakers, and was deeply imbued with their 
principles. He is the son of the late Job Scott, a distinguished teacher 
of Quakerism. Mr. Potter had lived a professed Deist, but previously to 
his acquaintance with the doctrines of the New Jerusalem, had professed 
a belief in Christianity, and had received an idea, that there was a some- 
thing of Divinity in the Lord Jesus Christ. Both of these gentlemen 
soon became convinced, that the New Jerusalem is indeed, a New 
Church, which the Lord is, at this day, establishing on earth. 

In 1835, John F. Street, a member of the New Jerusalem church, in 
Manchester, England, came to reside in Seekonk, and made known the 
doctrines of the New Church to some persons at Pawtucket. He asso- 
ciated himself with the receivers already named, and they then began to 
hold meetings at each others' houses, on the Sabbath. These were so- 
cial meetings, at which they read the word, the writings of Swedenborg, 
and sermons from the New Jerusalem Magazine, and from manuscripts, 
supplied by Samuel Worcester, of Bridge water, Mass. Mr. Ames had al- 
ready become a member of the New Church in Bridgewater, his native 
town. Mr. Scott and Mr. Potter went thither in about 1835, and receiv- 
ed baptism, and were soon after joined to that church. 

Public worship was now established. Sermons were furnished by Mr. 
Worcester, and Mr. Scott was appointed the reader, and Mr. Ames filled 
the same office, in the absence of Mr. Scott. This little society was es- 
tablished as a branch of the Bridgewater society, that it might be under 
the same pastoral care. This connexion was dissolved about the year 
1640, and this society was organized as a distinct church, according to 
the usages and forms of the body of Christians to which it is attached. 
Still to the present time their number is so small that they have had no 
settled pastor over them, although their meetings are regularly kept up. 

The first public meeting for worship wae held April 19, 1835, and it is 
believed, to be the first ever held in this city for the worship of the Lord 
Jesus Christ, as the only GOD. 

During this year, John Prentice embraced the doctrines of the New Je- 
rusalem, and with his children, received baptism. He had been a preacher 
of the Congregational order, but was never settled as a pastor. He joined 
the New Church in Bridgewater, January 3, 1836. In the same year, Mrs. 



APPENDIX. 637 

George B. Holmes, Mrs. James Scott and Simon Henry Greene were also 
received into the same church. At the first public meeting of this socie- 
ty, twenty-five persons, including children, were present. The average 
number at this time may be about fifty. The number of church mem- 
bers now residing within this city is about twenty. Besides these, seve- 
ral adults and children have received introduction by baptism into the 
New Church. 

The doctrines professed by this church, are called the Heavenly Doc- 
trines of the New Jerusalem. They are not formed by the several socie- 
ties which adopt them, but are taken from the writings of Emanuel Swe- 
denborg. All the societies of the New Jerusalem Church in this coun- 
try and in others, embrace all the doctrines which are taught in those 
writings. An abstract of their articles of faith is contained in their 
Book of Worship. These are sanctioned by the New Church Confer- 
ence in England, and the General Convention of the New Church in 
the United States. The reader is referred to their Book of Worship for 
particulars. 

It is necessary to remark, in order to guard against mistakes, that the 
New Church do not regard the writings of Swedenborg, as containing any 
truth, except what is derived from the sacred scriptures. They believe, 
what he declares, that his spiritual sight was opened by the Lord, so that 
he saw spiritual beings and spiritual things, as spirits do, and that he was 
thus made acquainted with the same senses or meanings of the sacred 
scriptures, which are known and received in the heavens. The truths of 
the word revealed to him, while in this open intercourse with both good 
and evil spirits, are what are contained in his writings. He was thus en- 
lightened by the Lord, that he might teach to the world, the true doc- 
trines of the word, as they are known in heaven, in order that a church 
might be formed on earth, in agreement and conjunction with the church 
above. Swedenborg is therefore considered as an expositor enlightened 
and commissioned by the Lord, to make known the true doctrines of the 
word, and many arcana of heavenly wisdom concerning the spiritual 
world. But his writings have no claim to a comparison with the word ; 
for the word, or sacred scriptures, is divine truth, and the writings of 
Swedenborg contain only common measures of wisdom which ano-els 
possess, and which men may receive. They are not the word, but are 
given to teach men the true meaning of the word. 

The church which is to be formed by believing these doctrines, and 
living according to them, is called in the Revelation, the New Jerusalem, 
and because its doctrines are revealed from heaven, they are called the 
Heavenly doctrines of the New Jerusalem. In the society of which we 
are speaking, no prayer is used except the Lord's prayer ; and nothing 
but the literal words of scripture is used in chanting or singing. Their 
public worship consists of chanting or singing portions of the word, the 
Lord's prayer, and reading from the word, and a sermon. 



638 APPENDIX. 

No full system of ecclesiastical government has yet been adopted in 
the New Church. The general laws of order are contained in the wri- 
tings of Swedenborg ; and different societies adopt different rules for 
their organization and government. In the United States, the ministers 
of the New Church derive their offices from the Convention, and are sub- 
ject to the authority of that body. Churches are instituted, by ministers 
duly authorised by the Convention. These churches are understood to 
have the rio-ht and duty of choosing their pastors, but not of settling 
them without an act of the Convention, nor without their being ordained 
by ministers appointed by the Convention. From what has been already 
stated, it will appear, that the society of the New Church in Providence, 
was at first so much connected with that of Bridgewater, as not to possess 
the full organization and order of a church of the New Jerusalem. Con- 
sidering that the doctrines of the New Jerusalem are essentially opposed 
to those in which all men at this day have been educated, and that they 
require a life opposed to all that is selfish and worldly, it is obvious, few 
will receive them, and that even that few, will be slow in their reception. 
The little flock here collected believe, that a true reception of these doc- 
trines, also requires a far greater degree of rational knowledge of spiritual 
truths, than has been possessed for many ages. This knowledge may 
however, be obtained by those whom the world regard as the most sim- 
ple, provided they deny themselves, take up their cross and follow the 
Lord. It is not regarded as desirable, but even as dangerous, to persuade 
men to assent to these doctrines, faster than they can truly forsake all 
that they have ; and for this reason, the common modes of proselyting 
are not adopted. The doctrines are publicly taught, the books contain- 
ing them are exposed for sale, and are freely loaned, and private instruc 
tion is gladly given to those who seek to know the truth, that they may 
do it. And though the progress of this church is slow, its members see, 
that old things are passing away, and they know, that all things will be- 
come new. 

The greater part of the foregoing sketch of this church was kindly 
communicated to the author by James Scott. He is mistaken in believ- 
ing that " the first public meeting for worship was holden April 19, 1835 ;" 
the author well recollects of attending a public meeting at " the old town 
house" more than twenty years since. This society propose erecting a 
house for public worship in the course of the present year. 

Saint Stephen's Church. Previous to 1833, a number of Episcopal- 
ians opened a Sunday school in the southerly part of the town. Meeting 
with unexpected success, in that year they purchased a building erected 
for an infant school room, removed it to Thayer street, and fitted it up for 
a place of public worship. At Easter 1839, they invited Francis Vinton 
to be their rector. The following year they erected their present house 
at the corner of Benefit and Transit streets. It is a rough stone struct- 
ure, covered with cement, containing eighty-two pews on the ground 



APPENDIX 



639 



floor, the whole cost of which, with the organ, was about $13,000. Mr. 
Vinton was temporarily succeeded in the rectorship by John H. Rouse. 
George Leeds succeeded Mr. Rouse. The present rector is Henry Wa- 
terman, and the number of communicants, upwards of seventy. The 
parish was incorporated in October 1839. 

The West Baptist Church, was first recognised as a distinct church 
in October 1840. The members who composed it at first, were dismissed 
at their request, from the other Baptist churches in the city, for the pur- 
pose of uniting in a new church of the same faith and order which should 
hold forth a clearer and more decided testimony against slavery in all its 
forms. They first met for worship in a private house on Pine street, but 
soon hired the Green street school house, at the corner of Washington 
and Green streets, in which their meetings are still holden. Archibald 
Kenyon is their pastor. The number of communicants is one hundred 
and eight. 

The Wesleyan Methodist Society, was formed in 1841 by a num- 
ber of persons who had been members of the Chestnut street Methodist 
Episcopal Society. Their first place of meeting was at a school house on 
Pond Street. They were incorporated in January 1842, and in the same 
year they erected a house for public worship on Fountain street. It is a 
plain wooden structure, sixty-five feet by forty-six, and cost $6,000. 
On the 25th of December 1842, this society, by a formal vote, dissolved 
all connexion with the Methodist Episcopal Church, and became the 
First Wesleyan Society formed in New-England. The Wesleyan Con- 
nexion has since extended to various parts of the country. The alleged 
reasons for their withdrawal were, the friendly relation the Methodist 
Episcopal Church sustained to slavery, and its ecclesiastical economy. 

Jotliam Horton was their first pastor. His connexion with this church 
ceased in January 1843, at his own request. He was succeeded by Lu- 
cius C. Matlack. The church members are one hundred in number. 

Saint Patrick's Church. The increase of the Catholic population 
in Providence and vicinity, had, in the year 1841, become so great, as to 
render their church too small for their accommodation. To remedy this, 
a meeting, composed chiefly of persons residing in the north part of the 
city, was holden on the 1.5th day of March, in Washington Hall. At a 
subsequent meeting holden in Franklin Hall, in April, they organized 
their society and adopted measures for the speedy erection of a church, 
on a lot which they had purchased, situate on Smith's Hill so called, and 
fronting on State street. The location was well selected, being one of 
the most sightly and pleasant in the north part of the city. The corner 
stone of the church was laid, with religious ceremonies, on the 13th of 
June following. While their house was in progress of construction, they 
held meetings for public worship in Franklin Hall and Masonic Hall, un- 
der the ministration of William Fennelly, pastor of the Catholic church 



640 APPENDIX. 

at North Providence. The house being in a condition to be occupied for 
divine service, the congregation assembled therein, for the first time, on 
the 25th of December of the same year. Dennis Ryan officiated on this 
occasion. The church being completed was solemnly consecrated to the 
service of Almighty God, under the name and invocation of Saint Pat- 
rick, apostle of the Irish nation, on the 3d day of July 1842, by Benedict 
Fenwick, Catholic Bishop of New-England, assisted by several Catholic 
clercpymen of the city and neighboring places. William Wiley was the 
first pastor of this society. He commenced his spiritual charge, January 
16th 1842 and has retained it to the present time (January 1S43.) The 
church is a neat, substantial building, of the castellated Gothic order of 
architecture, constructed of slate stone and covered with cement. It is 
seventy-five feet in length, exclusive of the tower, by fifty-five in breadth. 
It is capable of seating about eight hundred persons, with no other gal- 
lery than the one in front, which is mostly taken up by the choir and or- 
gan. It has an organ of superior tone, and a fine bell weighing two thou- 
sand pounds ; the latter being mostly the gift of a liberal protestant gen- 
tleman of the city. The church, including the furniture and land, cost 
about $17,000, for the payment of which reliance is placed, mainly, on 
funds derived or to be derived, from the contributions of the congrega- 
tion and their fellow catholics in the city and yicinity, and from the in- 
come of pews in the church. The congregation, consisting of between 
eight and nine hundred adults, have already generously contributed for 
this purpose, but being, as the catholics here generally are, poor and de- 
pendent on their daily labor for subsistence, it will be readily and truly 
conjectured, that the building is still encumbered with a large debt. The 
society, from the want of a basement under the church, have as yet, no 
school provided ; but the children are assembled every Lord's Day, one 
hour before each of the services, for catechetical and other religious in- 
struction given by the pastor and subordinate teachers. The number of 
children in attendance, varies from one hundred to one hundred and 
fifty. The members of this society, as well as the catholic population of 
the city and vicinity, are principally natives of Ireland (with the excep- 
tion of some English and a few Americans) who have emigrated to this 
free coutry, with a view of enjoying that liberty of conscience and those 
civil rio-hts and privileges which are denied to them in the oppressed and 
persecuted land of their fathers. 

Seamen's Bethel. In August 1841, a number of persons who felt an 
interest in the seamen visiting this port, united themselves into a society 
with the design of erecting a meeting-house for their accommodation. — 
Their number did not exceed forty, and though not abounding in riches, 
they immediately commenced the erection of a house forty-five by seven- 
ty feet. It is not yet completed, although public worship has been hold- 
en in it, since the autumn of 1841. The society have expended about 
$,5,.500, on it and it will require about $1,500 to complete it. Benjamin 



APrENDIX. 



641 



Taylor, preaches in this church. A collection is taken up at every meet- 
ing for the support of public worship. The seats are free, those in the 
body of the house being exclusively appropriated to seamen. Such an 
institution would seem entitled to a full share of christian munificence. 

The Second Universalist Society, meet for worship in the "Old Town 
House." It was formed in 1841, by a secession of some of the members 
of the First Society, made for want of sufficient accommodations in their 
meeting house. They are under the pastoral care of James Gallager. 
J. N. Parker and William Jackson preceded him in office. 

The Second Freewill Baptist Church was organized in Septem- 
ber 1835, under John W. Lewis as their pastor. Their number then was 
ten. They met for worship in the African Union meeting and school 
house until November 1840. They then hired a hall on Middle street 
and since, in 1841, they erected a house for public worship on Pond street. 
It is a small wooden building, thirty feet by forty. The society was in- 
corporated in January 1842. After Mr. Lewis, Luke Waldron their pres- 
ent pastor was called to preside over this church and societ}^ The church 
now consists of upwards of sixty members. 

The African Methodist Episcopal Church was gathered in 1837. 
It belongs to the Wesleyan Methodist Episcopal church. The annual 
conference of this body of professing christians meets at New-York. — 
The pastors of this church and society are appointed by the conference. 
They have been Jehial C. Beman, William Serrington, and Nathan Blunt. 
Levin Smith is their present pastor. The church in 1840 consisted of 
fifty members, now (1842) there are nearly one hundred members. 
They at first hired a small building in which to hold their meetings. — 
They now own a small house and lot on Back street. The society was 
incorporated in January 1838. 

The Second African Methodist Episcopal Church, consisting of 
fifteen persons, first met as a distinct body in September 1833. The 
same year they built their meeting house, on Meeting steeet, east of Pros- 
pect street. It is thirty -five feet by twenty-five. The church is attached 
to the African Methodist Episcopal church, in the United States, which 
was incorporated in Pennsylvania in 1816. Their preachers are appointed 
by the annual conference of that church. The first was N. C. W. Can- 
non. He was succeeded by Jabez P. Campbell. The number of church 
members exceeds eighty. The society was incorporated in 1839. 

Christ Church. The society incorporated, in March 1842, under 
this name, first met together for worship, in 1839, in a school house on 
Washington street. They have since erected a church on Union street. 
It is a small, neat, wooden building, thirty -eight b}' fifty-two feet. S. G. 
Degrasse officiated as minister for tiiis society during the summer and 
autumn of 1840. Alexander Crummell, lay-reader, succeeded him. 
This church is part of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United 
States, and conforms to it, in rites and usages, government and doctrines. 

81 



642 APPENDIX. 

PERIODICALS COMMENCED SINCE 1832. 

From the organization of the city government in 1832, up to Decem- 
ber 1842, several periodicals, political, sectarian and literary, have been 
commenced. I have endeavored to annex a brief sketch of each of them. 

" The Evening Star," was the first daily penny paper in the state, and 
the third, it is believed, in the country. It was published in 1834, by 
Charles Haswell. After printing a few numbers, he relinquished the un- 
dertaking to Nathan Hall and Cornelius S. Jones. They continued the 
paper under the title of "The Daily News," from April 1834, to Decem- 
ber following. After this it was published by Jones & Haswell until 
August 1836. 

"The Daily City Gazette" commenced Feb. 2, 1833, and was pub- 
lished about nine montlis, after which " the City Gazette" was published 
as a weekly paper for a short time. Sylvester S. Southworth and Ste- 
phen G. Holroyd, were the publishers. 

"The Commercial Advertiser," a daily evening paper, commenced 
about the first of June 1834, and continued about three months. " The 
New-England Family Visitor," was a weekly paper made up from the 
Advertiser, and published during the same time. Knowles & Bur- 
roughs were the publishers. 

Samuel S. Wilson commenced the publication of the first penny paper 
in the state, January 1, 1835, under the title of" The Penny Post." After 
si.x months tlie title was changed to " The Weekly Visitor," under which 
title, Mr. Wilson published it for about three months, when he transferred 
it to Cyril A. Carpenter, who discontinued it after about one month. 

" The Light" was assumed as the name for a paper ostensibly engaged 
in the cause of moral reform, published simultaneously in New-York and 
Providence, by Joseph A. Whitmarsh, in 1835. It gave rise, in Provi- 
dence, to another paper, entitled " More Light," edited by Jacob Frieze. 
They both were short lived. 

"The Morning Courier" commenced in June 1836. It was published 
both daily and semi-weekly by William G. Earned. This paper assumed 
a neutral ground in politics, and, of course, was not patronised extensive- 
ly. In January 1840, the establishment was transferred to " The Journal." 

"The Gaspee Torch Light"" was published at the "Journal Office," 
for about three months preceding the presidential election in 1840, edited 
by William R. Watson. This gave rise to "The Extinguisher," which 
was published during the same time, at "The Herald" office, edited by 
Jacob Frieze. The first advocated and the other opposed the election of 
General Harrison to the presidency. 

" The Evening Chronicle" is a daily penny paper, edited and published 
by Joseph M. Church. The first number issued on the evening of the 
30th day of March 1842. " The Narraganset Chief," is a weekly paper 
made up from the Chronicle, and published on Saturdays. 

"The Plain Speaker," is a paper published at Providence, though 
printed at North Providence. The character of tliis paper is well describ- 



APPENDIX. 643 

ed by its title. It is published occasionally, circulated gratuitously, and 
supported by voluntary donations. Christopher A. Greene is the editor. 

During the year 1834, Silas Weston published and edited a semi- 
monthly paper under the title of "The Pupil's Monitor. The title de- 
scribes the work. 

" The Cradle of Liberty," was chiefly made up of selections from " The 
Liberator." It was published monthly for one year, (1839,) and devoted 
to the cause of anti-slavery . 

In 1834, a few numbers of a paper entitled " The Constitutionalist" 
were published; the object of which was, to advocate the adoption of a 
written constitution for the state. It expired for want of support. 

To further the same object and an extension of the right of suffrage, 
" Tlie New Age," a weekly paper, commenced February 19, 1841. The 
first number was printed by Benjamin T. Albro. The publishers were 
" the Rhode-Island Suffrage Association." Subsequently, it was publish- 
ed by Millard (Samuel M.) & Brown (John A.) and at a later period by 
Millard, Low (Samuel) & Miller (William J.) On the 18th day of March, 
1842, they commenced the publication of a daily paper, devoted, to the 
same objects, under the title of" The Daily Express." Both of these pa- 
pers were discontinued during a part of the summer of 1842, but were re- 
vived in the autumn of the same year. 

" The Suffrage Examiner," was the title of a single paper published in 
1841 by the executive committee of the Rhode-Island Anti-Slavery soci- 
ety, to oppose the adoption of any constitution for the state which made 
any distinction in the political rights of the white and colored population. 

The following papers have been devoted to the cause of temperance. 

" The Rhode-Island Temperance Herald," commenced Oct. 13th, 1838, 
was continued one year. It was edited by an association of gentlemen, 
and published weekly, on Saturdays, at No. 15, Market Square. On the 
30th of October 1839, it appeared in an enlarged form under the title of 

" The Olive Leaf and Rhode-Island Temperance Herald." At first it 
was edited by Charles Jewett and Lorenzo D. Johnson, and afterwards 
by Abel Stevens. In May 1840 it was united to the " New- York Week- 
ly Messenger," and published simultaneously in New-York, Providence 
and Boston, under the name of " The Olive Leaf and New- York Weekly 
Messenger." Mr. Johnson resumed the editorship after the union. 

" The Cold Water Gazette" began March 21st 1840. It was edited by 
Wyllis Ames and published at No. 14^ Westminster street. The main 
object of this publication was to further the election of a temperance tick- 
et of general officers for the state. Only a few numbers were ever pub- 
lished. 

" The Samaritan" continues to be an unwavering champion of total 
abstinence from all that intoxicates. It commenced November 10th, 1841, 
and is published weekly. Samuel S. Ashley and Thomas Tew were joint 
editors at first. After some time, the establishment was transferred to 
Mr. Tew, and is now published semi-monthly. 



644 APPENDIX. 

" The Rhode-Island Temperance Advocate" was the title of a paper 
proposed to be published semi-monthly by Joseph A. Whitmarsh under 
the direction of the executive committee of the Providence young men's 
temperance society. The first number is dated in May 1833, and no oth- 
er one ever was published. 

" The Gospel Messenger, devoted to theoretical and practical religion 
and morality," commenced November 28, 1840. It was printed weekly 
on a demi sheet, and edited by Zephaniah Baker. In January 1842, it was 
enlarged, when S. P. Landers was associated with Mr. Baker in the edi- 
torship. In January 1843, A. A. Davis becarrte sole proprietor and 
associated Hervy Bacon and D. B. Harris ,with himself in the editor- 
ship. It is published at Providence and Boston simultaneously, but prin- 
ted at the office of B. F. Moore in Providence. It is devoted to the cause 
of Universalism, but its columns are open to free discussion of all the 
great moral principles of the age. 

"John the Baptist," is the title of a work devoted to the interests of 
the Six Principle Baptists. John Tillinghast is the editor. It commen- 
ced in 1840. The first volume was published by Benjamin T. Albro. It 
is now printed in Pawtuckct. 

" The Christian Soldier" is a semi-monthly publication belonging to 
the Freewill Baptists. It was commenced February 18th 1S42. J. Whit- 
temore and T. H. Bacheller are the editors. Some of the first numbers 
were issued from the printing office of Hugh H. Brown. Afterwards it 
was printed in Pawtucket. 

But one literary paper has been started since the adoption of the city 
charter. Notwithstanding the talents and abilities of the editor and the 
industry of the publishers it continued in existence only one year. It 
commenced in June 1832. It was called " The Literary Journal and 
Weekly Register of Science and the arts." It was a quarto of eight pa- 
ges, published weekly. Albert G. Greene was the editor, and Knowles 
& Vose the publishers. After two months it was published by J. Knowles 
& Company. 

In the preceding pages, the author has aimed to be correct in his facts, and just in his 
conclusions. Yet with all his care and labor, he doubts not many errors may have escaped 
hira. Two have been pointed out to him, which he takes pleasure in correcting. One 
relates to the Dexter Asylum. The architect of the building gave hira the information 
to be found on pages 399 and 393. Since those pages were printed, the same gentleman 
informed him that it is not entirely correct. The chapel is forty-seven feet by forty. 
The basement under the east wing, on the south side of the coridor, is divided into an 
eating-room, awash-room, and two cells. On the north side, is a fuel and furnace room, 
a work-room and a cellar. The basement of the west wing, on the south of the coridor, 
has also an eating-room and a store-room ; on the nortli, is a fuel and furnace room, two 
cellars and a stair-case. 

On page 262^ it is stated that the French army spent the winter of 1782 in Providence. 
This information was derived from Dr. Stephen Randall, since deceased. In 1782, he 
had the agency of the land on which they encamped. A few days after that page was 
struck off, Dr. Rrandall called on the author, to correct his statements, having, in the 
meantime, referred to documents to enable him to do so. The first division of the army 
arrived November 10, 1782, and pitched their tents on Mathewson's Hill. The second 
division arrived soon after. They removed in a few days from Mathewson's Hill to 
the place named on page 262. Before December 7th, they inarched for Boston, to em- 
bark for Europe, 

I 



APPENDIX. 



645 



List of persons who have held certain offices in 
Providence. 

REPRESENTATIVES IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 

1G64. First Session. 
Arthur Fenner, 
Zachary Rhodes, 
Thomas Harris, sen. 
John Brown. 

Ma7j. 
William Carpenter, 
William Wickenden, 
Arthur Fenner, 
Stephen Arnold. 

October. 
Gregory Dexter, 
John Throckmorton, 
William Carpenter, 
Zachary Rhodes. 

1665. February. 
William Harris, 
Thomas Arnold, 
Thomas Hopkins, 
Stephen Arnold. 

May. 
William Carpenter, 
Zachary Rhodes, 
James Ashton, 
Henry Brown. 

October. 
Thomas Olney, sen. 
John Throckmorton, 
Thomas Hopkins, 
Edward Smith. 

1666. March. 
Richard Scott, 
Thomas Borden, 
John Smith, (miller) 
Thomas Clemence. 

May. 
John Throckmorton, 
William Harris, 
Thomas Harris, 
Edward Inman. 

September. 
Same as May, except 
John Whipple in place 
of William Harris. 

October. 
Thomas Arnold, 
William Wickenden, 
Gregory Dexter, 
Epenetus Olney. 

1667. May. 
Roger Williams, 
Thomas Olney, 
John Throrkmorton, 



Stephen Arnold, 
July. 

Two sets returned. 
Thomas Harris, 
Thomas Olney, 
Thomas Field, 
Thomas Olney, jr. 
John Throckmorton, 
Antliony Evcrden, 
Thomas Hopkins, 
Shadrach Mantoii. 

1667 October. 
John Throckmorton, 
Edward Inman, 
Lawrence Wilkinson, 
Resolved Waterman. 

1668. 
John Throckmorton, 
Edward Inman, 
Samuel Bennett, 
Nathaniel Waterman. 

October. 
Henry Brown, 
Anthony Everden, 
Edward Smith, 
Shadrach Manton. 

166!). May. 
John Sayles, 
John Whipple, jr. 
Andrew Harris, 
Shadrach Manton. 

Oct. — Not known. 
1670. May. 
John Throckmorton, 
Thomas Harris, 
Arthur Fenner, 
Andrew Harris. 

June. 
Thomas Olney, 
Thomas Field, 
Stephen Arnold, 
Thomas Roberts. 

June, 2d sessio7i. 
Thomas Arnold, 
John Throckmorton, 
John Sayles, 
John Whipple, jr. 

Oct. — Two sessions 
John Sayles, 
Thomas Harris, 
Shadrach Manton, 
Thomas Borden. 



1771. May. 
Thomas Olney, 
John Sayles, " 
Shadrach Manton, 
Ephraim Carpenter. 

Septeinher. 
John Throckmorton, 
Anthony Everden, 
Thomas Arnold, 
Henry Brown. 

October. 
Stephen Arnold, 
John Sayles, 
Thomas Harris, 
Richard Arnold. 

1772. March 3. 
Stephen Arnold, 
John Throckmorton, 
Thomas Clemence, 
Thomas Roberts 

1672. March 15. 
Henry Brown, 
Anthony Everden. 
Henry Fowler, 
John Smith, (miller) 

Jlpril 2. 
Stephen Arnold, 
Thomas Olney, jr. 
Ephraim Carpenter, 
John Whipple. 

J3pril 3U. 
Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Arnold, 
Edward Inman, 
Thomas Hopkins. 

October. 
William Harris, 
Samuel Reife, 
Pardon Tillinghast,_ 
Thomas Borden, x. 

1673. May. ^ 
John Throckmorton, 
William Harris, 
Lawrence Wilkinson, 
Anthony Everden. 

October. 
John Lapham, 
William Ashton, 
Thomas Harris, 
Toleration Harris, 

1674. 
John Whipple, 
John Sayles, 



646 



APPENDIX. 



Stephen Arnold, 
Edward Inman 

October. 
Samuel Bennett, 
Samuel Winsor, 
William Hopkins, 
Leonard Smith. 

1675. May. 
Toleration Harris, 
Edward Smith, 
William Ashton, 
Valentine Whitman. 

October. 
William Carpenter, 
Stephen Arnold, 
John Throckmorton, 
William Ashton. 

1676. March. 
John Whipple, 
Edward Inman, 
Richard Arnold, 
John Field. 

May. 
William Carpenter, 
Stephen Arnold' 
Thomas Olney.jr. 
Edward Smith- 

October. 
John Sayles, 
Edward Inman, 
Andrew Harris, 
Epenetus Olney. 

1677. May. 
Thomas Olney, jr. 
William Hopkins, 
Stephen Arnold, 
John Whipple, jr. 

October. 
John Sayles, 
Edward Inman, 
Samuel Bennett, 
William Hawkins. 

1678. May. 
Sdward Inman, 
Eamuel Bennett, 
Thomas Arnold, 
William Hawkins. 

October. 
Arthur Fenner, 
John Sayles, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
William Hawkins. 

1679. May. 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Arthur Fenner, 
William Carpenter, 
Richard Arnold. 



October. 
Valentine Whitman, 
Thomas Harris, jr. 
(The others illegible.) 

1680. March. 
Thomas Olney, jr. 
Joseph Jenckes, 
William Hopkins, 
John Dexter. 

May. 
Richard Arnold, 
Thomas Harris, jr. 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Edward Smith. 

October. 
John Thornton, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
James Mathews6n, 
Edward Smith. 

1681. May. 
John Whipple, jr. 
Richard Arnold, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Harris, jr. 

1682. May. 
Valentine Whitman, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
William Hopkins, 
John Whipple, jr. 

1682. Maij. 
Thomas Harris, jr. 
Edward Smith, 
Thomas Arnold, 
John Whipple, jr. 

September and October 
Thomas Olney, 
William Hopkins, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Edward Smith. 
1683. March and May 
Thomas Field, 
Thomas Arnold, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Alexander Balcom. 

Jiugust and October. 
Thomas Olney, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Joseph Williams, 
Edward Smith. 
1684. May. 
Stephen Arnold, 
John Whipple, jr. 
Henry Brown, 
Epenetus Olney. 

October. 
John Whipple, jr. 
Joseph Williams, 



John Dexter, 
Thomas Arnold. 

1685. May. 
Stephen Arnold, 
Thomas Field, 
Valentine Whitman, 
Thomas Harris, jr. 

October. 
Thomas Harris, 
Thomas Olney, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Field. 

1686. May. 
Valentine Whitman, 
John Whipple, jr. 
Epenetus Olney, 
John Angell. 

October. 
Thomas Olney, 
William Hopkins, 
Eleazer Arnold, 
John Dexter. 

1687-88-89. 
None. 
1690. May. 
Stephen Arnold, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
John Dexter, 
Gideon Crawford. 

October. 
Gideon Crawford, 
Thomas Olney, 
John Whipple, 
Nathaniel Waterman. 
. 1691. March. 
Thomas Harris, 
Samuel Whipple, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Joseph Jenckes. 

October. 
James Blackmore, 
Thomas Arnold, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Thomas Fenner. 

1692. May 
Not known. 

October. 
Thomas Olney, 
Arthur Fenner, 
William Crawford, 
Thomas Field 

1693. May. 
William Hopkins, 
Joseph Williams, 
Eleazer Whipple, 
Samuel Wilkinson. 



APPENDIX. 



647 



October. 
Not known. 
1694. Maij. 
Thomas Harris, 
John Dexter, 
Gideon Crawford, 
James Angell, 

October. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Gideon Crawford, 
John Sayles, 
Daniel Abbott. 
1695. May and October. 
Thomas Field, 
Win. Hopkins, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Jonathan Sprague. 

1696. May. 
Thomas Olney, 
Richard Arnold, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
John Dexter. 

October. 
Richard Arnold, 
Joseph Williams, 
John Dexter, 
Thomas Olney. 

1697. January. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
John Dexter, 
Thomas Harris, 
Samuel Wilkinson. 

May. 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
William Hopkins, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Benjamin Carpenter. 

October. 
William Hopkins, 
Joseph Williams, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Thomas Fenner. 

1698. January. 
Richard Arnold, 
John Dexter, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Jonathan Sprague. 

May. 
Joseph Williams, 
Richard Arnold, 
James Angell, 
Joseph Whipple. 

October. 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Samnel Wilkinson, 
James Angell, 
Joseph Whipple. 



1699. February. 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
James Angell, 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Joseph Whipple. 

Maij. 
William Hopkins, 
Thomas Fenner, 
James Brown, 
Samuel Comstock. 

October. 
Arthur Fenner, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Gideon Crawford. 

1700. February. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
John Dexter, 
Eleazer Arnold, 
Jonathan Sprague. 

May. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
John Wilkinson, 
Elisha Arnold, 
Peleg Rhodes. 

October. 
Arthur Fenner, 
Richard Arnold, 
John Dexter, 
Joseph Jenckes. 

1701. March. 
John Dexter, 
Richard Arnold, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Joseph Jenckes. 

May. 
Gideon Crawford, 
William Randall, 
Eleazer Whipple, 
Eleazer Arnold. 

October. 
John Dexter, 
Richard Arnold, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Joseph Jenckes. 

1702. March. 
John Dexter, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Joseph Whipple, 
Samuel Comstock. 

May. 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Joseph Whipple, 
Samuel Comstock. 

September. 
Jonathan Sprague, 



John Sheldon, 
Thomas Harris, 
James Brown. 

October. 
Richard Arnold, 
John Dexter, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Jenckes. 
1703. January and May. 
John Dexter, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Eleazer Arnold, 
Joseph Whipple. 

October. 
John Dexter, 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Gideon Crawford, 
William Hawkins. 

1704. January. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Nicholas Power. 

May. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Jonathan Knight, 
James Angell, 
Stephen Arnold. 

October. 
John Dexter, 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Gideon Crawford. 

1705. May. 
John Dexter, 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Gideon Crawford, 
Joseph Whipple. 

June. 
John Dexter, 
Richard Arnold, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Andrew Harris. 

August. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Jencks, 
Joseph Whipple, 
James Brown. 

October. 
John Dexter, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Wm. Hawkins. 

1706. March. 
John Wilkinson, 
William Hawkins, 
Stephen Arnold, 



648 



APPENDIX 



Elisha Arnold. 

May. 
Thomas Harris, 
Thomas Field, 
Gideon Crawford, 
John Sayles, 

July. 
Eleazer Arnold, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Wliipple, 
John Wilkinson. 

October. 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Thomas Olney. 

1707. February. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Joseph Whipple. 

May. 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Samuel Comstock, 
Thomas Olney. 

1707. May. 
Eleazer Arnold, 
Thomas Olney jr. 
Thomas Harris, 
Andrew Harris. 

October. 
Richard Arnold, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Arthur Fenner. 

1708. February. 
Jonathan Sprague. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Thomas Harris, 
Nicholas Power. 

May. 
Jonathan Sprague. 
Joseph Jenckes, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Samuel Comstock. 

October. 
Thomas Olney, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast. 

1700. May. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Sylvanus Scott, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
James Brown. 



September and Octo- 
ber. 
Jonathan Sprao-ue, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Nathaniel Jenckes, 
Richard Brown. 

1710. May. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Whipple, 
Andrew Harris, 
William Hopkins. 

October. 
Nathaniel Jenckes, 
Philip Tillinghast. 
Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Harris. 

1711. May. 
Peleg Rhodes, 
James Dexter, 
William Crawford, 
Jonathan Sprague. 

July and October. 
Joseph Whipple, 
James Brown, 
John Smith, 
Thomas Olney. 

JVovcmber. 
Samuel Comstock, 
Eleazer Arnold, 
Thomas Arnold jr. 
William Wilkinson. 

1712. May. 
Richard Waterman, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Richard Brown, 
Samuel Wilkinson. 

May. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Whipple, 
William Hopkins, 
James Brown. 

1712. October. 
William Hopkins, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
William Smith, 
William Crawford. 

171.3. May. 
Nathaniel Jenckes, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
William Crawford, 
Daniel Abbott. 

October. 
William Hopkins, 
Joseph Williams, 
Joseph Whipple, 
James Dexter. 



1714. May. 
William Hopkins^ 
Joseph Whipple, 
William Harris, 
Jonathan Sprague. 

October. 
William Hopkins, 
William Smith. 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Joseph Mowry. 

1715. May. 
Andrew Harris, 
Resolved Waterman, 
Thomas Steere, 
Eleazer Arnold. 

October. 
William Hopkins, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Eleazer Arnold, 
Andrew Harris. 

1716. May. 
John Arnold, 
John Burton, 
Edward Smith, 
Daniel Abbott. 

October. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Edward Smith, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
William Smith. 

1717. May. 
Joseph Whipple, 
William Crawford, 
Edward Smith, 
Daniel Abbott. 

October. 
William Harris, 
James Dexter, 
Andrew Harris, 
Sylvanus Scott. 

1718. May. 
Jonathan Sprague, jr. 
Thomas Harris, 
Daniel Abbott, 
Joseph Brown. 

October. 
Richard Waterman, 
William Crawford, 
William Harris, 
John Jenckes. 

1719. May. 
William Crawford, 
Elisha Knowlton, 
William Harris, 
Richard Waterman 



APPENDIX. 



649 



October. 
Valentine Whitman, 
.Stephen Arnold, 
Jficob Clark, 
Hope Angell. 

1720. May. 
William Smith, 
Hope Angell, 
William Harris, 
Jonathan Sprague, jr. 

October. 
Arthur Fenner, 
William Smith, 
William Harris, 
Daniel Abbott. 

1721. Mmj. 
William Smith, 
Daniel Abbott, 
Ebenezer Sprague, 
Jonathan Sprague, jr. 

October. 
William Smith, 
James Olney, 
Elisha Knowlton, 
Andrew Harris. 

1722. May. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Nicholas Power, 
Thomas Olney, 
William Turpin. 

October. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Nicholas Power, 
Thomas Olney, 

1723. May. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Nicholas Power, 
William Turpin. 

October. 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Richard Brown, 
Thomas Arnold, 
Henry Harris. 

Novcmhcr. 
Richard Waterman, 
William Sniith, 
Daniel Abbott, 
John Angell. 

1724. May. 
Richard Waterman, 
William Smith, 
Daniel Abbott, 
Jonathan Sprague. 

October. 
Richard Waterman, 
Elisha Knowlton, 



William Smith, 
William Edmonds. 

172.5. May. 
Richard Waterman, 
Joseph Mowry, 
Jonathan Sprague, jr. 
Thomas Olney. 

October. 
Richard Waterman, 
Jonathan Sprague, jr. 
Thomas Olney, 
Joseph Whipple. 

1726. May. 
Richard Waterman, 
Jonathan Sprague, jr. 
Elisha Knowlton, 
James Arnold. 

October. 
Richard Waterman, 
William Smith, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Daniel Cooke. 
i:27. May. 
Richard Waterman, 
William Smith, 
William Jenckes, 
Philip Tillinghast. 

October. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
William Porter, 
Stephen Dexter. 

1728. May. 
Thomas Olney, 
William Smith, 
Elisha Knowlton, 
Daniel Abbott. 

October. 
William Smith, 
William Jenckes, 
Joseph Whipple, 
Ezekiel Warner. 

1729. May. 
William Smith, 
Elisha Knowlton, 
Ezekiel Warner, 
Daniel Abbott. 

October. 
Ezekiel Warner, 
William Jenckes, 
Joseph Mowry, 
William Turpin. 

1730. May. 
Ezekiel Warner, 
Daniel Abbott, 
Jonathan Sprague, jr. 
James Brown, jr. 



October. 
Nicholas Power, 
Thomas Olney, 
Richard Sayles, 
John Potter, jr. 

1731. May. 
John Potter, jr. 
Jabez Bowen, 
John Thornton, 
William Rhodes. 

October. 
Philip Tillinghast, 
John Potter, jr. 
John Angell, 
Richard Thornton. 

1732. May. 
Richard Waterman, 
John Potter, jr. 
John Thornton, 
Jabez Bowen. 

October. 
John Angell, 
Thomas Olney, 
Richard Waterman, 
James Congdon. 

1733. May. 
Richard Waterman, 
Jabez Bowen, 
Joseph Fenner, 
Richard Thornton. 

October. 
Ezekiel Warner, 
Daniel Abbott, 
Robert Gibbs, 
Richard Fenner. 

1734. May. 
Ezekiel Warner, 
Thomas Olney, 
Daniel Abbott, 
Richard Fenner. 

October. 
John Thornton, 
Robert Gibbs, 
William Hopkins, 
Jonathan Randall. 

1735. May. 
Jabez Bowen, 
Richard Fenner, 
William Rhodes, 
Jonathan Randall. 

October. 
Daniel Abbott, 
Charles Tillinghast, 
Richard Thornton, 
William Burton. 

1736. May. 
Jabez Bowen, 
RicJiard Fenner, 



650 



APPENDIX. 



William Hopkins, 
Robert Knight. 

October. 
Daniel Abbott, 
William Hopkins, 
Richard Thornton, 
Zuriel Waterman. 

1737. Mmj. 
John Potter, 
James Brown, 
William Rhodes, 

William Hopkins. 
October. 

Daniel Abbott, 

Jabez Bowen, 

Richard Fenner, 

Peter Burlingame. 

1738. May. 
Charles Tillinghast, 
John Potter, 
Jabez Bowen, 
Richard Thornton. 

October. 
William Jenks, 
John Thornton, 
William Hopkins, 
Charles Tillinghast. 

1739. May and July 
Richard Fenner, 
Peter Burlingame, 
James Williams, jr. 
Robert Gibbs. 

October. 
John Potter, 
Jabez Bowen, 
Richard Thornton, 
Jonathan Randall. 

1740. May. 
Peter Burlingame, 
Richard Thornton, 
Jonathan Randall, 
William Hopkins. 

October. 
Daniel Abbott, 
Charles Tillinghast, 
John Thornton, 
George Brown. 

1741. May. 
John Potter, 
Jabez Bowen, 
Jonathan Randall, 
Robert Gibbs. 

October. 
John Hopkins, 
George Brown, 
Nathaniel Jenckes, 
Richard Thornton. 



1742. May. 
Daniel Abbott, 
William Burton, jr. 
Jabez Bowen, 
Jonathan Randall. 

October. 
Charles Tillinghast, 
Thomas Field, 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Henry Harris. 

1743. May. 
John Potter, 
Jabez Bowen, 
Jonathan Randall, 
Christopher Harris. 

October. 
Robert Gibbs, 
Edward Arnold, 
George Brown, 
Benjamin Potter. 

1744. May. 
Jabez Bowen, 
John Burton, jr. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Joseph Borden. 

October. 
William Rhodes, 
George Brown, 
Henry Harris, 
John Potter, jr. 

1745. May. 
William Smith, 
George Brown, 
Joseph Borden, 
Ezekiel Warner. 

October. 
John Angell, 
Christopher Lippitt, 
Benjamin Potter, 
Joseph Olney. 

1746. May. 
George Brown, 
Joseph Sheldon, 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Henry Harris. 

October. 
George Brown, 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Benjamin Potter, jr. 
Jonathan Randall. 

1747. May. 
George Brown, 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Elisha Brown, 
Ezekiel Warner. 

October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
William Hopkins, 



John Potter, jun. 
Peleg Williams, jun. 

1748. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
John Angell, 
Henry Harris, 
John Potter, jr. 

October. 
George Brown, 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Jonathan Randall, 
Stephen Hopkins. 

1749. May and Oct. 
Jonathan Randall, 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Elisha Brown, 
Daniel Jenckes, 

1750. May. 
Jonathan Randall, 
Elisha Brown, 
Christopher Harris, 
John Andrews. 

October. 
Jonathan Randall, 
Elisha Brown, 
John Dexter, 
Daniel Jenckes. 

1751. May. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Elisha Brown, 
Joseph Wanton, 
Christopher Harris. 

October. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Elisha Brown, 
Jonathan Randall, 
Arthur Fenner. 

1752. May. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Elisha Brown, 
Jonathan Randall, 
George Brown. 

October. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Jonathan Randall, 
Elisha Brown, 
Ephraim Bowen. 

1753. May and Oc- 
tober. 

Jonathan Randall, 
Elisha Brown, 
Daniel Jenckes, 
George Brown. 

1754. May. 
Jonathan Randall, 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Thomas Olney, 
John Potter, jr. 



APPENDIX. 



651 



Octoher. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Thomas Olney, 
Nicholas Brown, 
Richard Waterman. 

1755. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Nicliolas Brown, 
George Brown, 
Henry Harris. 

October. 
Elisha Brown, 
Nicholas Brown, 
George Brown, 
Daniel Jenckes. 

1756. Marj and Oct. 
Elisha Brown, 
Nicholas Brown, 
Henry Harris, 
George Brown. 

1757. May. 
William Smith, 
Christopher Harris, 
Daniel Jenckes, 
James Olney. 

Octoher. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Elisha Brown, 
Daniel Jenckes, 
John Andrews. 

1758. May. 
Obadiah Brown, 
Charles Olney, 
William Smith, 
Barzillai Richmond. 

Octoher. 
Obadiah Brown, 
Charles Olney, 
Christopher Harris, 
Barzillai Richmond. 

1759. May. 
Isaiah Hawkins, 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Obadiah Brown, 
John Bass. 

Octoher. 
Joseph Turpin, 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Gideon Comstock, 
Isaiah Hawkins. 

1760. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Joseph Turpin, 
Isaiah Hawkins, 
Stephen Rawson. 

October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Abraham Smith, 



Isaiah Hawkins, 
Stephen Rawson. 

1761. May and Oct. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
George Jackson, 
Samuel Chace, 
Charles Olney. 

Vice, Abraham Smith 
rejected by the Assem- 
bly. 

1762. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Joseph Nash, 
Joseph Olney, jr. 
George Jackson. 

October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
George Jackson, 
James Angell, 
Esek Hopkins. 

1763. May. 

Same as October prece- 
ding. 
October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
James Angell, 
Benjamin Man, 
Esek. Hopkins. 

1764. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
Jacob Whitman, 
Esek Hopkins. 

October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
Jacob Whitman, 
John Cole. 

1765. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
Jacob Whitman, 
Charles Olney. 

October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
John Cole, 
Samuel Nightingale. 

1766. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
John Cole, 
George Jackson. 

Octoher. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
John Cole, 
Samuel Nightingale. 



1767. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
John Cole, 
Thomas Greene. 

October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
Thomas Greene, 
James Angell. 

1768. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
George Jackson, 
Charles Keene. 

October. 
Thomas Greene, 
Moses Brown, 
George Jackson, 
Charles Keene. 

1769. May. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
Benoni Pearce, 
Job Smith. 

October. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
Benjamin Man, 
Job Smith. 

1770. May aiv^ Oct. 
Daniel Jenckes, 
Moses Brown, 
Benjamin Man, 
Stephen Hopkins. 

1771. May. 
Same as 1770. 

October. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Moses Brown, 
Benjamin Man, 
John Jenckes. 

1772. May and Oct. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
Thomas Greene, 
Benjamin Man, 

John Jenckes. 

1773. May. 
StepJien Hopkins, 
Benjamin Man, 
John Jenckes, 
John Smith. 

October. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
John Jenckes, 
John Smitli, 
Jolin Mathewsou. 



652 



APPENDIX 



1774. Majj. 
Same as October 1773. 

October. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
John Jenckes, 
John Smith, 
John Mathewson. 
1775. May and October 
Same as October 1774. 

1776. May. 
Jonathan Arnold, 
John Brown, 
John Smith, 
Amos Atwell. 

October. 
Jonathan Arnold, 
Jolin Brown, 
John Smith, 
John Mathewson. 

1777. May. 
Jonathan Arnold, 
John Brown, 
John Smith, 
William Pthodes. 

October. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
John Updike, 
Jabez Bowen, 
Theodore Foster. 

1778. May. 
John Updike, 
Elihiifkobinson, 
Theodore Foster, 
VsA\ Allen. 

/ October. 
John Brown, 
Theodore Foster, 
Welcome Arnold, 
Thomas Greene. 

1779. May. 
John Brown, 
Theodore Foster, 
Welcome Arnold, 
David Howell. 

October. 
Theodore Foster, 
Welcome Arnold, 
David Howell, 
John I. Clarke. 
] 780. May. 
Welcome Arnold, 
David Howell, 
Darius Sessions, 
Benoni Pearce. 

October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Charles Keene, 
Joseph Brown, 



Theodore Foster. 
1781. May and October. 
Same as October 1780. 

1782. May. 
Welcome Arnold, 
John Smith, 
John Brown, 
William Barton. 

October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
John Smith, 
John Brown, 
Paul Allen. 

1783. May. 
John Smith, 
John Brown, 
Paul Allen, 
Thomas Jenkins. 

October. 
John Smith, 
John Brown, 
Paul Allen, 
Ebenezer Thompson. 

1784. May. 
Joseph Nightingale, 
Paul Allen, 
Ebenezer Thompson, 
John Jenckes. 

October. 
Joseph Nightingale, 
John Jenckes, 
Paul Allen, 
Charles Keene. 
1785. May and October. 
John Jenckes, 
Paul Allen,' 
Charles Keene, 
Jeremiah Olney. 

1786. May. 
John Jenckes, 
John Brown, 
Charles Keene, 
Thomas Truman. 

October. 
John Jenckes, 
Jolm Brown, 
Charles Keene, 
Benjamin Bourne. 

1787. May. 
John Brown, 
Welcome Arnold, 
Benjamin Bourne, 
Joseph Nightingale. 

October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Benjamin Bourne, 
Joseph Nightingale, 
Nathaniel Wheaton. 



1788. May and October. 
John Jenckes, 

Jabez Bowen, 
William Barton, 
Amos Throop. 

1789. May and October. 
John Jenckes, 

Jabez Bowen, 
Benjamin Bourne, 
Amasa Gray. 

1790. May. 
Jabez Bowen, 
Benjamin Bourne, 
Amasa Gray, 
Welcome Arnold. 

October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Amos Atwell, 
Robert Newell, 
Sylvanus Martin. 

1791. Ma,y. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Amos Atwell, 
Samuel Nightingale, 
Sylvanus Martin. 

October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Amos Atwell, 
Robert Newell, 
David Howell. 
1792. May and October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Charles Lippitt, 
Robert Newell, 
Nicholas Easton. 

1793. May. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Charles Lippitt, 
John Whipple, 
Nicholas Easton. 

October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Charles Lippitt, 
John Smith, 
Nicholas Easton. 
1794. May and October. 
Same as October 1793. 

1795. May. 
Same as October 1793. 

1795. October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
Charles Lippitt, 
John Smith, 
Richard Jackson, jr. 
1796. May and. October. 
Same as October 1795. 

1797. May. 
Welcome Arnold, 



APPENDIX. 



653 



John Smith, 
Thomas P. Ives, 
James Burrill, jr. 

October. 
Welcome Arnold, 
John Smith, 
Thomas P. Ives, 
William Rhodes. 

17il8. May. 
Welcome Arnold, 
John Smith, 
William Rhode?, 
Richard Jackson, jr. 

October. • 
John Smith, 
William Rhodes, 
Richard Jackson, jr. 
Moses Lippitt. 
1799. May. 
John Smith, 
William Rhodes, 
Richard Jackson, jr. 
Thomas P. Ives. 

October. 
John Smith, 
William Rhodes, 
Thomas P. Ives, 
David L. Barnes. 
1800. May and October 
Same as October 1799. 

1801. May. 

Same as October 1799. 

October. 
Charles Lippitt, 
John Dorrance, 
Ephraim Bowen, jr. 
John Carlile. 

1802. May. 

Same as October 1801. 

October. 
John Dorrance, 
Ephraim Bowen, jr. 
John Carlile, 
George R. Burrill. 

1803. May. 

Same as October 1802. 

October. 
John Dorrance, 
William Larned, 
Benjamin Hoppin, 
George R. Burrill. 

1804. May. 

Same as October 1803. 

October. 
Amos Throop, 
George R. Burrill, 
James B. Mason, 
Peter Grinnell. 



1805. May and October. 
Same as October 1804. 

1806. May and October. 
Same as October 1804. 

1807. May. 

Same as October 1804. 

October. 
William Jones, 
James B. Mason, 
Richard Jackson, jr. 
Samuel W. Bridgham. 

1808. May. 

Same as October 1807. 

October. 
William Jones, 
James B. Mason, 
Nicholas Brown, 
Samuel W. Bridgham. 

1809. May and October. 
Same as October 1808. 

1810. May and October. 
Same as October 1808. 

1811. May and October. 
James B. Mason, 
Samuel W. Bridgham, 
Tristam Burges, 
Benjamin Hoppin. 

1812. May and October. 
James B. Mason, 
Samuel W. Bridgham, 
Benjamin Hoppin, 
Peter Grinnell. 

1813. May. 
Same as October 1812. 

October. 
James B. Mason, 
James Burrill, jr. 
Benjamin Hoppin, 
William Wilkinson. 
1815. May and October. 
James Burrill, jr. 
William Wilkinson, 
Nathaniel Searle, jr 
Ephraim Talbot. 

1815. May. 

Same as October 1814. 

October. 
James Burrill, jr. 
William Wilkinson, 
Nathaniel Searle, jr. 
Samuel G. Arnold. 

1816. May. 

Same as October 1815. 

October. 
William Wilkinson, 
Nathaniel Searle, jr. 
Samuel G. Arnold, 
Stephen Waterman. 



1817. May and October. 
Same as October 1816. 

1818. May. 

Same as October 1816. 

October. 
Nicholas Brown, 
Nathaniel Searle, jr. 
Samuel G. Arnold, 
Stephen Waterman. 

1819. May. 
Same as October 1818. 

1819. October. 
Nicholas Brown, 
Nathaniel Searle, jr. 
Stephen Waterman, 
Philip Allen. 

1820. May and Oct. 
Same as October, 1819. 

1821. May and Oct. 
Nicholas Brown, 
Nathaniel Searle, jr. 
Philip Allen, 
Samuel Dexter. 

1822. May and Oct. 
Nicholas Brown, 
Nathaniel Searle, jr. 
Stanford Newell, 
Samuel Dexter. 

1823. May. 
Edward Carrington, 
Samuel W. Bridghtim, 
Stanford Newell, 
Samuel Dexter. 

October. 
Edward Carrington, 
Samuel W. Bridgham, 
Stanford Newell, 
Thomas Burgess. 

1824. May. 

Same as October 1823. 

October. 
Edward Carrington, 
Samuel W. Bridgham, 
Stanford Newell, 
Elisha Dyer. 

1825. May and Oct. 
Same as October 1824. 

1826. May. 
Edward Carrington, 
Samuel W Bridgham, 
Stanford Newell, 
Lemuel H. Arnold. 

October. 
Caleb Earle, 
Jose])h L. Tillinghast, 
Stanford Newell, 
Lemuel II. Arnold. 



654 



APPENDIX. 



1827. May. 

Same as October 1826. 

October. 
Edward Carrington, 
Joseph L. Tillinghast, 
Zachariah Allen, 
Lemuel H. Arnold. 

1828. May and Oct 
Edward Carrington, 
Joseph L. Tillinghast, 
Zachariah Allen, 
John Andrews. 



Thomas Olney, jr. 
Shadrach Manton, 
John Whipple, 
Jolin Smith, 
Roger Williams, 
John Whipple, 
Daniel Abbott, 
John Whipple, 
Thomas Olney, 
Richard Waterman, 



Henry Brown, 
Zachary Rhodes, 
Henry Brown, 
Thomas Clemence, 
John Whipple, 
Thomas Olney, 
Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Field, 
John Throckmorton, 
William Hopkins, 
John Whipple, 
Henry Brown, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 



1664. 

Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Harris, sen. 
John Brown. 

1665. 
Thomas Olney, sen. 
Zachary Rhodes, 
Thomas Harris, sen. 

1666. 
Thomas Olney, sen. 
Richard Waterman, 
Thomas Harris, sen. 

1667. 
John Throckmorton, 
Anthony Everden, 



1829. May and Oc- 
tober. 

Edward Carrington, 
Joseph L. Tillinghast, 
Peter Pratt, 
Lemuel H. Arnold. 

1830. May and Oc- 
tober. 

Joseph L. Tillinghast, 
Peter Pratt, 
Lemuel H. Arnold, 
William Church. 



1831. May. 
Same as 1830. 

October. 
Joseph L. Tillinghast,. 
Peter Pratt, 
William Pabodie, 
William Church. 

1832. May. 
Joseph L. Tillinghast, 
Peter Pratt, 
William Pabodie, 
George Curtis. 



TOWN CLERKS. 

Richard Waterman, 
Nicholas Tillinghast, 
James Angel!, 
Theodore Foster, 
Daniel Cooke, 



1664 to 1667 
1667 to 1670 
1670 to 1672 
1672 to 1675 

1675 to 1676 

1676 to 1677 

1677 to 1681 
1681 to 1683 
1683 to 1715 
1715 to 

Aug. 1744 

TOWN TREASURERS. 



George Tillinghast, 
Nathan W. Jackson, 

Richard M. Field, 



1744 to 
17.55 to 
1758 to 
1775 to 
1787 to 
Nov. 
1793 to 
1799 to 
Dec. 15, 



1755 

1758 
1775 

1787 

1793 
1799 

1829 



1664 
1665 
1666 
1667 
1668 
1669 
1672 
1674 
1677 
1682 
1683 
1687 
1707 



James Dexter, 
James Brown, 
William Harris, 
James Brown, 
William Harris, 
Thomas Olney, 
William Turpin, 
Charles Tillinghast, 
William Turpin, 
Joseph Sheldon, 
James Arnold, 
Samuel Nightingale, 
George Olney, 
John Howland. 



1711 

1714 

1717 

1718 

1720 

1722 

1737 

1743 

to April 1744 

1771 

to Aug. 1797 

to Aug. 1814 

1818 



TOWN COUNCILS. 

Thomas Hopkins, sen. 

1668. 
Not on records. 

1669. 
Thomas Olney, sen. 
Thomas Harris, sen. 
John Whipple, sen. 

1670. 
Thomas Olney, 
William Harris, 
John Sayles. 

1671. 
Thomas Olney, sen. 
John Sayles, 
Thomas Olney, jr. 



1672. 

Thomas Arnold, 
Anthony Everden, 
Thomas Hopkins, sen. 

1673. 
William Carpenter, 
Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Olney, jr. 

1674. 
Thomas Olney, sen. 
Thomas Olney, jr. 
John Whipple, jr. 
1675. Not on records 

1676. 
Thomas Arnold, 



APPENDIX. 



655 



Nathaniel Waterman, 
Roo-er Williams. 

1G77. 
Thomas Olney, 
Arthur Fenner, 
William Harris. 

1678. 
Roger Williams, 
Arthur Fenner, 
Edward Smith. 

1679. 
Roger Williams, 
Henry Brown, 
Edward Smith. 

1680. 
Roger Williams, 
Henry Brown, 
Thomas Arnold. 

1681. 
Thomas Olney, 
William Hopkins, 
John Whipple, 
Edward Smith, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Field. 

1682. 
Thomas Olney, jr. 
William Hopkins, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Field, 
Edward Smith, 
John Whipple. 

1683. 
Thomas Olney, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Field, 
William Hopkins, 
Edward Smith, 
Thomas Arnold. 

1684. 
Thomas Olney, 
Thomas Arnold, 
Edward Smith, 
Joseph Williams, 
Thomas Harris, jr. 
Eleazer Arnold. 

168.5. 
Thomas Olney, 
Edward Smith, 
Joseph Williams, 
Thomas Harris, jr. 
Thomas Arnold, 
Eleazer Arnold. 

1686. 
Thomas Olney, 
Edward Smith, 
Joseph Williams, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 



Thomas Harris, 
Eleazer Arnold. 

1687. Selectmen. 
John Whipple, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Field, 
William Hopkins, 
Joseph Williams. 

1688. Selectmen. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Edward Smith, 
John Dexter, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Field, 
Joseph Williams. 

1689. 
Not on records. 

1690. 
Not on records. 

1691 and 1693. 
Thomas Olney, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
William Hopkins, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Joseph Williams, 
Benjamin Carpenter. 

1693. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 



Nathaniel Waterman, 
Joseph Williams, 



Thomas Olney. 

1694. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Joseph Williams, 
William Hopkins, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Thomas Olney. 

1695. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
William Hopkins, 
Epenetus Olney. 



1696 and 1697. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Epenetus Olney, 
William Hopkins, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Thomas Olney. 

1698. 
Thomas Olney, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
William Hopkins, 



Benjamin Carpenter, 
Roger Burlingame, 
Thomas Fenner. 

1699. 
William Hopkins, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
John Dexter, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Thomas Olney. 

1700 and 1701. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Richard Arnold, 
John Dexter, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Thomas 01ne3^ 

1702. 
Thomas Olney, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Thomas Field, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Samuel Wilkinson, 
Thomas Fenner. 
1703 and 1704. 
Thomas Olney, 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Thomas Field, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Joseph Whipple. 
1705 and 1706. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
Thomas Fenner, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
James Brown, 
Thomas Olney. 

1707. 
Pardon Tillinghast, 
William Hopkins, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
James Brown, 
Thomas Olney. 
1708-1709-171 0& 1711. 
Thomas Olney, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
Nathaniel Waterman, 
William Hopkins, 
James Brown, 
Richard Brown. 

1712. 
Thomas Olney, 
Jonathan Sprague, 
William Hopkins, 
James Brown, 
Richard Brown, 



656 



APPENDIX. 



John Smitli. 
1713. 
Thomas Olney, 
Sylvanus Scott, 
William Olney, 
William Harris, 
Daniel Abbott, 



Also, 
Thomas Olney, 
Joseph Williams, 
William Hopkins, 
Joseph Jenckes, 
James Brown, 
Nicholas Power. 

1714. 
Thomas Olney, 
Joseph Williams, 
William Hopkins, 
Sylvanus Scott, 
William Harris, 
Edward Smith. 

1715. 
Joseph Williams, 
William Hopkins, 
Joseph Whipple, 
William Harris, 
Sylvanus Scott, 
Edward Smith. 

1716 and 1717. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Harris, 
Sylvanus Scott, 
William Harris, 
Edward Smith. 

1718. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Thomas Harris, 
Sylvanus Scott, 
Edward Smith, 
William Crawford, 
William Harris. 

1719 and 1720. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Thomas Harris, 
Edward Smith, 
Nathaniel Jenckes, 
James Brown, 
Philip Tillinghast. 

1721. 
Joseph Whipple, 
James Olney, 
Nicholas Power, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Nathaniel Jenckes, 
Thomas Harris. 



1722 and 1723. 

Joseph Wliipple, 
Arthur Fenner, 
Nathaniel Jenckes, 
William Smith, 
James Olney, 
Thomas Harris. 

1724. 
William Smith, 
Thomas Harris, 
James Olney, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Peleg Rhodes, 
James Dexter. 

1725. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
James Brown, 
James Olney, 
James Dexter, 
Thomas Olney. 

1726. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
James Olney, 
James Dexter, 
Thomas Olney, 
John Angell. 

1727. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
William Turpin, 
James Olney, 
Stephen Dexter, 
James Williams. 

1728. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
William Smith, 
John Angell, 
John Potter, jr. 
James Olney. 

1729. 
Joseph Whipple, 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Nicholas Power, 
James Olney, 
Stephen Dexter, 
John Potter, jr. 

1730. 
Philip Tillinghast, 
Nicholas Power, 
John Potter, 
Benjamin Smith, 
Thomas Field, 
Richard Fenner. 

1731. 
Philip Tillinghast, 



Richard Waterman, 
Stephen Dexter, 
James Congdon, 
John Thornton, 
Nathaniel Jenckes. 

1732. 
James Congdon, 
John Thornton, 
Stephen Dexter, 
Edward Fenner, 
Nathaniel Jenck^, 
Thomas Burlingame. 

1733. 
James Congdon, 
John Thornton, 
Stephen Dexter, 
Edward Fenner, 
Thomas Burlingame, 
Hope Angell. 

1734. 
Richard Waterman, 
Stephen Dexter, 
James Congdon, 
Hope Angell, 
John Thornton, 
Benjamin Carpenter. 

1735 and 1736. 
Stephen Dexter, 
Hope Angell, 
John Thornton, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Zuriel Waterman, 
Charles Tillinghast. 

1737 and 1738. 
William Hopkins, 
Hope Angell, 
John Thornton, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Zuriel Waterman, 
Charles Tillinghast. 

1739. 
William Hopkins, 
Hope Angell, 
Richard Fenner, 
Benjamin Carpenter, 
Zuriel Waterman, 
Charles Tillinghast. 

1740. 
Daniel Smith, 
Hope Angell, 
William Burton, 
Charles Tillinghast, 
Thomas Harris, jr. 
Zuriel Waterman. 

1741. 
William Burton, 
John Whipple, 
Daniel Smith, 



f 



INDEX. 



665 



Hawkins George F., 483. 

Hamlin William, 629. 

Hammond James, 630. 

Herenden Benjamin, 61. 

Hewes Joseph, 602. 

Henry Patrick, 213. 

Heath General, in Providence, 280. 

Halsey Thomas L., 363. 

Herald, 553. 

Higginson John, 12. 

Hills David, 228. 

Hitchcock Enos, 328, 354, 363, 369, 

510, 441. 
High Street Congregational Church 

615. 
Holyman Ezekiel, 101, 404, 410, 23, 

33, 576. 
Home or house lots, 34. 
Hopkins Thomas, 35, 39, 43, 70, 76, 
85, 105, 125, 127, 128, 129, 143, 
579. 
Holden Randall, 84, 92, 98, 101, 109, 

110, 116, 118, 121, 124, 135. 
Holmes Dr., 59. 

Hopkins William, 165, 494, 170. 
Hopkins Stephen, 210, 619, 268, 291, 

197, 226. 
Hopkins Esek, 250, 266, 268, 270, 

495. 
Hopkins Rufus, 267. 
Howell David, 273, 278, 279, 305, 

312 322 354 
Howland John, 379, 510, 506, 509. 
Howell Jeremiah B., 283. 
Holder Christopher, 421. 
Howland Thomas, 426. 
Hoyle Dr., 438. 
Honeyman, Mr. 443, 445. 
Horton Jotham, 464, 639. 
Hopkinsian Magazine, 556. 
Hutchinson Ann, 49. 
Hull William, 121, 95. 



Inman Edward, 61, 105, 119, 129. 

Indians price of, 171. 

Inspection, committee of, appointed, 
242, 246. 

Independent companies, 248. 

Independence of Rhode-Island de- 
clared, 252. 

Instructions to Representatives of 
Providence in General Assembly, 
273, 306, 312, 337. 

Instructions to delegates in conven- 
tion, 347. 

Ives Thomas P. 363, 383, 507. 

Ives Moses H. 367. 



Instructors of Public Schools in 

1600, 510. 
Independent Inquirer, 352. 
Investigator, 552, 
Indian deeds, 568, 569, 573, 574, 

575. 

James Thomas, 35, 23, 27, 404, 33, 

576. 
Jails, 179. 

Jackson George, 379. 
Jackson Samuel, 617. 
Jackson Richard jr. 383, 509. 
Jackson Henry, 490, 
Jameson Thorndike C. 469, 
Jackson William, 641. 
Jenckes Joseph Governor, 190, 411. 
Jenckes John, 246. 
Jenckes Stephen, 249. 
Jenkins Jeremiah F. 373. 
Jeffries William, 93. 
Jenckes Ebenezer, 406. 
Jewett Paul, 4-58. 
Jenks John, 496, 226, 
Jenckes Daniel, .519, 521, 201, 197. 
Jones John, 71, 119. 
Jones John Paul, 269. 
Jones Gorsham, 348. 
Jones William, 510. 
Johnson Isaac, 364. 
Johnson L. D. 487. 
Johnston incorporated, 595. 
John the Baptist 644. 
Juvenile Gazette, 553. 

Kenyon Archibald, 639. 

Kent Asa, 464. 

Keene Charles, 496. 

Kibby Erastus, 462. 

Kilburn David, 464. 

Kingman Abner, 460. 

Knight Richard, 76, 91, 98, 109, 118, 

121. 
Knowlton Thomas, 450. • 

Lancaster William, 165, 170. 

Lawrence David, 242. 

Laws, power to make, given to the 

town, 357. 
Lamed William, 363. 
Lamps first established, 386. 
Lafayette, in Providence, 387. 
Lapham Thomas, jr. 537. 
Ladies' Magazine, 558. 
Ladies' Museum, 558. 
Leavitt Jonathan, 460. 
Lee Jesse, 461. 
Leeds George, 639 



84 



666 



INDEX. 



Lewis Daniel, 465. 

Lewis Jolin P., 641. 

Leonard Ezra, 520. 

Lee Asa, 481. 

Lijipit John, 35, 43, 61. 

List of those who retnained in town 

in Philip's war, 165. 
Liberty tree dedicated, 221. 
Lindsey Benjamin, 220, 609. 
Lippitt Charles, 363. 
Library Providence established, 534. 
Literary Cadet, 532. 
Little Genius, 553. 
Literary Subaltern, 553. 
Limerock, regulations of, 613. 
Light, 642. 

Literary Journal, 644. 
Lockwood Benoni, 630. 
Lottery system commenced, 197. 
Lothrop Dr. 441. 
Low Anthony, 171. 
Lord Willis, 460._ 
Ludlow Peter, 465. 
Lynch Mr. 481. 
Lytherland William, 91. 97, 101, 

109, 110. 

Massasoit sachem of Wampanoags, 
18, agreement with, 566. 

Man William, 35, 43. 

Manton Edward, 35, 43. 

Maverick Samuel, 141. 

Manton Shadrach, 143, 150. 

Man Abraham, 165, 170. 

Market house, 201 ; built, 292 ; fish 
do., 292; Canal, 375 ; Broad street, 
375. 

Man Benjamin, 242. 

Mason Aaron, 242. 

Mathewson John, 246. 

Manning James, 328, 406, 519, 529. 

Mails, 358. 

Mallett Edward J., 615. 

Maxcy 'Jonathan, 363,407,510,529. 

Mathewson Noah, 364. 

Matlack Lucius C, 639. 

Macomber Ebenezer, 373. 

Mason Cyrus, 453. 

Maginnis J. S., 466. 

Mace Fayette, 477. 

Manchester William C , 484. 

Mawney John, 495. 

Manufacturers' Journal, 550. 

Maps of the town, 629. 

McSparran Dr., 445. 

Methodist church, 461. 

Merritt Timothy, 463. 

Merrill Abraham D., 464 



McNamee Mr., 481. 

McKenzie James A., 487. 

Meeting street church, 489. 

Metcalf Joel, 509, 

McReding, 635. 

Messer Asa, 529. 

Mechanic Association incorporated, 

626 ; petition for public schools, 

506. 
Miantonomi, 18 ; deed of, 27, 30 ; 

murdered, 52. 
Military officers, 109. 
Mills Mr., 481. 
Microcosm, 552. 
Mills, grant from town for erecting, 

612. 
Mile-end cove, 34. 
Morey Roger, 122, 111. 
Morey John, 165, 170. 
Mowry Daniel, 365. 
Monroe President, in Providence, 

383. 
Moody Samuel, 440. 
Morton William, 510. 
Moyes Dr.,first lecturer in the town, 

537. 
Mortality bills of, 634, 376. 
More Light, 642. 
Morning-Courier, 642. 
Murray Mr., 451, 475. 
Mudge Enoch, 464. 



Narragansetts powerful tribe of In- 
dians, 17 ; sell the location of 
Providence to the first settlers, 20. 

Namquit Point, 229. 

Navy of Rhode-Island, 265. 

Nash Joseph, 619. 

Narragansett Chief, 642. 

Navy American, commencement of, 
265. 

Neponsit Indians subject to the 
Wampanoags, 18. 

Newell Robert, 625. 

Newspaper first established in the 
town, 206. 

New Jerusalem church, 635. 

New Age, 643. 

Nichols Richard, 141. 

Nightingale Samuel, jr. 210, 246, 
496. 

Nightingale Joseph, 267, 305, 348. 

Northup Stephen, 61, 129. 

Non-importation agreements, 217, 
223, 225, 226, 227, 228. 

Noyes Moses, 510. 

North Providence incorporated, 595. 



INDEX. 



667 



Officers under Gov. Andross, 178. 
Olney Thomas, first treasurer, 22, 
30, 33, 35, 43, 71, 75, 77, 80, 84, 
61, 92, 98, 23, 576, 572, 110, 112, 
116, 117, 119, 122, 125, 126, 129, 
130, 132, 154. 

Olney Epenetus, 61. 

Olney Thomas jr. 126, 129, 130, 134, 
405, 410. 

Olney James, 165, 170. 

Olney Jonathan, 199. 

Olney Joseph 221, 495, 604, 607. 

Olney Jeremiah, 348, 373, 622. 

Olney Richard, 609. 

Olney Christopher, 373. 

Olney Stephen, 388. 

Oliver Thomas F. 447. 

Olla Podrida, .559. 

Old houses, 632. 

Olive Leaf, 643. 

Ormsbee Caleb, 439. 

Osborne John, 426, 530. 

Osborn Van Renselaer, 462. 

Osgood Samuel 483. 

Othman Bartholomew, 463. 

Ousamiquin, subject to the Narra- 
gansetts, 18. 

Owsapocamine, Sachem of Coweset, 
87. 

Ox roast, 329. 



Page William, 180. 

Page Ambrose, 242. 

Painter Thomas, 35. 

Partridge Alexander, 71. 

Parker George, 110, 116. 

Paper money. The first in Rhode- 
Island issued in 1710, 188. Prov- 
idence protests against it in 1713, 
189, scales of depreciation of, 288, 
memorial against, 297, issued in 
1786, 303, convention to aid cir- 
culation of, 305. 

Palmer Gideon, 394. 

Patteson Robert E. 408. 

Paine John, 450. 

Park Calvin, 458. 

Parker I. N. 641. 

Patten David, 80, 464, 635. 

Parker Leonard S. 635. 

Patriot, 458. 

Pawtuxet purchase, deed of, 576, 
difficulties about, 577. 

Packets to Newport line of, 609. 

Pearce William, 199. 

Pequod Indians, enemies of the Nar- 
raganseffs, 18. 



I Perry Richmond, 111. 
Peace, of 1783 proclaimed, 262, of 

1815, 378. 
Peck Lewis 278. 
Peck Isaac 468. 
Periodicals and Newspapers, 538, 

642. 
Penny Post, 642. 
Phenix, 548. 
Philip King, son of Massasoiet, 1.56, 

war, 158, death of, 169. 
Phipps William, 469. 
Pike Robert 61. 
Pigot galley taken, 257. 
Pitman John, 387. 
Pigot George, 446. 
Pickering George, 462. 
Pine street Baptist church, 464. 
Pickering David, 477. 
Pic nic for the poor, 616. 
Plain Speaker, 642, 
Power Nicholas, .35, 43, 70, 122, will 

made by town council 124, 242. 
Porter John, 76, 93. 
Potter Robert, 61. 
Porkers in town in 1789, 353. 
Potter Elisha R. 364. 
Pollock Thomas, 440. 
Potter Joseph, 495. 
Potter Anson, 636. 
Post office and postmasters, 614 . 
Power street Methodist church, 635. 
Providence, letter from to J. Verin, 

25 ; to Roger Williams, 89 ; burnt, 

166 ; south line of settled, 590 ; 

divided into three towns, 592 ; 

area of, 599 ; purchasers of, 60 ; 

letter from George Sheppard to, 

Progress in Law, 173. 

Pray Richard, 165, 170. 

Pray John, 165, 170. 

Pray Ephraim, 165, 170. 

Prices of grain, &c., 187, 218 ; of 

goods, &c. stated, 246, 271, 291. 
Printing press set up, 206. 
Providence frigate built, 267. 
Pratt Peter, 399. 
Providence Free Press, 554. 
Providence Monthly Meeting, 427. 
Providence Journal, 549. 
Proprietors' school house bought, 

509. 
Preston Willard, 459. 
Primary schools established, 572. 
Providence School Society, .515. 
Pupils' Monitor, 642. 
Purchases of the Natives, .562. 



668 



INDEX. 



Rats, bounty on, 190. 
Randall William, 448. 
Randall .lob, 198. 
Reynolds William, 22, 35, 39, 43. 
Reeve Widow, 35. 
Reddock Henry, 61 . 
Reception of second charter to Col- 
ony, 136. 
Remonstrance against William Har- 
ris, 147. 
Records of town copied, 166 ; burnt, 
166 ; separated from proprietors, 
592. 
Read William, 192. 
Representation of towns, report on, 

312. 
Religious Intelligencer, 535. 
Religious Messenger, 556. 
Rhode-Island purchased of the Na- 
tives, 49; taken by the British, 253. 
Rhodes Zachariah, 121, 125, 129, 

131, 132, 135. 
Rhodes John, 165. 
Rhodes William, 273, 279, 305, 507. 
Rhode-Island Farmer, 549. 
" " American, 549. 
" " Intelligencer, 5-55. 
" " Baptist, 555. 
" " Journal, 557. 
" " Literary Repository ,-558. 
" " Register, 560. 
Rice William, 197. 
Rickard George, 35, 39. 
Riot in East-Greenwich, 239. 
Richmond William, 363. 
Richmond William E., 387. 
Richmond Barzillai, 450, 495. 
Richmond Street Congregational 

Society, 454. 
Ripley Thomas B., 473. 
Riot in Providence, 397. 
Roberts Thomas, 78, 116, 117, 129. 
Roome John, 101, 109, 110. 
Rogers James, 118, 121, 125, 127, 

129, 130, 132, 171. 
Roger Williams Baptist church, 484. 
Rowland David S., 441, 617. 
Rouse John H., 639. 
Russell Joseph, 242, 267, 193. 
Russell William, 267. 
Ryan Dennis, 640. 

Sassacus, a sachem of the Pequods, 

18. 
Sayles John 34, 125, 61, 91,92, 101, 

110 119,117,118, 126, 129, 130, 

131, 93. 
Sayer Widow, 35, 43. 



Sanford John, 75, 91, 110, 116, 117, 
118, 121, 125, 127, 130, 152, 93. 
Sampson Samuel 321. 
Saint John's church, 443. 
Sanderman Robert, 451. 
Sampson Elizabeth, 457. 
Sargent A. D. 461, 464. 
Sanborn Jacob, 464. 
Saint Stephen's church, 638. 
Saint Patrick's church, 637. 
Samaritan, 643. 
Settlers first in Providence, 20. 
Seaman James N. 465. 
Sessions Darius, 226, 476. 
Seamen's Bethel, 640. 
Scourge, 554. 
Scott Richard, 35, 39, 43, 78, 409, 

429. 
Scott James, 636. 

Schools — land given for, 492, first 
committe, 495, first master, 495, 
act of 1800, 505, act of 1828, 511, 
masters of the public schools, 510, 
committee under act of 1800, 510, 
number of in 1823, 511, number 
of in 1842, 513, number of in 1821 
and 1831, 515, Sunday, 532. 
Scituate incorporated, 594. 
Shawmut Indians subject to the 

Wampanoags, 18. 
Sherman Philip, 71, 75, 76. 
Serrington William, 641, 
Sheppard John, 61. 
Sheppard George, 133. 
Sheldon Christopher, 250. 
Shii> General Washington voyage 

to China, 351, 
Shipping in Providence in 1790, 352. 
Six acre lots, 34, 
Simpson John, 238. 
Simonson Peter, 473. 
Slavery remonstrances about, 237. 
Slater Samuel, 533. 
Smith John, 20, 35, 70, 71, 75, 84, 

61, 109, 119, 125, 170,612. 
Smith Benjamin, 61, 109. 
Smith Edward, 61, 98, 165, 170. 
Smith Elisha, 171. 
Smith Richard, 161. 
Smith Plilip, 171. 
Small Po.x, 199. 
Smith John, 267, 273. 
Smith Job, 329. 
Smith Stephen H. 367. 
Smith Henry, 373. 
Smith Levin, 641. 
Smith Thomas, 426. 
Smithfield monthly meeting, 427 



INDEX. 



669 



■Smith Francis, 473. 

Smithfield incorporated, 594. 

Smoking in the streets prohbited, 
628. 

Snow Joseph Jr. 328, 450. 

Snow Rebecca, 558. 

Snclling Joseph, 462. 

Spencer's expedition on Rhode-Is- 
land, 255. 

Spurr John, 373. 

Sprague Jonathan, 438, 

Sprague Nehemiah, 495. 

Squirrels bounty on, 190. 

Steere John, 61. 

Stampers' Hill, 117. 

Stibbs John, 154, 422. 

State prison, 161. 

Stamp-act resolutions about, 210, 
celebration of repeal of, 214. 

Stanford John, 328, 404, 407. 

Stanton Joseph jr. 364. 

Stevens Abel, 635. 

Storm Great, 379. 

Story Thomas, 426. 

Stiles Dr. 440,521. 

Stickney Ephraim, 635. 

Streeter Adam, 476. 

State Gazette, 547. 

Street John F. 636. 

Stages from Providence, 609, patent 
granted for, 608. 

Steam engines in Providence, 626. 

Sucklin Thomas, 61. 

Sullivan's expedition on Rhode-Is- 
land, 256, address to, 258. 

Sunday schools, 532. 

Sunday School Herald, 557. 

Suffrage Examiner, 643, 

Sweet Mary, 22. 

Sweet John, 35 

Sweet James, 119. 

Swamp fight with the Indians, 141. 

Sweeting Job, 242. 

Swineton Asa W.,635. 

Taxes under Gov. Andross, 177. 

Talbut Silas, 257. 

Tallman Benjamin, 268. 

Taxes, dispute about between state 

and town, 277. 
Taylor Robert, 373. 
Taylor George, 601. 
Taylor John, 440, 489. 
Taylor Benjamin, 488. 
Taft Gravener, 510. 
Tax book, 560. 
Tabor Philip, 129. 
Tew Richard,101, 118, 130, 132, 135. 



Tea, resolutions about, 232 ; burnt, 
244. 

Temperance movement, beginning 
of, 395. 

Tefft Peter, 450. ^ 

Temperance Herald, 643. 

Temperance Advocate, 644. 

Throckmorton John, 30, 35, 43, 143, 
23, 576. 

Thurston Edward, 132. 

Thanksgiving, appointed by Gov- 
ernor Andross, 178 ; in 1789, 352. 

Theatre erected, 206. 

Thatcher Peter, 434. 

Thurber Samuel, 496 ; letter from, 
600. 

Tiler "Widow, 35, 43. 

Tillinghast Daniel, 267. 

Tillinghast Pardon, 61, 405, 411, 
412, 413. 

Town, street, 34 ; officers, two setts 
of, 151 ; meeting of under a tree, 
169 ; Sergeant, difficulty about 
electing one, 178 ; Treasurer sued 
by state, 285 ; house bought, 380. 

Torrey Joseph, 98, 128, 129, 130, 
132,1.35. 

Townsend John, 101. 

Townsend Richard, 101. 

Toll bridge at Weybosset, 146. 

Tobey Zalmon, 473. 

Toilet, 559. 

Tree of liberty dedicated, 221. 

Tripp Diadama, 462. 

Tripp John, 117. 

True Charles K., 635. 

Tucker Mark, 454. 

Turner Charles T., 460. 

Turpin William, 493, 608, 602. 

Twenty-five acre purchasers, 60.-- 

Unthank Christopher, 35, 43. 
Uncas, Sachem of the Mohegans, 

51 ; murders Miantonomi, 52. 
Usher John, 177. 
Universalist Society, first, 475 
Union Conference Magazine, 557. 
Universalist Society, second, 641. 
Underbill John, 95. 
Updike John, 617. 

Vane Henry, letter from, 99. 

Vaughan William, 152. 

Venus transit of, 619. 

Verin Joshua, 21 ; disfranchised, 23; 

letter from, 25. 
Vessels cleared in Colony in 1763, 
. 264. 



670 



INDEX. 



Vinton Alexander H., 483. 
Vinton Francis, 639. 

Wampanoags submitted to the Nar- 
ragansetts, 18. 

Waterman Richard, 23, 30, 33, 3.5, 
43, 76, 80, 87, 84,85, 61, 110, 112, 
116, 117, 118, 121, 122, 576. 

Warner John, 35, 39, 40, 43, 74. 

Waller Matthew, 35, 43. 

Walwin Thomas, 61, 119, 129, 170, 
570. 

Walker Archibald, 184. 

Way George, 61. 

Waterman Nathaniel, 164, 170, 583. 

Waller Thomas, 165. 

Warner Samuel, 250. 

Washington George, address to and 
reply of, in 1780, 261, in 1790, 354, 
funeral solemnities of, 373. 

Warren Frigate built at Providence, 
267. 

Ward Henry, 354. 

War, resolutions relating to, 377. 

Walton John, 412, 413. 

Waterman Thomas T., 460. 

Warre Joseph A., 469. 

Wayland Francis, jr. 529. 

Waldron Luke, 641. 

Waterhouse Benjamin, 537. 

Waterman Henry, 639. 

Weston Francis, 23, 35, 33, 576. 

Westcott Stukely, 23, 35, 43, 91, 30, 
576. 

West Robert, 35, 43. 
'West Mathew, 112. 

Weetamo, wife of Alexander, 156, 

157. 
- West William, 329. 

Westminster Congregational Socie- 
ty, 482. 

Westminster School Society, 575. 

Westquanoid purchase, 591. 
-West Benjamin, 619,601,615. 

Wesleyan Methodist Society, 639. 

Weekly Visitor, 641. 

Wheelwright John, 49. 

Whipple Samuel, 184. 

Whitman Valentine, 121, 165, 170. 

Wheeler Bennett H., 615. 

Whipple Samuel, 170. 

Whipple Nelle, 170. 

Whipple John, 126, 165, 615, 493, 
170. 

Whipple Abraham, 231, 265, 266. 



Wheaton Nathaniel, 242. 

Whipple John, 373. 

Wheaton Willi^, 278. 

Whipple John, 399. 

Whipple Joseph, 444, 602. 

Whipple Jabez, 604. 

Whitefield George, 451. 

White Hiram H., 615. 

Whipple Hall built, 503. 

Williams Roger, arrived in New- 
England, 11, called by the Salem 
church, 14, admitted a freeman in 
Mass. 13, assistant pastor of Ply- 
mouth, 13, banished from Mas- 
sachusetts, 15, removed to Provi- 
dence, 17, purchase of Provi- 
dence, 26, deed to the settlers, 28, 
second deed to same, 30, third 
deed to same, 33, house lot of 35, 
signer of combination, 1640, 43, 
55, 70, 71, 78, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 
61, 109 110, 112, 116, 117, 118, 
119, 121, 125, 126, 131, 170, 134, 
135, tax of, 154, dispute with Qua- 
kers, 154, 165, 404, 405, 407, 421, 
471, 576. 

AVilliams Mary, wife of Roger, 32. 

Williams Robert, 35, 43, 70, 71, 77, 
80, 81, 87, 84, 85, 61, 105, 112. 

Wickenden William, 30 35, 39, 43, 
70, 71, 77, 80, 81, 84, 86, 88, 61, 
101, 105, 110, 405, 410, 412, 413, 
93, 570, 579. 

Winsor Joshua, 35, 39, 43. 

Wickes Francis, 21, 35, 39, 43. 

Winthrop John, 47. 

Wickes John, 76. 

Wilkinson Laurence, 61. 

Wilkinson William, 615. 

Winsor Samuel, 165, 405, 406, 412, 
190. 

Wild cats, bounty on, 190. 

Wilson James, 363, 452. 

Williams Caleb, 399. 

Williams Thomas, 455. 
Winchester Elnathai1^476. 
Winter of 1779-80, 624. 
Wiley William, 640. 
Woodward Joseph, 165, 170. 

Work-house, 194. 
Woodley Robert D. 480. 

Yellow Fever in town, 267. 
Young Daniel, 510. 



V 



RD -2.3 



LB8VH 







0^ e-^:j: 







« o 














if- ' 
- ^ 







